13th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties SOCIALISM ISTHEFUTURE! The international situation and the experience of the communists 20years after the counterrevolution in the USSR. The tasks for the development of the class struggle in conditions of capitalist crisis, imperialist wars, of the current popular struggles and uprisings, for working class-popular rights, the strengthening of proletarian internationalism and the antiimperialist front, for the overthrow of capitalism and the construction of socialism. Athens, December 9-11, 2011

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In this issue contributions by Communist Party of Argentina Communist Party of Australia Communist Party of Azerbaijan Communist Party of Bangladesh Workers’ Party of Bangladesh Workers’ Party of Belgium Communist Party of Bolivia Brazilian Communist Party Communist Party of Brazil Communist Party of Britain New Communist Party of Britain Communist Party of Bulgaria Party of Bulgarian Communists Communist Party of Canada Socialist Workers’ Party of Croatia Communist Party of Cuba AKEL, Cyprus Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia Communist Party in Denmark Communist Party of Denmark Communist Party of Finland French Communist Party Communist Party of Macedonia, FYROM Unified Communist Party of Georgia German Communist Party Communist Party of Greece People’s Progressive Party of Guyana Hungarian Communist Workers’ Party Communist Party of India Communist Party of India (Marxist) Communist Party of Ireland Workers’ Party of Ireland Party of the Italian Communists Jordanian Communist Party Workers’ Party of Korea Lebanese Communist Party Socialist People’s Front, Lithuania Communist Party of Luxembourg Communist Party of Malta Communist Party of Mexico Popular Socialist Party of Mexico New Communist Party of Netherlands Communist Party of Norway Communist Party of Pakistan Palestinian People’s Party Peruvian Communist Party Philippine Communist Party (PKP-1930) Portuguese Communist Party Communist Party of the Russian Federation

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Communist Workers Party of Russia - Revolutionary Party of Communists (RKRP-RPC) New Communist Party of Yugoslavia Party of the Communists of Serbia South African Communist Party Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain Communist Party of Spain Party of the Communists of CataluÚa Communist Party of Sri Lanka Communist Party of Sweden Syrian Communist Party Communist Party of Turkey EMEP, Turkey Communist Party, USA Communist Party of Vietnam

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Documents Final Statement Main axes of Joint actions for the coming period

Solidaridad con Venezuela Statement in opposition to the threats of military intervention in Iran n Solidarity statement with the Syrian people for its confrontation to imperialist conspiracy n Resolution proposed by CP of Pakistan n A call for solidarity with the struggle of the Palestinian People n n



Parties that participated



Redlinks

Solidarity statements Resolution on the Cyprus Problem Solidarity with Kazakhstan Workers On the Centenary of the Communist Newspaper Pravda n We demand that the revolutionists and the activists of the people’s struggle in Turkey, who are kept in prison by AKP should be immediately released n Motion for Latin America and the Caribbean n Resolution in support of the Workers’ Party of Korea and the Korean people in their struggle to build a great, powerful and prosperous Socialist State n Solidarity with the struggles of the working class in Greece n We demand that the policy of the Russian authorities aimed against workers as well as the breach of human rights should be stopped n Let us jointly commemorate the Birth Centenary of the Great Leader comrade President Kim Il Sung as a Grand Political Festival of the World’s Humankind n Косово Вернут Сербии n Motion in favour of the Lifting of the U.S Blockage Against Cuba and the Release of our Five Heroes ‘

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‘ LA PROFUNDIZACIÓN de la crisis capitalista.

Communist Party of Argentina Written Contribution

El actual desarrollo de la crisis capitalista mundial, que produjo en las últimas semanas la caída del Primer Ministro en Grecia y la renuncia de Silvio Berlusconi en Italia, nos obliga a perfeccionar día a día el análisis de la misma realizando un seguimiento lo más detallado posible de los cambios que se producen a un ritmo cada vez mayor. Estos cambios en los gobiernos de Grecia e Italia no han significado un cambio en las políticas vigentes, sino por el contrario, su profundización de la mano de tecnócratas que aplican planes de ajuste que expresan rotundamente la impotencia del sistema para salir de la crisis. El prolongado estancamiento de la economía japonesa, las rebeliones en los pueblos árabes, la posibilidad de default que enfrentó EEUU, convertido hoy en el mayor deudor del mundo y los grupos de “indignados” que se han extendido desde Madrid hasta el propio corazón de Wall Street son una clara muestra de esto. Hemos realizado en nuestro Partido un importante seguimiento del desarrollo de la crisis y constatamos como fue quedando fuera de circulación la idea de que el capitalismo estaba inmunizado ante las crisis, contando con una capacidad casi infinita para sortear las mismas. En estos meses, vimos también quedar atrás las posiciones esgrimidas por los líderes mundiales quienes, en sus cumbres, se esforzaban por plantear que en verdad, la crisis no era del capitalismo como sistema, sino que se trataba de políticas irresponsables de algunos países, de tornillos flojos que podían ser reparados y que, por lo tanto, todo tenía una solución, no sencilla pero posible en un lapso relativamente breve. Esta concepción, hija directa del pensamiento neoliberal, operó como justificación de esos Estados para inyectar enormes sumas de dinero en los bancos e instituciones financieras, intentando tapar los grandes desfalcos producidos por los mismos. Estas políticas fracasaron junto a las promesas

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de pronta recuperación que llegaban desde los centros capitalistas, principalmente desde los EEUU, donde ante el menor indicio de mejora anunciaban que allí empezaba la reversión de la crisis. DE ESTOS ANUNCIOS OPTIMISTAS se hicieron eco los gurúes económicos de nuestro país, dejando en claro que son meros portavoces del poder financiero, evitando analizar la situación en su conjunto y sin tener en cuenta, por ejemplo, el aumento de la desocupación en los países centrales, dato central para medir las perspectivas de la economía en esos países. Hemos visto en los periódicos que EEUU está superando el 9% de desocupación, dato muy serio que jugará un importante papel en un posible próximo periodo de recesión con inflación. Hoy podemos decir que ya estamos inmersos en la segunda etapa de la crisis, así como la primera etapa de la crisis se caracterizó por el estallido de las deudas privadas, esta segunda etapa se caracteriza por el estallido de las deudas públicas. El centro del mundo se debate en un caos económico y financiero con proyecciones a lo social, a lo militar, a lo energético, a lo alimentario y lo ecológico. Valga como ejemplo de esto consignar que en los EEUU se están destinando 200 millones de toneladas de maíz para la producción de etanol, que en África, el continente más castigado por el hambre, crecen las plantaciones de palmera africana para obtener aceites pasibles de ser transformados en combustible. Lo mismo pasa en Colombia, donde los planes falsamente pacificadores del presidente Santos proponen que, en las zonas abandonadas por los campesinos bajo la presión paramilitar, se planten 5 millones de hectáreas de palmera africana. Todo esto es de una peligrosidad gigantesca y va en consonancia con la sistemática política del Estado colombiano de

horadar toda posibilidad de solución política al conflicto en Colombia. La persecución y asesinato de Alfonso Cano, a quien homenajeamos, no deja margen para la duda. Como en su momento Reyes, ahora Cano es asesinado en momentos en que se estaban preparando pasos políticos que aportarían a la mesa de paz negociada y justa que es la única salida posible en Colombia. En el mismo sentido se ubica la intervención militar en Libia y el asesinato de Khadafy, otro ejemplo de esta barbarie que, invocando objetivos humanitarios, arrasa países, persigue y asesina a los líderes molestos a los intereses imperiales y podemos consignar dentro de esta lógica la negativa d e los EEUU a aceptar el reconocimiento de Palestina como Estado independiente, status propiciado por la inmensa mayoría de los países del mundo. LA TENDENCIA DEL IMPERIO a aumentar su agresividad a la vez que se agrava su crisis se verifica también en la nueva ola de amenazas a Siria, Irán y Pakistán. En el marco de la crisis debemos seguir con atención la situación de Japón, que aparte de las catástrofes ecológicas, está decreciendo al ritmo del 3%. Hay que estar muy prevenidos con Europa, hasta ahora habían puesto la mira en Grecia, Portugal, España e Islandia, pero la crisis en Italia y las protestas en Inglaterra demuestran que lejos estamos de que encuentren una solución y que la tendencia sigue siendo a la profundización de la crisis. También debemos prestar atención a lo que suceda en Alemania y Francia, cuyos líderes pretenden hoy erigirse en los gendarmes de las arcas europeas violando la soberanía y autonomía de los demás países de la Comunidad. La crisis se profundiza y afecta el corazón mismo del sistema, los EEUU. Quien podía imaginar que la mayor potencia del mundo,

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sufriría los embates de las calificadoras de riesgo y enfrentaría la posibilidad de declarar el default como sucedió meses atrás. En ese trance, el pedido de Obama para que el Congreso autorice un incremento en el techo de endeudamiento que alcance el 120% del PBI, (PBI que es casi de 14 billones de dólares), fue sometido por los republicanos a un proceso de condicionamiento terrible que ha llevado al ministro de economía de los EEUU a declarar que la vida de la gente va a ser “dramática en el futuro cercano”. Siguiendo las recetas habituales, los ajustes se enfocan sobre los sectores más débiles, se busca defender a toda costa que los ricos no paguen más, y se recarga la crisis en los más débiles. Debemos seguir con mucha atención lo que está sucediendo ya que una situación como esta ni siquiera se ha vivido en la crisis de los años 30. Es necesario tomar conciencia de que está entrando en caída acelerada el 60% de la economía mundial, la cual ha entrado en una etapa de crecimientos anémicos, estancamientos y recesiones, parámetros que confeccionan la radiografía del capitalismo actual. Esto no se da uniformemente, los países centrales están a la vanguardia del proceso de crisis, mientras las áreas periféricas aún se expanden a ritmos elevados, alimentando ilusiones acerca de los nuevos capitalismos emergentes salvadores del sistema. Más temprano que tarde estas ilusiones corren el riesgo de seguir la misma suerte que sus hermanas mayores, aquellas que en los años 90 nos abrumaron con la supuestamente irreversible victoria del capitalismo liberal bajo la hegemonía se los Estados Unidos. ENFRENTAMOS UNA LÓGICA perversa impulsada por las grandes potencias ahogadas

por sus deudas, lo que traerá fuertes contracciones en el comercio internacional que, inevitablemente frenarán y harán retroceder el impulso exportador del que hoy disfrutan las economías periféricas, entre ellas la nuestra. Los gobiernos que en estos países, confían en que buena parte de sus exportaciones ya no se dirige hacia los países ricos sino hacia otros países emergentes como India y China y en buena parte Brasil que, aunque sostiene su crecimiento, puede estar condicionada por sus exportaciones a sus clientes norteamericanos, japoneses y europeos. Sumemos a esto que la maraña financiera global, que atrapa a las naciones sean estas centrales o periféricas, anida y se desarrolla en las economías hiperdesarrolladas, condicionando al resto del mundo. FRENTE A ESTO CABE PREGUNTARSE: ¿Habrá derrumbe espontaneo del capitalismo? Evidentemente derrumbe per se no habrá, si no hay alternativas, si no se avanza en la construcción de poder popular, el capitalismo no se derrumbará naturalmente y podemos enfrentar un largo y peligroso periodo de agonía y caos capitalista. LA ARGENTINA EN 2001 y España en la actualidad, demuestran que solamente con manifestaciones de indignados no se resuelve, ellos son un síntoma, pero sólo con protestas y manifestaciones no se resuelve. El triunfo de Rajoy lo demuestra. Hay que tener fuerzas alternativas muy preparadas y muy liberadas de ese temor reverencial a superar los límites del capitalismo, del temor y las heridas morales que produjo la caída del Este y muy resueltas a producir avances en un sentido anticapitalista estructural, en una dirección socialista. No va a haber derrumbe pero si habrá un

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desorden terrible y por lo tanto, como venimos diciendo, tenemos la posibilidad de aprovechar esto desde las izquierdas y llevar adelante una coordinación ideológica, política y organizativa que nos acerque cada vez más a un momento de tonificación de la propuesta anticapitalista en el mundo, cosa de la que todavía estamos bastante lejos. Lo paradojal de la situación que vivimos radica en que junto a la crisis sistémica del capitalismo, cohabita una crisis de las alternativas revolucionarias. La tarea del momento es concentrar inteligencia y esfuerzo organizativo en la superación de esta crisis de alternativa. Sería una gran ayuda en esta dirección que desde este ámbito de unidad de los Partidos Comunistas promoviéramos una acción sistemática consistente en reuniones nacionales y regionales orientadas a debatir los temas teóricos y prácticos que plantean la posibilidad de generar frentes populares con aptitud para constituirse en alternativas impulsoras de procesos pos-capitalistas.

AMÉRICA LATINA frente a la crisis. Ante la profundización de la crisis es necesario analizar las implicancias que la misma puede tener para América Latina y para nuestro país, donde desde el gobierno argentino se enarbola un discurso que dice: “miren a los que nos pretenden dar lecciones, se hunden mientras nosotros florecemos”, es un discurso frente al que hay que tomar recaudos, incluso ante las versiones más moderadas del mismo, ya que representa un enfoque que puede resultar peligroso al menospreciar los efectos que puede tener la crisis en la región. En este contexto es importante realizar un atento seguimiento de la situación latinoamericana.

EN LA CONFIGURACIÓN de dichas fuerzas, entendemos que junto a nosotros, los comunistas, debemos lograr el aporte de fuerzas vinculadas a los nacionalismos populares revolucionarios, y otras posiciones avanzadas sin ningún tipo de sectarismo. Tenemos que jugar un papel en ese sentido. Ya pocos dudan de que se enfrenta un largo periodo de crisis sistémica y ajuste, los mismos líderes del sistema, como la canciller alemana Ángela Merkel han anunciado públicamente que la misma se extenderá al menos por 10 años. No hay forma de que la crisis no comience a proyectarse del centro a la periferia y el desafío pasa por la forma de enfrentar la misma. Tenemos que estar alertas ante este cambio en la dinámica de la crisis y sobre la repercusión

LOS COMUNISTAS ARGENTINOS siempre hemos valorado el proceso de segunda independencia que comenzó con la revolución cubana y que, a principios del siglo XXI, se extendió con una serie de gobiernos progresistas surgidos de la crisis del neoliberalismo y que trataron de romper con el Consenso de Washington determinando que América Latina pasara de ser patio trasero a una zona de erosión del poder norteamericano. En EEUU perciben el problema y entendieron que en el gobierno de George W. Bush se aligeró imprudentemente la atención sobre América Latina, por lo cual la administración Obama lleva adelante un recrudecimiento del manto de agresión y amenaza militar en la región (IV Flota, Bases, continuidad del Plan Colombia) pero también impulsan maniobras políticas

que puede tener sobre Argentina y el conjunto de la región. A partir de estos análisis, y consientes de la necesidad de articular políticas regionales, Nuestro Partido ha fortalecido su tarea internacionalista revitalizando la relación con Partidos hermanos de la región y del mundo.

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como el fomento a las derechas opositoras, el hostigamiento a los gobiernos progresistas, golpes de Estado exitosos como en Honduras o fracasados como en Venezuela, Ecuador y Bolivia, en el fracaso de estos dos últimos, jugó un importante papel la UNASUR y el impulso de una nueva alianza llamada Alianza Igualitaria que tiende a resucitar la Alianza para el Progreso y que avanzó en la construcción del cinturón del Pacifico. Hemos celebrado el sexto aniversario de esa histórica jornada antiimperialista donde enterramos el ALCA en Mar del Plata, pero no podemos olvidar que ante esta derrota han ido construyendo TLC bilaterales en varios países como forma de recomponer su situación. Desde ahí intentan complicar el proceso latinoamericano país por país pero también los procesos de integración. Atacan el ALBA, la UNASUR, el MERCOSUR y ven con suma preocupación la constitución de la CELAC, lo que será un extraordinario avance en la integración sudamericana y caribeña, sin la participación de EEUU y Canadá. También está avanzando la creación del Banco del Sur y la posibilidad de contar con una moneda virtual común para el intercambio comercial. Todo esto llama la atención sobre la necesidad de trabajar más fuertemente con los movimientos sociales, con los distintos movimientos de masas, profundizando la comprensión, la información y la valoración de los procesos de integración en latinoamérica, no sólo como una integración política sino, en el marco de la crisis, como ámbitos de probable integración económica que actúen como espacios de mercados integrados que le permitan a nuestros países tener una vía de escape para manejarse en un terreno de crisis. EN ESTE SENTIDO, citamos a Jorge Beinstein, un reconocido economista de nuestro país quien, en un artículo llamado El comienzo del

invierno global dice: “La inmensidad de la crisis financiera oculta una crisis mucho más profunda lo que podría llevarnos a conclusiones pesimistas, sin embargo una visión más amplia fundada en la experiencia histórica nos muestra que la grandes perturbaciones suelen desestructurar las formas culturales dominantes y sus prejuicios, la legitimidad de sus instrumentos de comunicación y control ideológico, lo que abre el espacio a la racionalidad, a la toma de conciencia del mundo real. Mientras avanza la despolarización políticomilitar-económica (y en consecuencia ideológica) avanzan también los procesos de integración en la periferia, desde UNASUR hasta la convergencia asiática en torno de la Organización de Cooperación de Shanghái y otros mecanismos regionales. Las rigideces doctrinarias que imponía la “ortodoxia” neoliberal (fachada de la financierización global) son hoy criticadas y desobedecidas no solo por académicos o movimientos sociales sino incluso por numerosos gobiernos de países periféricos que han logrado importantes márgenes de autonomía” Aquí aparece claro que la integración y los mecanismos de la integración no actúan per se, sino que actúan en contradicción y en confrontación con los procesos de despolarización y de desarticulación estratégica que ha llevado a situaciones como la ocurrida en el norte de África que en realidad es un proceso de desarticulación de un espacio geopolítico que funcionaba al servicio del imperio desde la pos segunda guerra mundial. Esta visión activa de de la integración nos debe llevar a dar un mayor peso y trascendencia a nuestro trabajo en defensa y desarrollo de la misma. EL ATAQUE DE LOS EEUU a estos proceso de segunda independencia en la región lo vemos

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en el incremento de la presión sobre Cuba y la voluntad manifiesta de resolver por vía militar el conflicto en Colombia podemos hablar de una verdadera estrategia integral de la administración Obama contra el presente latinoamericano y sus procesos de integración. Si este proceso no es más violento y más agresivo en lo económico es porque la crisis y los problemas internos les reclaman atención muy seria, pero el plan lo tienen. Más allá de estas amenazas, América Latina continúa produciendo hechos importantes en el camino de la emancipación, que alientan las esperanzas. Veamos las luchas en Chile contra Piñera, la caída de su popularidad, el papel de los estudiantes y del Partido Comunista en este proceso que ni la represión salvaje ha podido amedrentar. El triunfo de Ollanta Humala en Perú por sobre Keiko Fujimori es un dato importante, fue un golpe a la nueva derecha y es positivo. AMÉRICA LATINA mantiene tendencias muy profundas a continuar por este camino de rupturas con su situación anterior de patio trasero norteamericano y a proyectarse en un proceso sostenido hacia la segunda independencia. El triunfo de Cristina Fernández debe incluirse en este plano y lo mismo debemos decir del reciente y abrumador triunfo de Daniel Ortega. Para sostener estas perspectivas, entendemos que conviene complejizar el análisis y, aquilatando un enfoque gramsciano, preservar todo el optimismo de nuestra voluntad, introduciendo algunos elementos de escepticismo para enriquecer nuestra inteligencia. Los procesos progresistas, llamémoslos así para unificar el análisis sabiendo que son diferentes y tiene variantes muy importantes entre ellos, han sido eficaces para cerrar las

crisis de gobernabilidad heredadas de los procesos neoliberales. En lo económico-social, la situación resulta más matizada, son procesos que han aprovechado bastante bien la bonanza o el “viento de cola”, mezclándolo, en mayor o menor medida según los casos, con medidas keynesianas suaves, que marcan grandes diferencias con los periodos neoliberales, diferencias que son valoradas por sectores populares amplios, pero al no haber avanzado prácticamente en transformaciones estructurales más profundas, van a empezar dentro de no mucho tiempo a mostrar sus límites, sus techos y demostrarán, en definitiva, que si no se producen estos cambios profundos apoyados en la fuerza y la organización de los sectores populares, pueden ser reversibles. EL TRIUNFO DE CRISTINA FERNÁNDEZ de Kirchner y los desafíos futuros. El triunfo de proporciones históricas logrado por Cristina Fernández el 23 de octubre pasado llegando al 54% de los votos, y la magra cosecha electoral alcanzada por los sectores de la derecha nostálgicos de las políticas que reinaron en el país de la mano del Consenso de Washington en la década del 90, resulta un dato sumamente alentador para quienes, manteniendo nuestra autonomía con respecto al gobierno, decidimos apoyar este proceso impulsando la profundización y radicalización de los cambios necesarios en la Argentina. Sabemos muy bien que la necesaria autonomía política frente al gobierno bajo ningún punto de vista debe ser confundida con neutralidad, por lo cual desde el 2003 hemos apoyado aquellas medidas que se tomaron a favor de los sectores populares como las políticas de Derechos Humanos, las políticas de integración regional que llevaron a dar ese gran paso de autonomía frente al imperio que significó la contracumbre de Mar del Plata donde se

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dejaron atrás las “relaciones carnales” y se enterró el ALCA. Apoyamos también la Asignación Universal por Hijo, la reestatización de las AFJP y de Aerolíneas, la ampliación de las jubilaciones, la vigencia de las paritarias y el matrimonio igualitario. Teniendo en claro cuál es el enemigo principal, nos ubicamos correctamente en el conflicto de 2008 con la burguesía agroexportadora, fuimos críticos de la teoría del “fin de ciclo” impulsada por los grandes monopolios informativos y en el 2009 construimos el acuerdo entre Nuevo Encuentro, el Frente para la Victoria y otros sectores que ha sido refrendado en las urnas. LOS COMUNISTAS entendemos que este triunfo debe ser utilizado como una oportunidad para avanzar en temas pendientes de mucha importancia. Es el momento, por ejemplo, de tomar algunas medidas enérgicas en la recuperación de los recursos petroleros y gasíferos que permitan elaborar un proyecto energético propio. Están dadas las condiciones para encarar el problema de la minería, el cual no solo debe ser tomado en cuenta por el factor ambiental y contaminante, sino también por el saqueo que esta actividad representa, por lo cual se impone una nueva ley de minería que impida este saqueo por parte de los grandes monopolios trasnacionales. Existen mejores condiciones para afrontar una drástica recuperación de los ferrocarriles, para impulsar una reforma financiera y una reforma tributaria que permitan seguir potenciando el salario, avanzar hacia el 82 por ciento móvil en las jubilaciones, terminar con el trabajo ilegal y recomponer el 50 y 50 en el reparto de la renta como base para seguir avanzando en la distribución y creando condiciones para revertir los problemas que aún golpean a los argentinos y a los sectores populares en particular en lo que

hace a salud, educación, instalaciones sanitarias, el 60% de los argentinos carece de cloacas y el grave problema de la vivienda que, según los datos del último censo, cuenta con un déficit de 3 millones de unidades. Hoy existen mejores condiciones para impulsar estos cambios estructurales y a eso apuntamos los comunistas desde un partido que se ubica en las contradicciones de clase, observando que se puede emprender un camino de profundización de los cambios, como única forma de impedir los intentos restauradores de las derechas o una posible descomposición que puede afectar a lo que se da en llamar el proyecto nacional si no profundiza el camino que, en realidad, le otorgó la resonante victoria del 23 de octubre. Sabemos que es imprescindible avanzar en los cambios estructurales del capitalismo argentino y que una parte de estos avances pueden hacerse a través de reformas de tipo keynesiano que existen en el arsenal histórico del peronismo y que el gobierno debería utilizar sin ningún temor. ADVERTIMOS al mismo tiempo que la capacidad de reformas de este capitalismo es absolutamente menor que la del capitalismo del primer gobierno de Perón, razón por la cual será fundamental un debate sobre la necesidad de agredir la estructura capitalista como tal y en rigor ubicar que la contradicción no es entre el anarco-capitalismo financiero y un capitalismo serio, sino entre el capitalismo realmente existente y un cambio de carácter estructural (revolucionario) en dirección al socialismo tal como se está planteando en otros procesos de la región. Este es el desafío que se enfrenta después de este triunfo histórico de la presidenta, profundización de los cambios estructurales o restauración sigue siendo la disyuntiva de la hora y lo peor que le puede pasar al gobierno,

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es dormirse en los laureles de la avalancha de votos que conquistó. PONERLE NOMBRE y apellido a la profundización. Como venimos analizando, a partir del histórico resultado electoral, y del apoyo popular que el mismo implica para gobierno, estamos frente a una oportunidad inigualable para profundizar las reformas estructurales necesarias. Con la derecha política derrotada estrepitosamente, sectores del poder económico-financiero han iniciado una etapa que, buscando instalar incertidumbre sobre la cotización del dólar, intenta desviar el debate y poner freno a los avances que puedan lograrse para ganar un tiempo precioso en su intento de recomposición. Afrontamos un año clave en la consolidación de lo alcanzado, existen óptimas condiciones para avanzar en la tan mentada profundización, pero para eso debemos tener en claro en qué consiste la misma, poniéndole nombre y apellido a las políticas que implicarían un verdadero avance. Ese es el desafío que debe enfrentar el gobierno y a su éxito queremos aportar los comunistas para lo cual debemos insistir con propuestas como las que presentamos en el Castelar II. Entendemos las mismas como pasos fundamentales en la profundización de las reformas estructurales necesarias, lo cual requiere un plan de acción que se articule con base en los siguientes ejes: la integración latinoamericana, la distribución de la riqueza y la reforma impositiva, la recuperación del patrimonio nacional, la transformación del sistema financiero en servicio público, el desarrollo rural sustentable, la promoción de la economía social y la ampliación de los espacios democráticos. Entendemos que es importante trabajar

decididamente en impulsar estas medidas y orientaciones, no podemos dejarnos influenciar por los discursos que minimizan la repercusión de la crisis en América Latina. Será saludable moverse con el supuesto de que la crisis afectará, y que el clima que se instalará es el de una fuerte puja distributiva. Ante esta puja distributiva en ciernes, resulta imprescindible que impulsemos una fuerte acción de defensa del salario y del 82 % móvil para los jubilados como formas básicas de impulsar el mercado interno. Para esto habrá que potenciar el impulso a movimientos amplios y con capacidad de acción contra los tarifazos que asoman en el horizonte y recuperar banderas tales como el boleto obrero-estudiantil, entre otras, colaborando en la organización de amplios movimientos que den respuestas a toda las situación que intente recargar los efectos de la crisis sobre los trabajadores y el pueblo. No debemos perder de vista la posibilidad de cambios bruscos en el próximo periodo, si se instala un clima de puja distributiva puede haber grandes convulsiones, debemos prever esto y seguir atentamente las controversias que se instalan en el gobierno sobre los pasos a seguir. Hemos analizado como a crisis marca el techo de los procesos en la región, por eso es fundamental que el movimiento popular sostenga y eleve los pisos como forma de perforar esos techos. No podemos hacer política desde una actitud meramente expectante sobre lo que hará o dejará de hacer el gobierno, tenemos que tener iniciativas políticas para elevar los pisos y presionar al gobierno para que radicalice su accionar. EL PAPEL de los comunistas. Los comunistas defendemos la vigencia del marxismo en una clave que ya es clásica dentro del PCA. Como Partido hemos entendido que la caída del

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socialismo real produjo el descredito de la idea del socialismo y una baja en la adhesión al marxismo en los primeros momentos. Pero no nos rendimos, seguimos luchando, tuvimos que resistir y defender nuestras ideas y lo hicimos apoyándonos en Marx sin dogmatismos, desarrollando permanentemente su pensamiento que es crítico, creador y revolucionario. Nosotros hemos planteado una concepción amplia de la clase obrera, no se podía seguir con la concepción binaria de burgueses y obreros y hace ya muchos años apuntamos a mirar y complejizar el problema del sujeto social. Nos animamos a complejizar la concepción de clase incorporando las problemáticas de de género, orientaciones sexuales, pueblos originarios y otras, con mucha audacia en este sentido. Esto lo hicimos en momentos en que al capitalismo se lo consideraba omnipotente, incluso en nuestras propias filas. Hoy frente al inusitado desarrollo de la crisis capitalista de sus potencialidades negativas, ante este capitalismo que se propone globalizar los sufrimientos, se ha legitimado el debate sobre una sociedad más humana, una sociedad poscapitalista, y esta sociedad es el socialismo enriquecido por las experiencias del siglo XX, tanto de las positivas como de los errores cometidos. Se legitima cada vez más la necesidad de una alternativa social al capitalismo, y eso nos exige convencernos de que es posible y necesario ser marxistas, ser más marxistas que nunca. Usando nuestra inteligencia para remarcar la necesidad de abordar los desafíos de la época con un marxismo renovado y en permanente recreación. Patricio Echegaray

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Communist Party of Australia ANNA PHA

The Communist Party of Australia expresses its appreciation and warmest thanks to the Communist Party of Greece for its hospitality and organisation of this important meeting. And what more appropriate centre could there be than to meet in Athens at this time of deepening capitalist crisis and heightened class struggle? The Communist Party of Australia strongly supports the strengthening of relations between Communist and workers parties as well as with trade unions and people’s movements around the world. International solidarity and globalisation of the struggle are imperatives. We note that in some regions, Communist Parties have regular meetings and ask whether there is the possibility of stronger relations and co-operation in the Asia-Pacific region. BOLIVIA’S PRESIDENT Evo Morales addressing the Copenhagen Climate Change summit in 2009 spoke about the struggle between “the culture of life and the culture of death”. The culture of death is capitalism, its highest and most dangerous form, imperialism. The culture of life is that of the Indigenous peoples, the South, and all the oppressed and exploited people on our planet. The struggle is to save our planet, for peace, for survival, for basic human rights such as jobs, food, health services, education and clean water. It is the struggle for socialism. The bankruptcy of capitalism is becoming more evident by the day to more and more people around the world who are joining the fight, as witnessed here in Greece and to a lesser extent in my own country Australia. RACE TO THE BOTTOM. Decades of neo-liberalism have undermined national sovereignty and drained governments of their assets and robbed them of key basic instruments to manipulate economic conditions. It fuelled the growth of and domination of the most parasitic of all capitalist conglomerates, the financial institutions and banks. The present economic and financial crisis has a number of components including currency wars;

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inter-imperialist rivalries; and strengthening the domination of monopoly capital, in particular establishing a more direct and open dictatorship by the banks and financial institutions over governments. It also has the aim of and is being used as part of a global employer offensive to take back over a century of gains won by workers’ and other people’s struggles. It is part of a process of “equalisation” or “thirdworldisation” of labour in the higher paid industrialised nations. There is open acknowledgement by capitalist governments in the industrialised states that they are no longer prepared to provide for society as in the past, whether it be unemployment benefits, education, health, housing, transport and pensions. The “welfare state” is being dismantled and individuals left to fend for themselves. As capital heightens its pursuit of ever-larger profits, the drive is on to reduce the cost of labour power, repress trade union struggles, slash corporate taxes and social expenditure. Hence the austerity measures – the sacking of public servants, reductions in their salaries, cuts in pensions and other social security payments and social services including health and education. IN AUSTRALIA we call it “a race to the bottom”. The Australian federal government’s budget deficit is 2.5 percent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and its net debt 8.9 percent of GDP. They are relatively small figures, but this has not stopped the government pursuing a surplus. The government intends to return the budget to surplus during 2012-13, in the name of “fiscal responsibility”. It uses the budget surplus as an excuse for public sector cut backs and other austerity measures. These measures have been in train for a number of years, in small increments, rousing far less political opposition than in Europe or the US where cuts are more dramatic. While the conditions and approach are different they have the same goal.

The austerity measures shift the burden of the crisis onto the backs of working people, reduce their purchasing power – a classic recipe for a crisis of over-production. Any profit gains will be short-lived. There is also an attempt to put the cost of recovery onto “developing” countries, in particular in the Doha round at the WTO and in relation to climate change talks. There is a certain irony in the role socialist China is playing, the growing economic dependency of a number of European nations, the US and Australia on its investments and trade. Recession in Europe, the USA and other industrialised nations will have an impact on China which in turn could have a serious impact on Australia’s economy. Capitalism has always failed to meet the basic needs of hundreds of millions of people. With the climate crisis, it will eventually fail all humanity. The struggle for sustainable development is in essence a struggle to restrain and restrict capitalist corporations and to compel an end to environmentally damaging production processes. ENVIRONMENTAL CRISIS. In response to the growing environmental crisis, the Australian Government has played a leading role in trying to replace the Kyoto Protocol with a political agreement. It adopted a carbon tax to enable big corporations to participate in global carbon markets, to buy the right to pollute at the expense of the development of poorer nations. The carbon tax has served as a diversion from taking serious measures to reduce Australia’s carbon footprint, the largest per capita in the world. Government support for market-based policies has stifled almost all voices that question this policy and effectively ruled out the planning, regulation and legislation for the necessary measures to ensure a sustainable future. However, the corporations, despite their immense wealth and political power, can be con-

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strained. With a massive mobilisation of working people we can begin to take steps towards environmental sustainability and towards the social transformation necessary to complete this process. NEW US ASIA-PACIFIC strategy. Recognising the increasing importance of the Asia-Pacific region economically and strategically, while in Australia US President Obama stated that he had made “a deliberate and strategic decision – as a Pacific nation, the United States will play a larger and long-term role in shaping this region and its future, by upholding core principles and in close partnership with our allies and friends.” “Our enduring interests in the region demand our enduring presence in the region. The United States is a Pacific power, and we are here to stay,” Obama said. The Asia Pacific region is “a top priority”. Reflecting US strategic and economic interests, Obama sent a thinly veiled message to China: that it needs to change its economic policies, its political system and accept US “values” and US domination of the Asia Pacific region — or else! At the same time US and Australian leaders announced that for the first time ever, US Marines will be stationed in Australia. Australian defence forces will be further integrated into the US military under US command. There will be a build up of US warships, submarines, B-52 bombers, fighters, other aircraft and equipment, supplies and weapons (possibly nuclear) based in Australia. The new US bases (funded by Australia) will be used for training exercises by the US on its own and with regional allies. US plans to encircle or contain China are well under way. They are not new, but were put on hold as the US turned its focus to the Middle East. Now the Asia-Pacific region, with the new addition of the Indian Ocean, is again the US target. Rapprochement with Burma is part of the US’s

strategic encirclement of China. The US wars in Afghanistan and Pakistan, wooing of India and Burma, and efforts to install compliant regimes in of Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan and Kyrgystan cover the west flank of China. On the east flank, the US has recently escalated tensions on the Korean peninsula, with the aim of setting up bases on China’s border in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. It has bases in South Korea, Japan, Guam and Diego Garcia. The US was forced to remove its bases from the Philippines, but it remains a close ally, with regular visits by US war ships. The US is preparing for war in the Asia-Pacific region, and it could be nuclear. China for its part seeks friendship, co-operation, non-interference in affairs of other countries and trade on a mutually beneficial basis. The US-Australia military/political alliance increasingly poses contradictions for Australia and divisions within Australia’s ruling class. “Corporate Australia recognises our economy is fundamentally tied to China, not America”, said the managing director of one large mining company. Australia owes its GDP growth to its export of mineral resources to China and other parts of Asia and to record bank profits. What remains of its once strong manufacturing base is in crisis, as are the retail, housing construction and tourism sectors. Militarism is an essential part of the drive for world domination by the United States, ably assisted by NATO in the Middle East and Europe. Australia has signed away its political and military independence to US imperialism. The majority of Australians do not support the military actions taken in tandem with the US, want Australian forces brought home from Afghanistan immediately, and oppose the current huge levels of military spending. However, a solid majority still support the broad concept of the Alliance, believing

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it offers US protection from external threats. PEOPLE’S STRUGGLES. Social democrat and conservative parties have been thrown out of office in a number of countries, in most instances only to be replaced by another government pursuing the same austerity measures or even worse. Where will they turn next? To the left or further to the right? In Australia there has been a concerted ideological campaign over the past three or so decades, deliberately aimed at dulling class consciousness, promoting individualism and portraying trade unions as a third party interfering with relations between workers and their boss. This campaign along with a number of other political and economic have factors, has seen the rate of trade union membership decline from a peak of 60 percent to just over 20 percent of the workforce. There has been an all out global offensive on working people by monopoly capital and the powerful financial institutions. The alternative must be presented to the people in a persuasive way that motivates them to act. As the KKE said in a recent statement (“The deep crisis concerns the capitalist system itself”), “The front we need today must not be simply an ‘anti’ front. It must say where the people should go.” This positive aspect is largely lacking in a number of protests, such as the Occupy movement with its slogan of “We are the 99%.” Without working class leadership, without the leadership of Communist and workers’ parties, these movements remain handicapped and limited in policy direction and what they can achieve. The main thrust of the CPA’s economic policy expresses the anti-monopoly, anti-imperialist aspirations widely embraced by popular forces today but it is also democratic, foresees governments taking responsibility for people’s welfare, priority given to meeting people’s needs and raising their living standards. It is centred around government

planning; re-regulation and control of financial instruments and institutions; stimulation of the economy in ways that benefit working people; expansion of the public sector; income redistribution through such means as taxation reform, social welfare, provision of services, raising wages and pensions, job creation, and research and development of renewable, sustainable energy sources. These policies take into consideration both immediate requirements of the time and have a longer term focus on the ultimate goal of socialism. Restoration of trade union rights would facilitate the struggle for change. The CPA is also very aware of the need to raise class-consciousness and to politicise the labour movement and community struggles, which are largely dominated by rightwing social democracy. There is only one national trade union centre, which is in the tight grip of social democracy. Despite the difficulties, there has been a recent and very encouraging upsurge in struggle against the present employer offensive. Nurses, teachers, police (!), community, transport, building and other workers have taken to the streets defending jobs and services as well as wages and working conditions. It may appear that time is running out for what might be the decisive struggle for the “culture of life”. However, the CPA remains confident that the 21st Century is the century of socialism. Its achievement depends on a successful struggle to overcome capitalism and imperialism. This in turn depends on the organisational, political and ideological maturity of the Communist parties around the world and on their ability to play a leading role in shaping humanity’s future.

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‘ Дорогие товарищи! Уважаемые друзья! Мне

Communist Party of Azerbaijan Nurullayev TelmaN BaBaoglu

представилась большая честь выступать на международном коммунистическом семинаре, как представителю Коммунистической Партии Азербайджана. Несмотря на то, что Компартия Азербайджана была основана в 1920 году в начале февраля, на базе трех социал демократических организаций, которые были образованы в конце XIX века, материалистические взгляды нашего народа появились ещё до нашей эры. Также как и на земле Эллады зародилось материалистическое понимание ценностей мира. Эпическая поэзия (Гесиод, Гомер), лирика (Сапфо, Катулла), скульптура (Фиди), историчесpкие труды (Геродот, Фукидид), философские учения (Гераклит, Демокрит, Платон, Аристотель и др.) наглядно свидетельствуют о высоком уровне древнегреческой культуры, и цивилизации, давшей в некоторых отношениях, как указывал К. Маркс, непревзойденные образцы последующим поколениям. И не случайно в XXI веке коммунистическое движение Греции как никогда получило своё такое развития, когда с уверенностью можно сказать, что центр революционных преобразований переместился из России в древнейшую страну народа Эллады. Мы внимательно следим за событиями, которые происходят в вашей стране. И неоценимую роль в политической жизни Греции несомненно играет коммунистическая Партия Греции под руководством многоуважаемой Алеки Папариги. Первые материалистические учения Фалеса, Анаксимандра и Анаксимена возникли на рубеже УП-У1 в.в. до н.э. Тогда же, почти одновременно, возникли материалистические взгляды на Востоке и в частности на территории Азербайджана с распространением Зороастризма в VIII-VII вв до н.э.. И совсем не случайно в произведениях Анаксимандра и Анаксимена нашли своё отражение философские мысли Заратуштры,

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(по нашему Зардушт), который жил около IXVIII вв до н.э. на территории Азербайджана. Как видите, наши народы очень близки по духу, по философской мысли и материалистическим взглядам на жизнь. И поэтому марксистский диалектический материализм очень близок по духу нашим народам в частности, поэтому те коммунистические и социалистические партии, которые основываются на принципах марксизма, наши друзья и братья, а друзья и братья обязаны поддерживать друг друга в трудные моменты, и объединившись, бороться с общими врагами тех классов, которые единственными выразителями являемся мы - коммунистические и рабочие партии. РАЗРЕШИТЕ КОРОТКО РАССКАЗАТЬ вам о политической обстановке в нашей республике. Как только ослабело влияние КПСС с приходом к власти так называемых «перестройщиков», национальный вопрос стал самым уязвимым местом в политическом сознании национальных республик. Воспользовавшись благоприятными условиями международные империалистические круги сразу начали сеять межнациональную рознь. Сперва была искусственно создана так называемая Карабахская проблема, в которой оказались друг-против друга два братских народа Кавказа, жившие в мире и в дружбе много веков. Это стало первой бомбой замедленного действия для расшатывания устоев союзного государства СССР. После этого начался процесс преднамеренного разрушения Социалистического государства и КПСС. И как только разрушились фундамент устои социалистической системы империалистические круги Запада с хорошо подготовленной «пятой колонной» страны

быстро запретили деятельность компартии республики в сентябре 1991 года и наш Парламент без всякого референдума объявил суверенитет Азербайджана. (К стати надо отметить, что 8 декабря 1991 года вопреки воле изъявлению народов СССР выраженную на референдуме о сохранении Союзного государство в 17 марта 1991 г., в Беловежской пуще три «богатыря» подписали соглашение о развале Союзного государства.^ И на Кавказе начались не объявленные войны между дружескими народами и государствами. И по сей день Кавказ превратился в военный-политический полигон буржуазных государств. И ни одно так называемое Суверенное государство самостоятельно не может решить собственные социально-политические проблемы своих же народов. И этим своим манипулированием сознания людей они очень умело отвлекают, как и в прошлые времена, от революционных инициатив весь рабочий класс. РАБОЧИЕ ЖЕ КЛАССЫ ПОЯВЛЯЮТСЯ там, где развиваются крупные предприятия, т.е. с углублением производственных отношений развиваются и производительные силы. Но к сожалению, с развитием экономики в нашей республике, которая основывается только на природных ресурсах (нефть и газ) производительные силы находятся под пристальным контролем государства. И революционный рабочий класс, как таковой, в нашей республике становится игрушкой в руках монополистов. В такой обстановке коммунистам трудно вести революционно -пропагандистскую работу. Конечно, нашей работе очень мешает и раздробленность коммунистических партий. Несмотря на то, что коммунисты Азербайджана в 1993 году вновь

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восстановили родную компартию, к сожалению, по некоторым обстоятельствам компартия была раздроблена на несколько самостоятельных организаций. Этот процесс присущ и для остальных республик постсоветского пространства, кроме конечно Таджикистана. Раздробленность, разногласия между коммунистическими партиями как раз на руку нашим противникам. Мешая объединиться в единый кулак всех коммунистов для борьбы с объединенной, международной коалицией империалистов разрозненные руководители компартии проявляют близорукость. Мы считаем, что несмотря на незначительные разногласия по организационным вопросам и формы борьбы руководители компартий республик могут проявить политическую волю и мудрость объединив все компартии и левые силы в единый кулак. Так поступили коммунисты нашей республики. В октябре 2011 года после долгих переговоров руководители двух компартий (Компартия (на платформе марксизма - ленинизма и Компартия руководимая А. Халиловым) на объединенном съезде слились в одну Коммунистическую Партию Азербайджана. Думается остальные компартии постсоветских пространств положительно воспримут наш пример и очень скоро все компартии объединятся вокруг КПСС, восстановленной в 2004 году в Москве под руководством признанного лидера советских коммунистов ныне покойного Олега Семеновича Шенина. Товарищи!

марксистско - ленинского типа, там революционные события происходят хаотично и трудящийся, рабочий класс упускает исторический шанс овладеть политической ситуацией. Это результат неорганизованной деятельности международного коммунистического движения. Пока мы не создадим мобильного сильного центра международного комдвижения по примеру Коминтерна, рабочий класс в ближайшее время успехов не добьётся. Нет никаких сомнений, что будущее человечества связано с социализмом - начальной стадией коммунизма! И все инициативы международного коммунистического движения по созданию Коминтерна будут всесторонне поддержаны всеми нами. В конце разрешите от имени Коммунистической Партии Азербайджана, руководство которой осуществляю, передать коммунистам и вашей стране сердечный, пламенный привет с пожеланием крепкого здоровья, счастья, благополучия и достижения новых успехов в нашем благородным деле во имя торжества светлого будущего человечества коммунизма!!! Да здравствует международное коммунистическое движение! Слава героической коммунистической Партии Греции! Вперед к победе коммунизма!!! Спасибо Вам за внимание.

ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЕ СОБЫТИЯ в мире под воздействием нового экономического кризиса империалистических государств еще раз доказывают, что в тех странах, где нет организованной, мобильной коммунистической и рабочей партии

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Communist Party of Bangladesh RUHIN HOSSAIN PRINCE

Members of the Presidium, delegates and dear comrades, It is a great pleasure and privilege for me to attend this international conference of the Communist Parties of the world. I, on behalf of the Communist Party of Bangladesh convey our revolutionary greetings to you all. Our party fully agrees with the slogan raised by the conference that socialism is the future. Almost twenty years back, some of the degenerated and frustrated Communists including a liquidationists section of our party felt helpless and hopeless before the most aggressive onslaught by the imperialist and they declared that socialism has failed and it is no longer an alternative to the present global system. But we always believed and said «There is an alternative and that is socialism». COMMUNIST PARTY OF BANGLADESH firmly believes that, despite the setback suffered by socialism in the last decade of the last century, the world is again advancing towards socialism. Though there was restoration of capitalism in the some of the former socialist countries, still let us not forget the brilliant successes of socialism, the great achievements unprecedented in human history. After thousands of years of societies based on class exploitation, mankind for the first time experienced a new civilization without exploitation of man by man. It may be remembered that during the period of great world capitalist crisis of 1929-1933, when production fell and economic activities stopped throughout the capitalist world, unemployment rose to the sky, thousands of people died of starvation (in New York alone two thousand people died), Soviet Union, the then only socialist state demonstrated very high rate (nearly 12 percent) of economic growth which proves the superiority of socialism over capitalism. It was also proved that under socialism, it is possible to achieve two goals at the same time, elimination of ex-

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ploitation, building a humane society and also achieve high rate of economic development. Let us also not forget that it was socialist Soviet Union and her red army that defeated the fascist Germany under Hitler, and thus saved the mankind. Other achievements were also no less significant. There was very high level of cultural and scientific development. Socialism also fought for world peace, for disarmament and also contributed to independence of colonies Soviet Union and later other socialist countries including China, Vietnam, North Korea and Cuba had build a most human society. There was no racial, colour or gender discrimination. Capitalism based on exploitation and inequality, where profit is the sole driving force, can never ensure racial or gender equality. Because very word «equality» is alien to the capitalism and absent in the capitalist culture. However it is also true that at a certain stage, the system that was developed in some of the former socialist countries including Soviet Union, degenerated and there was restoration of capitalism. Capitalism came back with its ugly face and with all its vices. What is the reason? We must find out correct answer to this question. We are to study the causes, scientifically analyze the defects of the practice if there be any and also the mistakes of the leadership or their opportunism, if there be any Without such scientific study and correct findings it would not be possible to rebuild the socialist movement and revolution, although the objective condition for socialism i.e. material prerequisite for socialism is more matured than ever before. I shall try to briefly explain this point. Dear Comrades, the propaganda of the end of socialism, yes even «the end of history», the triumphant cheering of the temporarily

victorious imperialist power can no longer be heard. Rather you can hear the shrill screaming voice of the scared bourgeoisie and their pen pushers and the media. Now there is talk of «end of capitalism». There is real apprehension of the collapse of the world capitalist imperialist system. What was once pretentiously heralded as a «New World Order» by the US president senior Bush, immediately after the collapse of Soviet Union and restoration of capitalism, had later turned out to be a new international disorder. In the absence of its powerful opponent, there being temporarily no fear of resistance by the mighty political and military power on the side of the people of the world, imperialism, headed by US imperialism wanted to recognize the entire world subjecting it still more thoroughly to the dictates of the international finance capital. It occupied Iraq, Afghanistan and Libya, defying world public opinion and international democratic norms. In case of Iraq US imperialism even ignored United Nation and violated UN decision. However, alas! UNO even failed to pass a resolution against U.S.A. and Britain for such violation. Because, in absence of socialist camp, UNO has become a weapon in the hands of imperialism. IMPERIALISM FORCIBLY IMPOSED upon the third world countries its own economic conditions so as to ruthlessly plunder the natural resources and to exploit the working people of those countries. However, this act of aggression, both military and economic aggression, was never and is not an easy thing for the imperialists. There is peoples armed and unarmed but very powerful militant resistance. The main point that needs to be empha-

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sized is that in spite of military aggression imperialism failed to achieve its goal to the fullest extent. Because there is growing resistance all over the world. People’s anger is being raised. Military action, genocide committed by the imperialism, ruthless exploitation, economic disparity, extreme poverty all such crimes committed by the imperialism increase the anger of the people. On the other hand severe economic crisis and the inability to solve a single problem of the present world simply aggravate the crisis and accelerate the downfall of the world imperialist system. The oppressed and the exploited people all over the world, in a state of growing discontent, are increasingly looking for an alternative to capitalist system. This can be nothing but socialism. Socialism is our future. Dear Comrades, socialism is not an utopian dream of a philosopher or of a political party. It is the logical culmination of a historic process. As Karl Marx put it, «At a certain stage of their development, material productive forces of society come in conflict with the existing relation of production——.From forms of development of the productive forces these relations turn into their fetors. Then begins an epoch of social revolution» (Preface to A Contribution to the critique of Political Economy). Such period of socialist revolution began in the early 20th century. Lenin explained imperialism as the highest stage of capitalism of monopoly capitalism and as the era of finance capital which according to his brilliant analysis was also the era of proletarian revolution. Actually socialist revolution took place in his country and under his leadership. There after series of revolution took place. However the material prerequisites of socialism are now more matured than Lenin’s time. Scientific analysis of the present

stage of capitalism and imperialism indicates the existence of the precondition for the downfall of capitalism and the emergence of socialism on a more matured basis with the positive and negative experience of the 20th century. SOCIALISM IS INEVITABLE because looking from the economic side of the capitalist system, it is evident that capitalism now comes up against a relative historic limit which it can not overcome. According to the law governed process of the development of the society, this is the stage of social revolution. The chronic over accumulation of capital had a number of significant consequences which will put their stamp on the entire future capitalist mode of production. The predominance of the speculative capital and the gigantically overblown speculation, alienation of capital from real production are the cause for the system to collapse. The international monopolies increasingly seek to speculate with their huge surplus capital on the international financial markets to obtain maximum profit. In 2007, that is, just one year before the great crisis broke out the world wide; financing volume i.e. the totality of all credits, financial products, and foreign exchange market amounted to a volume which was 65 times larger than the real social product. That is why some experts define this feature as the financialization of the economy. Another example. In 2004, 40% of the profit of all the corporations together came from the financial sectors, where as in 1960s it was less than 4 percent. This is a dangerous situation for the capitalism itself. But capitalism can not get rid of it. Reformists and revisionists suggest rectifying

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the system. They suggest to introduce Keynesians method and to check excessive speculation or to regulate the uncontrolled market. They overlook the fact that capitalism is bound to reach such a stage because of the very nature of the capitalism itself. Meanwhile speculation has penetrated into all social sectors of production, trade and life. And the speculative profit is the purely predatory profit which is merely distributed among the holders of the capital interests through various forms of stock market speculation. And also the capitalist world economy’s general susceptibility to crisis is growing. So capitalism has no future. But it will not be eliminated because of its crisis alone. Economic crisis weakens its structure. But the historic experience of capitalism shows that it has to be overthrown. Objectively it is the time to develop more seriously the decisive struggles against capitalism. Ultimately capitalism is to be overthrown by the people’s revolution led by the working class. Our party does not suffer from any illusion that world capitalist system can be reformed. Nor do we think that without a revolution our country can be rescued from the grip of the ruling comprador capitalist class, the ruling parties being the political representatives of such class. We have adopted the strategy of revolutionary democratic change with socialist perspective. We also do not think that the objective conditions being matured and revolutionary anti-capitalist struggle being developed at a very fast pace, revolutionary changes on a world scale should not be very for away. In conclusion, I would like to mention one more important point. At the present stage there is tendency for the internationally coordinated crisis management by the imperial-

ists temporarily putting aside inter imperialist contradiction. So we have also no other alternative but to coordinate our struggles on an international level. So there is urgency for the unity and the united actions by the proletarian and their revolutionary parties. It is not simply solidarity, but joint and coordinated actions too. In every country there are varieties of communists. Bangladesh is also no exception. There is also need for the communist unity within each country and on world scale, without of course, not giving concession to the right reformists, revisionists and ultra lefts. In Bangladesh two, we are struggling for principled unity of the communists. We are also for a broad based unity of all communists, left, progressive and anti Imperialist patriotic forces, despite differences. We should be clear about the differences, while learning to fight together despite differences. Imperialism is pushing this earth of ours, all its living forms and nature to the abyss of disaster. This grave danger requires broadest possible unity and global action to face the global onslaught of capital. IN THE ANTI-IMPERIALIST AND ANTI-CAPITALIST STRUGGLES there are huge number of people of different shades and ideas. We should also unite with them, with all the struggling peoples. Let the slogan, spontaneously raised by the struggling people «99 % against 1%» be put into reality. In Bangladesh our Party is trying to build up a broad unity of Communist, Left, Progressive, Democratic and patriotic forces against Imperialism, religious communal and plundering bourgeoisie for a Revolutionary Democratic Change. The ruling bourgeoisie in collaboration with US imperialism and its allies are ruthlessly exploiting our toiling masses,

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suppressing people’s movements, and trade union struggle. They plunder our natural resources including gas, oil and coal. Government is handing over gas and oil fields in land and the sea to multi- national companies and we have to bye our own gas from the MNC’s at 30 times the normal price. Uncontrollable price hike, artificially created crisis of gas, electricity and water, unemployment to the tune of more than 30 million, poverty and pauperization due to the capitalist path dictated by World Bank, IMF,WTO and the so called donors is creating grave unrest amongst people. Black money accounts for 80% of our GDP. Speculation runs high causing continuing collapse in the share market. Bangladesh is one of the worse sufferers due to climate change. Degradation of the environment is a matter of serious concern for a densely populated country like Bangladesh. About 54 rivers originate from neighbouring India and flow through Bangladesh into the Bay of Bengal. These are our life line. Unfortunately India continue to build dams, hydroelectric projects and constructions on their side of the rivers, obstructing and diverting natural water flow, which is causing serious hazard for Bangladesh. This is also causing severe d ecological disaster. The natural resource and strategic situation in Bangladesh is the cause of increased interest of US and other imperialists. United States is fast increasing its military and naval power in the region. The nuclear deal and strategic alliance of USA and India pose a grave danger to the security of countries of the region. Imperialism instigates disputes, clashes and war between countries of the region leading to arms race, purchase of arms from the US and its allies. The huge funds diverted to military brings

these countries to their knees which opens up possibilities for further tightening of imperialist clutches on the region. For countries and people of the region it is highly important to resolve their disputes, stop fighting, build up cooperation and unite against imperialism and its outfits. In Bangladesh our Party is trying to build up a broad unity of Communist, Left, Progressive, Democratic and Patriotic forces against Imperialism, religious communal fundamentalists and plundering bourgeoisie for a Revolutionary Democratic Change. We firmly believe that if we unite and fight we can build up an alternative capable of bringing about a fundamental and revolutionary change nationally and globally. Workers and oppressed people of the world unite. Long live proletarian internationalism. Socialism is invincible Socialism is the future.

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Workers Party of Bangladesh ALI AHMED ENAMUL HAQUE

Comrade President, Members of the Presidium, leaders of the Communist and Workers Parties of the world. ON BEHALF OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE of the Workers Party of Bangladesh I extend my heartfelt greetings to you all. I thank the Communist Party of Greece for holding the 13th International Meeting of the Communist and Workers Party at such of critical point of time. In the international arena we have seen recently how in the Arab world people has taken up the task of overthrowing authoritarian rule in one country and the other. In Europe, one of the main bastions of Capitalism, the working class movements is growing everyday and masses of the peoples and coming out on the street in different countries. This seems to be the prelude to inevitable withering and ultimate extinction of capitalism. We are here in the historical city of Athens, the cradle of the ancient civilization, which interestingly is now setting the tone of the new era that is about to dawn in the history of human civilisation. The era is the of the victory of the working class which is being ushered in and which has to be sustained and nurtured to develop into establishing a world free of exploitation. We are here for evaluating the present situation as well as looking back to 1991, for taking stock of the international situation and developments the world has experienced over the last 20 years after the victory of counterrevolution in the USSR. The 1st phase of the past two decades, witnessed the fall of the USSR and the counterrevolution in the East European countries. That led to the dissolution of communist parties in many of those countries. At that stage, heartened by the weakening of the communist forces, the imperialist forces declared it as the end of socialism and proclaimed that it was only Capitalism that mattered. But the new wave of struggle of the working class has proved it to

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be wrong. The youths of new generation have overcome the trauma of counterrevolution in the USSR and have earned the courage of fighting back the capitalist plots in different countries. Now it has been proved through experience that the bourgeoise suffers from its own inherent weaknesses and it is capitalism which is going to fall. THE CRISIS OF CAPITALISM, which has further deepened in the second phase of the last two decades, as is evidenced by the ongoing international economic recession, can not be solved easily. This has been discussed at large in the 10th IMCWP of 2008 held in Sao Paulo, 11th IMCWP of 2009 held in New Delhi, and 12th IMCWP of 2010 held in Tshwane. The inherent crisis of the capitalist system compounded by different shifts in the neo-liberal policies and neo-economic plans that were propounded and propagated by the intellectuals of the capitalist world have failed to solve the problems created by the system itself. This has resulted in the decline of US economy’s global hegemony and in general it has led to the stagnation of the productive forces in the most advanced capitalist countries. This in effect had set the stage for the emergence of new global economic powers, notably China, India, Brazil and South Korea. This has intensified the competition between the established and emerging powers. The US-led currency war has aggravated the crises in the economies of the European Union. For survival, imperialism has now become more aggressive and using its military might against the people of the world. As reactions to 9/11 incident in New York, USA, in the name of combating terrorism in Afghanistan and Iraq, established its permanent stranglehold in the region. Recently, vio-

lating the 1973 resolution of UN, the NATO forces, with the help of the established AlQaeda forces in Libya, jointly attacked Libya and assassinated Gaddafi in the name of establishing democracy. In Libya, the NATO military intervention has accomplished its aim of effecting a “regime change.” Libya’s oil resources have now come under the grip of the western powers. And Libya is now virtually a NATO protectorate. For the United States and Israel, the destabilisation of the Assad government in Syria is part of the strategic master-plan to eliminate all governments in West Asia which defy imperialist game plan. The final target is Iran, against whom the United States has ratcheted up tensions. Reports of the prime minister of Israel and its defence minister considering a plan for preemptive military attacks against Iran have also surfaced. The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), in its report has presented without much evidence about Iran trying to build nuclear weapons. War mongering, in the name of combating terrorism is creating a menace in different countries of the continent of Africa and Asia. The intervention in Libya and the efforts by the US and the NATO in the other countries of West Asia, are meant to hijack the popular uprising of the working and democratic people of the Middle East. We shall have to keep in mind that the NATO, and its allied forces and Israel along with the states of Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Abu Dhabi and Kuwait are conspiring to gain undisputed control over the oil wealth of the middle-east. They are doing so to boost the tarnished image of the imperialist countries. UNRESTRAINED PROFITING OF CORPORATE behemoths has now resulted in the explosion of massive discontent among the peo-

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ple of the capitalistic countries. This we can see expressed in the diverse trade union movements and the student movements taking place in the European countries. The students are demanding that “Education should be in the public sector rather in the private sector” and that each and every individual has the right to get education and the expenditure in this regards will have to be borne by the Government of the respective countries. All these mass upsurges in the European continent and USA are against the curtailing of the social benefits. The mass upsurge against Wall Street, chanting slogans “Occupy Wall Street” is echoed by the 90% of the population of the USA. In our neighbouring countries, the people of Nepal are fighting to bring in a new constitution, for a peaceful transition to democracy. The people of India led by the left and democratic forces are continuing the relentless fight against communal forces, anti-people measures taken by the so called secular forces, the allies of the imperialist forces and also for the rights of the working class. The various movements occurring around the world, whether it be in EU countries, in the USA or in the Arab world clearly indicate increased participation of the people in the matters of the policy making is also imminent. At this crucial crossroads of human history, it is the duty of all the communists to forge an unity to the greatest extent among themselves and to express solidarity with the people striving for democratic norms and by combating the evil forces of imperialism and it’s neo-liberal stooges. The people of Bangladesh are going through a complex fight for democracy. This is evidenced from our fight against terrorism of religious fundamentalist and rightist forces, is

also manifested in the protests and campaigns against the neoliberal and backward policies of capitulation of the government. IN BANGLADESH in the struggle of the toiling masses of the people, we are also confronting the multinational companies, who are bent upon to occupy the oil-gas-coal resources of our country. We are also striving for holding trials in the War Criminal Tribunals set up for the perpetrators of the heinous crimes against humanity committed during the national liberation struggle of Bangladesh. If the War Criminals are properly tried and punished, a new wave of struggle of the toiling masses will occur. We shall have to bear in mind that the Arab Spring revolution brought an end to autocratic regimes of Egypt and Tunisia, but in affect it also paved the way for the rise of religious fundamentalist forces, such as Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and also the communal forces of Tunisia to power. The imperialist forces are trying to forge an understanding with these forces in this region to further their own agenda. We shall have to keep in mind that only socialism can create the conditions necessary for the eradication of war, hunger, misery and illiteracy. With this end in mind, we have to move in solidarity and develop an alliance of the working class movements, along with the peasant movement and the student and youth movements to pave the way for an exploitation free society.

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Workers’ Party of Belgium

Let me first express in this city of Athens our solidarity with the working people of Greece, with PAME, and with KKE. They are fighting with great courage, perseverance and determination the attacks that the bourgeois class in Greece, its government, with the support of the EU, the IMF and the ECB, want to impose in order increase the immense profits of the big financial and industrial capital by bankrupting the people. Their struggles give us precious experience. What happens now in Greece will be extended to all countries of the European Union. In Portugal and Spain, our comrades are already engaged in massive and hard struggles. We salute them also.

HERWIG LEROUGE IN ALL OF EUROPE THE QUESTION is being raised: Who has to pay for the crisis of capitalism? In our country, Belgium, the bourgeois parties have taken 535 days to form a government. A world record. But today they want to pass the harshest anti-workers law in Belgian post-war history in two weeks time. The worker’s movement has already responded with two massive demonstrations, the first one counting more than 80,000 workers last week. We are in the midst of a systemic crisis, a capitalist crisis where all contradictions are quickly building up. We witness an economic and financial crisis but also a crisis of democracy, international relations and ideology. AT THE CORE OF THE PRESENT CRISIS is an economic crisis of overproduction, of overaccumulation. Post war growth in USA, EU and Japan, had already stopped in 1973. Bourgeoisie then adopted neoliberal managment impoverishing drastically the working masses all over the world. Artificial stimulation of credit demand, including the so called debt of the Third World countries, and speculation have only postponed but not avoided the crisis. In order to prevent the banking system from collapsing, the most massive state inter-

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vention ever was required. This led to the crisis of public finances in most capitalist countries. There is no money left for a keynesian type policy to overcome the crisis. The double-dip, the new recession, is already underway. We are on the verge of a long period of economic stagnation, huge restructuring ans severe austerity plans. In our country crisis up till today has mainly hurt those who live off social security incomes (pensioners, unemployed and ill people). But already those who still have a job are under fire as wages and working conditions are attacked. The German social-democrat-green model of SchrÊderHartz with the suppression of minimum wage, inhumane pressure on unemployed to accept any job at any condition, generalisation of temporary jobs and total flexibility is imposed on all. We witness a crisis of bourgeois democracy. In the European Union and in the Eurozone. Authoritarian trends of the bourgeois state are on the rise and more and more democratic achievements are under threat. At the European level, we witness a silent «coup d’Itat» of Business Europe who imposes on all the socalled German model, the export world champion based on compression of direct and indirect wages. The decrees on so-called ‘economic governance’ express the growing autocratic tendencies to impose on the eurozone countries by force and technocratic governments wage cuts, attacks on public services, on pensions, on labour laws. Everybody knows that the development of the EU is steered by strong monopolies organised among others in the European Round Table of Industrialists. Already in 2002, they called for this economic governance. Eight years later this concept is on the tongue of all European heads of State.

CRIMINALISATION OF WORKERS RESISTANCE is increasing: picket lines are condemned to huge fines by courts, union organisers are fired. Anticommunism is on the rise. On a planetary scale the present crisis is leading to escalating international tensions and a change in the global balance of power. The US and its allies undertake wars and foment civil war s to retake the control of the whole of the Middle East. Contradictions with China, Russia and other emerging countries are growing. A currency war is not out of agenda. In the upcoming years, this crisis will be aggravated by the environmental crisis, another intractable problem inherent to capitalist production. The ideologists of capitalism no longer have any consistent explanation or theory to offer. Their view of society is falling to pieces and they cling onto evermore reactionary conceptions of the world to justify the absolute power of capital. Acting on multiple axes: the Titanic «we are all in the same boat» theories, xenophobia, culturalism, drugs and alcohol, irrationalism, anti-trade-unionism and anticommunism. Doing so, they intend to smother the growing awakening of class consciousness. PUT THE PARTY in a class struggle mode. We all know this crisis has just begun. For the working class in Europe, the crisis brings about growing misery, poverty, unemployment and loss of purchasing power. The companies’ restructuring and the State’s plans join in a common aggression against the workers’ rights and past conquests. Everything is done to protect capitalist interests. But this is giving a boost to class consciousness. The social-democratic illusions to

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«reform» the system and to «revitalise» capitalism through Keynesian politics are countered by the daily experience of the toiling masses. What they see is that profits are growing again and that polarisation is increasing. We are on the verge of a transition towards another stage of the class struggle. In the beginning of this year, the National Council of the Workers’ Party of Belgium brought together 320 delegates of the party at a National Conference. The aim was to strengthen political and ideological unity in order to fully take on our duties in the ongoing crisis. At this Conference a resolution was adopted that stated: «The new situation gives our Party great responsibilities. If handled properly, immense opportunities await us». In Europe, like elsewhere in the world, the year 2011 was a year of growing resistance and deepening class struggle. In places where resistance is vastly and strongly building up, we can see the vanguard role of communist parties, the revolutionary role of the broad workers’ movement and the dynamism of youth in the resistance. AS COMMUNISTS, we endeavour to internationalise the resistance as much as we can and to organise active solidarity with the working class over the whole of the continent and with the people struggling all around the world. More concretely for some years now, we are building strong cooperation between communists of the Benelux countries and Germany. Organising joint conferences, discussing our political analysis and staging common actions, such as press conferences, common interventions in international demonstrations and mutual cooperation during political campaigns. In our country, class consciousness is not

as developed as in European Mediterranean countries. This results from both objective and subjective factors. As communists, it is our duty to identify the seeds of the overthrow and to help them grow strong. The mission of the WPB is to further develop class consciousness through struggles in all areas. That means at a social level against attacks on pensions, social security and purchasing power; against those who intend to break the solidarity of the working class by splitting up our country; against those who have voted unanimously in favour of intervening in Libya, Syria, Iran and Afghanistan; against those who destroy our democratic rights and our environment. As communists, it is our duty to build as many bridges as possible and to try and bind the struggles together in order to achieve greater political consciousness and to mobilise more numerous forces. DURING THE UPCOMING PERIOD we will continue to pay particular attention to the struggle against nationalism. The nationalist poison has strongly infiltrated all the reformist political tendencies who have split themselves in two parts (North and South, Dutch and French speaking), but also the media and even trade unions. While the government crisis is pursuing a reactionary institutional reform of our country we must raise workers’ consciousness in order to maintain both the unity of the working class and that of its trade union movement. We also have to bolster national unity in the Party. We are putting our party in a class struggle modus. The new situation means that in the forthcoming period each of our cadres and each militant must redefine his or her duties (a notch higher) in order to be able to cope

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collectively as a revolutionary party with new challenges. This demands an active communist ideology, a sharp political attitude and a capacity for action in terms of Party build-up. Each and every cadre and militant, whatever his or her area of work may be, shares the responsibility for developing the Party in the working class. In order to fully assume our leading role, we must first build up an autonomous force within the workers’ movement. If we do not possess a material force for change, we will not change anything at all. We want to educate our party about the strategic role of the working class in the struggle for socialism. We want to focus on recruiting union organisers and workers from the main factories. We want to multiply and reinforce our party goups in the factories.We want to create a new generation of communist working class organisers. We want to put in the centre of attention at alle levels the question of strenghtening the ties between the party and the working class. This runs counter to a certain spontaneous electoralism and a spontaneous focus mainly on municipal work, or not relating municipal work to what we do in work-places or to class struggle. SINCE OUR 8TH PARTY CONGRESS, three years ago, our external communication has greatly improved, we have succeeded to reach a lot more people and we are approaching the figure of 5.000 members. Our National Council has decided that it is now the time to create a strong political unity in our larger party on our socialist perspective, on the leading role of the working class and the leninist character of our party in order to be able to resist social-democratic pressure and neo-reformist pressure form the Eurpean

Left. We have taken the strategic decision that our next Party Congress shall have «our socialist future» as its main topic. The system crisis means that there exists no sustainable solution within the capitalist system. There is no third way between capitalist barbarism and socialism. In order to achieve social progress, democracy, equality, peace, international solidarity and a responsible and ecological production, socialism is essential. The propaganda for socialism is not a far-off matter. It is a task that we must assume now. In the upcoming period, the WPB shall both immediately put forward claims in various areas of struggle and spread socialism as an indispensable alternative society. Only in this way can we give class-consciousness its real substance. Our congress must help us to reinforce our internal unity, but also to improve our capacity to link our daily struggle for the interest of the working people to our strategic aim. We must be able to restore the confidence of large sections of the workers movement in the socialist alternative as the only solution and alternative for the capitalist disaster that is coming upon the workers and peoples of the world. In this period where the democratic legitimity of bourgeois parliamentary democracy is largely questioned by an ever increasing part of the working classes, we must improve our capacity to convince them of the revolutionary way strategy to overcome this suffocating capitalist domination. If we do this properly, there are immense possibilities in a world where oppression but also resistance is growing.

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‘ COMITÉ CENTRAL

Communist Party of Bolivia written Message to the 13 iMCwP

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La Paz, Diciembre de 2011. Camaradas Queridos camaradas: Debido a factores completamente ajenos a nuestra voluntad no podemos contarnos entre los partidos que asisten a este XIII Encuentro. A todos y cada uno de los asistentes les enviamos nuestros más fraternales saludos. Deseamos que el XIII Encuentro sea plenamente exitoso. Así lo espera la clase obrera, los trabajadores y hombres y mujeres progresistas y revolucionarios del mundo entero. Estamos viviendo momentos muy importantes en el proceso social y político internacional cuyo rasgo principal es la gran crisis que sacude al capitalismo/imperialismo hasta en sus bases más profundas. No se trata - como ya lo aprecia la gran mayoría de la gente que en mundo analiza con objetividad lo que pas a en la sociedad capitalista -de una crisis como las que se producían en el pasado. Aunque las causas de las crisis de antes y de ahora son las mismas y están en las entrañas del capitalismo, en su naturaleza, la crisis actual es una crisis sistémica y anuncia la irreversible caducidad del orden capitalista. LA COMPRENSIÓN de este hecho ha llegado a la conciencia de millones de personas en el mundo y ha generado una inédita movilización de masas, particularmente de trabajadores y jóvenes, que cuestionan no sólo la política económica y social capitalista, sino al sistema mismo como tal. Ha planteado con mayor fuerza y nitidez la divisa movilizadora y de lucha, que “otro mundo es posible”. Para los comunistas y los trabajadores, ese otro mundo, ese nuevo futuro, no puede ser otro que el Socialismo. El contraste temporal que hemos sufrido con la traidora disolución de la Unión Soviética y el campo socialista europeo, por fortuna, no llegó a los países como la China Popular, Vietnam Socialista, la R.D.P. de Corea, y nuestra hermana, la República de Cuba. Pero unos y otros no hacen sino confirmar la superioridad

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del Socialismo. Los países que continúan la construcción del socialismo demuestran a la humanidad su inmensa capacidad de desarrollo y la ausencia casi completa de los males que aquejan al capitalismo. Hoy nuevos países se desprenden de la tutela del imperialismo y luchan por reafirmar su soberanía emprendiendo la vía de los cambios progresistas y, en algunos casos, claramente revolucionarios. Es la realidad de varios países latinoamericanos que, además, se agrupan y organizan autónomamente. La fundación de la Comunidad de Estado Latinoamericanos y del Caribe (CELAC) es el último logro de este viejo anhelo integrador.

deseos de éxito, esperamos las resoluciones que adopte este XIII Encuentro. En nombre del Presidium del IX Pleno del Comité Central del Partido Comunista de Bolivia. Ignacio Mendoza Pizarro Marcos Domich Saúl Molina

EN ALGUNOS PAÍSES vemos que la crisis ha provocado la caída de gobiernos neoliberales y simultáneamente el avance de las fuerzas progresistas y revolucionarias. En algunos casos, por la vía de las urnas, esa recuperación ha sido rotunda, como la del Partido Comunista de la Federación Rusa al que, en verdad, han escamoteado el triunfo. Como era de esperar, el imperialismo, sobre todo de los Estados Unidos de América y de los países europeos agrupados en la OTAN, están tornando su desesperada situación en agresividad, sobre todo militar. Esto se ha reflejado en una mayor agudización de las tensiones y provocaciones del imperialismo, sobre todo de carácter militar. En varios casos estas han sido verdaderas invasiones como la de Libia. Por desgracia esas intervenciones ponen al mundo al borde de un estallido bélico que puede incluso llegar a ser un conflicto con armas nucleares. Estamos de acuerdo, por consiguiente, que la lucha por la paz, por el cese de la carrera armamentista y el desarme es una tarea de primer orden para los comunistas. Queridos camaradas: Reiterándoles nuestros más fraternales y revolucionarios saludos y

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Brazilian Communist Party IVAN MARTINS PINHEIRO

THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE of the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB) greets the Communist Parties here represented paying homage to our host, the Communist Party of Greece, which is a reference to all revolutionary in the world for its example of relentless struggle against capitalism. THE DEEPENING OF THE SYSTEMIC CRISIS of capitalism places to the international communist movement a complex set of challenges. We are facing an enduring state of war against workers, a kind of world war in which capital tries to get out of the crisis placing the burden over the workers. This is a different kind of world war since the previous ones were centered in inter-imperialist disputes. In spite of persistence of the inter-imperialist and inter-bourgeois contradictions in the current conjuncture the great powers (above all USA and the hegemonic countries of EU) promote a pillage war against peripheral countries, especially those possessing nonrenewable resources, and against all the workers in the world. WAR IS THE MAIN RESORT of capitalism in its effort to resolve the crisis: activates the military-industrial complex and allows a plunder of natural resources and asset striping. Capitalists also benefit from the reconstruction of countries that they destroyed by themselves. Amid simultaneous occupation and destruction of several countries in last years (Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya) they start to prepare the next aggressions: Syria and Iran are the first in the line. The victim countries are elected following strategic and hegemonic objectives. The methods are always the same: demonization, manipulation, stimulation of sectarianism and divisions between nationalities, cooptation, media creation or overvaluation of demonstrations and rebellions, false

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flag attacks. It is possible for us see in the future the invasion of a country that today seems unlikely. In the ongoing war, at least in this stage, emerging countries classifiable as junior partners of imperialism are spared. They legitimate the policy of the superpowers as supporting actors staging the “Group of the 20”. Their heads look in the picture as partners but the decisions are taken in small closed forums where they are absent. Emergent countries (so called BRICS) have been spared from the crisis insofar as they help in trying to bring solutions but they may be the next victims, both of crisis and military aggression. They play the role of adjutants of imperialism, as it was shown in the shameful omission regarding the invasion of Libya. They only raise the voice if a national interest is jeopardized, otherwise the wash their hands. IN OUR COUNTRY, bankers, contractors, agribusiness and monopolies never had so much profit. Economic and external policies of the Brazilian state intend to make Brazil a big capitalist international player in the framework of imperialism. Multinational enterprises of Brazilian origin, sponsored by public funds, already dominate certain markets in Latin America. On the other hand, the war against the workers does not depend on the classification of the country. It is carried out by big powers, emergent and peripheral countries. Amid this serious crisis, with the lack of an important proletarian resistance stronghold, the capital performs a violent attack against the few remaining rights conquered by workers. In order to do that, they try to foster fascism in societies, criminalize the social and political contra-hegemonic movements. The

correlation of forces is still unfavourable, particularly with the impact of the setback in Soviet Union and the degeneration of many parties self proclaimed as in the left and sectors of the labour union movement. Analyzing this scenario the PCB has some considerations to present. n There is no more space for reformist illusions. The reformists are, more than ever, enemies of the socialist revolution, since they deceive the workers and demobilize them making it easier for the role of capital. In each country the ruling class tries to implement a two-party system, actually a double headed monopartidism in which divergences are in the field of capital management. As they can’t manage the crisis, they just substitute one another in government in successive elections, calling it an “alternation of power”. n National-developmentism projects become meaningless, since it is impossible to separate local capitalist economies from the sphere of imperialism, as well as contradictions are reduced between imperialism and the hegemonic core of so called national bourgeoisies. n It is also more and more senseless the “choice” of allies in the field of imperialism, and even among emerging adjutants, as if there were “good” and “evil” imperialisms. A difference is only in form, not in content. Nevertheless, contradictions within imperialisms subsist and must be explored. n We should not indulge in illusions on the transition to socialism by institutional ways such as parliamentary game and occupation of state spaces. The bourgeois democratic game has marked cards. The struggle of masses, in all its forms, adjusted to local realities, is and always will be the only arm of the proletariat.

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n However well intentioned they are, processes of progressive changes based in charismatic leaders have a risk of political fatigue if they don’t advance in the construction of a double power, in the gradual destruction of the bourgeois state and popular self defense. We have considered also that the present model of meetings of communist and worker’s parties is having an important role of resistance but must be adapted to more complex necessities of the present world, with short term obscure perspectives and possibilities of aggravation of the class struggle and workers actions. It is necessary to overcome the “meetingism” in which, by the end of the events, our parties decide the next encounter and say see you next year, even those of the same region. In order to improve the potential of a protagonist role of communists and workers in world level it is necessary and urgent to constitute a political coordination not intending to work as a new International but to assume a role of organizing international and regional solidarity campaigns, contribute to the debate of ideas and distribute information on the struggle of peoples. More over, besides this essential articulation of the communists, it seems important to create a wideranging international front with a clear anti-imperialist character, embracing progressive individualities and political forces identified with the struggles for self determination of peoples; peace among them; preservation of eco-environment and natural resources; social, political and worker’s rights; against imperialist wars and fascistization of societies. In synthesis: the defense of the humanity against barbarity. We make clear that our Party considers all forms of action. We can’t opportunistically

have a blind eye to the right of peoples to rebellion and armed resistance. In many cases, it is the only way to face the violence of capital and overcome it. The peoples can count only with their own forces. WITHIN THIS FRAME, we conclude our address saluting the peoples that today have the hardest battles. We salute the Greek and Portuguese peoples for their national strikes and actions; all the workers in Europe facing terrible plans of capital trying to escape the crisis, presently being aggravated in the European continent with a possibility to extend to other regions. We salute the Palestinian people in its enduring saga against Zionism that strangles and represses; occupy their land; demolish their houses; kills, wounds, torture and arrests their best sons and blocks their right to a sovereign state. By the same token we salute the suffering peoples of Iraq, Afghanistan, and Libya. We salute the peoples of Egypt, Yemen and other Arab countries in their fight against tyranny and oppression. We salute Syrians and Iranians that are already listening the drums of imperialism getting nearer and nearer. Their resistance can bar the sinister plans of the consortium USA/NATO/Israel for Middle East, Africa, Asia and the world in general. Arriving to our Latin America we salute our beloved Socialist Cuba in its fight against the cruel blockade. We salute our Five Heroes. We salute the process of real change in South America (Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador) in this decisive moment of crossroads between advance in their processes or defeat. We salute the people of Colombia who, in cities and mountains resist with different ways of combat against the sanguinary terrorism of state of this large military base of

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USA in Latin America. We conclude supporting the proposal of a next meeting in Lebanon, right in the Middle East, stage of imperialist interventions by this time. FINALLY we reiterate our proposal of creation of an international political coordination having proletarian internationalism as a fundamental principle.

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Communist Party of Brazil RICARDO ABREU DE MELO

Initially, on behalf of the Communist Party of Brazil (PCdoB), we would like to greet the resistance which has presently engaged Greek people against the neoliberal program with neocolonialist traces imposed by central powers of European Union, led by German imperialism. In this difficult struggle undertaken by Greek people, the vanguard role and participation of the Communist Party of Greece – KKE – is highlighted and we greet it with enthusiasm. We extend our solidarity to other peoples in the European continent, particularly the Mediterranean region, who have suffered with heavy programs that seek the demolition of workerãs social conquests and the dismantling of independent nations. Along national struggle, for sovereignty and independence, we can observe an important growing intensity of class struggles and protagonism of the working class. THE CRISIS OF CAPITALISM and the changes in world geopolitical reality. Present crisis, one of the most serious of Capitalism, has lately confirmed the accuracy of Marxist-Leninist views on the nature of Capitalism, as well as the perception that it is a crisis that has a structural and system character, exposing the limits and regressive tendencies of Capitalism with sharpness. The crisis of Capitalism impacts upon and has strong consequences over the correlation of forces in an international scale. It accelerates the tendency to relative decline of the United States on one side, and the ascension of other countries, China in special, on the other hand. Such phenomenon – differentiated effects of the crisis in the «center» and in the «periphery» of the system – is an outcome of the important concept regarding unequal development of Capitalism, on terms formulated by Lenin in his theory of Imperialism. Essentially, the concept of unequal devel-

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opment of Capitalism proposed by Lenin, points to a tendency to depreciation of profit margin in the «center» of the system and, on the other hand, greater dynamism in what was so far considered the «periphery» of the system, with new frontiers for realization of capital gains. Present reality confirms that a structural tendency to relative decrease of power at the hegemonic «center» of Capitalism has been reinforced, as well as the growing ascension of new poles with greater economic dynamism, and consequently, new political poles. Therefore, the crisis of Capitalism, having as its cause the nature and dynamics of the system itself, has aspects that transcend the financial and economic aspects and start influencing upon a set of international forces, affecting positions in the world geopolitical game board. Politically, large «developing» countries, to a larger or lesser extent, become important voices of dissent to the hegemonic center. So, the effects of the crisis accelerate the tendency to the transition of geopolitical nature in the international power system, in the sense of a tendency to multi-polarization that can lead, on the one hand, to greater tensions and more wars, in the near future, and, on the other, to greater possibilities of alliances and blocs that open the way to national and regional experiences of greater relative autonomy, such as the case of BRICS, made up by Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. The international situation is marked by critical tensions and contradictions in the near future, whether they are of inter-imperialist nature due to renewed neocolonialist threats, or whether they deal with the con-

frontation between Imperialism and peoples, and between workers and financial capital, leading, in several countries, to the revolutionary accumulation of forces and to the conquest of political power and the beginning of the transition to Socialism. We understand the international situation as a struggle between the most aggressive and neocolonialist tendencies of Imperialism and the emergence of potential for popular struggle for peopleãs liberation. IMPERIALISM INCREASES its aggressiveness against peoples. The crisis of hegemony and the tendency to the decline of North American Imperialism, however, does not have its collapse as its immediate consequence, but rather the search for mechanisms to reverse this tendency to fast loss of relative position. So, Imperialism sharpens aggressive tendencies against peoples, particularly aiming at the control of the flow of essential resources and goods that support the economies of central countries, outbreaking a new Imperialist race. The search for political and military control of the petrol provinces of Central Asia, the growing strategic siege to China and the intensification of militarization in Latin America and Africa are symptoms of this phenomenon. The US reissued its doctrine of contention, aiming at BRICS and, more directly, at China. This is exactly what we saw, some days ago, in the journey of American authorities to the region of Asia-Pacific. The anti-imperialist resistance in the world is intense. The US, undoubtedly the major military power in the planet, in spite of its efforts, now sees, after ten years, the failure of its war in Afghanistan, just as in Iraq, where it announces its own withdrawal. How-

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ever, they renew their threats, now turned toward initiatives that aim at overthrowing the governments of Syria and Iran, countries that follow their own, sovereign orientations, imposing puppet governments upon them. Here we can say a word about the Arab revolts, an outstanding fact on the news along the year 2011. Starting from a promising direction, with popular and democratic, and even potentially revolutionary contents, part of these revolts have slowly been held up, manipulated or even coopted by Imperialism, that sees them as possible steps in their long lasting plan of reorganization aiming at a «New Middle East». We warn that serious precedents are open with the Imperialist wars of the 21st Century – against the peoples of Afghanistan, Iraq and Lybia. In the case of Lybia, the concept of responsability of protection – previously used in OTANãS aggression to the Balkans – when Imperialist powers used the United Nations, taking one of the sides in a context of civil war, stimulated by these same powers. 20 YEARS AFTER THE END OF THE USSR, Socialism is present and future. In face of this contradictory and worrying international situation, we meet again in our annual Meeting, motivated to bring observations and draw lessons about the «international situation and the experience of the Communist twenty years after the counter-revolution in the USSR». First of all, we must stress that the Great Socialist Revolution of 1917 in Russia is among the most important happenings of world History, and is the most remarking fact in social and political evolution of mankind. For the first time, the proletariat, allied to peasants and to the popular masses,

through the leadership of the Communist Party directed by Vladimir Lenin, became the ruling class and started the construction of a society that is superior to Capitalism. A few decades before, in 1848, when the Communist Party Manifesto was issued, written by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, the emerging Capitalism had already revealed itself incapable of accomplishing the promise of liberty, equality and fraternity. The disappearance of Socialism in the USSR and in East European countries in the beginning of the 1990ãs was a counter revolution, with harmful consequences that are still felt worldwide. The political cycle that started in the 20th Century is conservative and counter-revolutionary. We understand that the conditions in which the Russian Revolution of 1917 happened cannot be repeated, but its inspiration and its ideals remain valid in present time. The Soviet Socialist Revolution, with its conquests and the contribution it has given to the progress of humanity, is one of the monuments to the wisdom and heroism of the Communist Party and all workers. So, comrades, it would be idealistic to say that there could be uniform or universal tactics and paths among Communist parties in the struggle for revolutionary political power. What we have is a set of principles, formulated by Marx and Lenin and developed by other revolutionaries. We come together along these great lines, respecting various tactics and the adequate strategies to different national realities at the time. Upon this basis of mutual respect, we will preserve and develop the unity of Communists and their allies. There are new and complex problems to be re-dimensioned, and a concrete study of contemporary reality, including present features of Capitalism and the construction of

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Socialism in the present. The Marxist-Leninist theory, as developed, incorporates new contributions, according to the present reality and accumulated experience. Dogmatism, which paralyzes us in face of reality, by trying to fit reality to manuals and preconceived scripts, as well as opportunism, are serious diseases which are well known within Communist movement, that, once in a while, can get even worse. HISTORICAL EXPERIENCE HAS SHOWN US that there is not a single and non-historical model of revolutionary process neither of construction of Socialism. Socialism is universal as a general theory and desire for freedom of the working class and the peoples in the entire world. But Socialism takes on national features, in the sense that it is accomplished according to the social formation and the particular historical conditions of each people, which demands from revolutionary forces, in special from Communists, in each country, the elaboration of original programs and the formulation of strategies and tactics that are adequate to present times. The forces that struggle for Socialism have to take into account the historical conditions, by which Socialism cannot be built in an immediate way, without the mediation of stages and phases. The careful examination of History shows that the construction of Socialism and the evolution towards a society without classes - Communism - will demand labour for several generations. For the anti-imperialist, revolutionary, progressive forces that defend Socialism, it is a matter of re-starting the struggle for Socialism under the new conditions of the 21st Century. The beginning of the 1990ãs was marked by generalized defeats of the Revolution and

Socialism, due to difficulties to promote the Communist parties and other revolutionary forces, in an environment of demoralization, discredit and failure. In this environment, which has not been entirely overcome, however, we are just starting a new beginning. And this, happens only twenty years after a great defeat, which is not much in historical terms. IN THE REARRANGEMENT OF THE STRUGGLE FOR SOCIALISM, we cannot be fatalist and capture only the signals of offensives by Imperialism. It is necessary to recognize and value these Socialist experiences that are resisting and developing themselves, and notice the revolutionary potentialities that are emerging, particularly in Latin America. The permanence and renewal of experiences in Socialist construction that started with the revolutions of the 20th Century, such as China, Vietnam, Cuba, Popular Korea and Laos, had a great political and ideological significance. The successes and conquests of these experiences demonstrated the superiority of Socialism with respect to Capitalism, in systemic and structural crisis. An outstanding factor in international scenery is the strengthening of China, that, based on the development of «Socialism with Chinese peculiarities», builds an advanced country, prospering each day for its people. Vietnam, with its great dynamism, develops the Socialist economy and society. Cuba is victorious in its resistance to the Imperialist siege and blockade, and updates its «Socialist economic model». Socialism is still in the agenda, because it corresponds to an objective necessity of evolution of society. However, the overcoming of Capitalism will not happen through sponta-

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neous generation. It is up to the revolutionary forces to adopt programmatic perspectives and strategic lines, tactic procedures and methods of action according to the necessity of approaching, in new conditions, the struggle for Socialism in the whole world. IN LATIN AMERICA the anti-imperialist struggle moves forward and progressive forces obtain political victories With the military dictatorships and after neoliberal governments, that had their peak during the 90ãs, Latin American peoples, with the honorable exception of Cuba, lived through the rules established by the Washington Consensus, which deepened and aggravated, above all, the national, economic and social dilemmas. Social differences and social exclusion, economic dependency, political submission, all of these were worsened, which also deepened the lack of hope of the peoples in this region. This set up conditions for profound regressive effects in this vast continent. This was the deep cause of the emergence of an ascending movement of popular resistance that led the way to the rise of an unprecedented and peculiar progressive cycle, of patriotic anti-imperialist and democratic character, in Latin America and the Caribbean. Socialist Cuba heroically overcame the exceptional period that it went through with the end of the USSR. The new political situation of South America emerged with the victory of Hugo Ch·vez, at the presidential elections in Venezuela, in 1998. Since then, this new cycle has reached nowadays the largest portion of South America, and is also present in Central America and the Caribbean, and is still happening, as shown by the recent victory of President Ollanta Humala, in Peru. This year, progressive

forces were also victorious in the presidential and parliamentary elections of Argentina and Nicaragua. The countries of Latin America comprehend different social and economic formations: forces leading each government have different origins, orientations and strategic objectives and their ascension to national governments results from different levels of accumulation of forces by popular sectors. This is why there has been a diversity of political processes in course. But, as a whole, the present tendency that has been developed in Latin America and the Caribbean has one general common orientation, which points to the sovereignty of the nations, to the search for a deepening of democracy and popular participation, for more rights for the working masses and the majorities of the people, and for a special emphasis upon the continental integration of «Our America». The defeat of the project Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), a broad strategy by the United States for integration of the Americas under its full control, has already demonstrated the turn of the political course towards which this vast continent is headed. Most important is that the present tendency being developed in Latin America and the Caribbean has a common anti-neoliberal and anti-imperialist direction. The present progressive Latin American experiences, in the present historical setting, keeping in mind the correlation of forces in the region and in the world, are increasingly situated in objective contradiction with the neoliberal policies and with Imperialism. Many Latin American Communist and Working Parties, even with different characteristics and critiques, value and support the course of present experiences of progressive

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governments in Latin America, and in certain cases participate in them. A few parties, which, in practice, are in the opposition to these new Latin American experiences, have, in general, a dogmatic and «ultra-leftist» orientation, sectarian and disconnected from the working masses. One of the fundamental causes for the success of these popular, patriotic and progressive forces, along our continental history, has been political unity. From a diversity of political and ideological left wing and progressive forces in Latin America, and the different national realities, we have reached an unprecedented unity in the Latin American political process, in which the Forum of SÁo Paulo, with a twenty-one-year experience, is an important expression. FOR MANY COMMUNIST PARTIES in Latin America and the Caribbean, the participation in different anti-imperialist, democratic and progressive broad political fronts that govern these countries, allows these Communist parties to make advancements in the revolutionary accumulation of forces. Such political and social fronts are part of a tactic process of accumulation of forces, within the borders of Capitalism, which, for Communists and Revolutionaries, have a strategic objective of conquering political power, to then start the transition to Socialism in each country. It is true, the support and even participation of the Communist parties in these front governments does not represent the conquest of political revolutionary power. Supporting and participating of these governments, the Communist and revolutionary forces seek to strengthen the programming potential of these governments, in the advancement of

national sovereignty, deepening of democracy, promotion of social and economic development according to workersã interests and intensifying regional integration. We need to defend our principles and, at the same time, be dialectical and contemporary. It is not possible, therefore, to transplant the reality of any other continent to Latin America, nor the other way around, neither is it possible to reedit, or copy, revolutionary paths trailed by other peoples in past historical times. As the Communist Peruvian leader, JosÈ Carlos Mari·tegui, once said, the Socialism in our Latin American countries, there cannot be a copy, there must be a heroic creation of our peoples, or it will not be. So was the Cuban Revolution and so is the economic updating and improvement of Cuban Socialism. So is happening in the process of revolutionary accumulation of forces in Venezuela, in Bolivia, in Ecuador, where there are more advanced experiences. THE CREATION OF CELAC is another step further in the struggle for solidary integration of Latin America and the Caribbean The Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) was created through a self convocation, with the participation of Cuba, and without the participation of the USA and Canada, which was a great step towards the rupture with the «pan-Americanism» policy in which the USA has hegemony. The creation of CELAC, fact of enormous historical dimension, occurred a few days ago, in Caracas, Venezuela. The solidary integration of Latin America and the Caribbean makes progress with the convergence among the process of ALBA, Mercosul, UNASUL and others. About the meaning of the creation of

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CELAC, commander Raul Castro, in his Report to the 6th Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba, pointed that this is the most transcendental institutional fact in the last one hundred years in our continent. The project of integration with solidarity will assure national sovereignty combined with continental sovereignty and anti-Imperialism. An integration with solidarity must be characterized by the efforts against asymmetries and inequalities among countries, and the promotion of solidarity, cooperation and complementation within the region. THE SOCIALIST STRATEGY MUST BE PRESENT, to provide an orientation target, in the national and popular projects in course in Latin America and the Caribbean. Our continental integration project can only be fully achieved if it is inscribed as a fundamental portion in the struggle for Socialism in each country and in a continental scale. So, as Latin American countries and peoples, with unique economic and social background, we will develop original and national paths to achieve the transition to Socialism. Presently in Brazil and in all of Latin America and the Caribbean, we struggle for the success of these national governments, which represent a parcel of power that inaugurate the challenge to build not simply another democracy, but also a new popular power. In order to achieve this, it is necessary to have a differentiated and prolonged process of accumulation of forces, in which one of the main tasks is the demand to update and renew revolutionary theory, with principles but without dogmatism, and starting from a concrete and specific reality, both national and continental. THE PCDOB SUPPORTS AND PARTICI-

PATES of the government of President Dilma Rousseff. In Brazil, PCdoB is an integrating part, since 1989, of a Left-wing alliance with the Workerãs Party (PT), the Brazilian Socialist Party (PSB) and the Democratic Labor Party (PDT), an alliance that in turn integrates a wider coalition, of democratic and progressive character, which governs the country since the year of 2003. DURING LULA’S TWO GOVERNMENTS, from 2003 to 2010, and in this first year of government of comrade Dilma Rousseff, in the year of 2011, Brazil contributed to the development of anti-imperialist integration with solidarity in South America and Latin America; a country that strengthened national sovereignty and achieved a greater democratization and a greater economic and social development, with the valorization of work. Since the first year of Lula, PCdoB has played an important role in the Brazilian government, with a highlight to the performance of the Ministry of Sports. PCdoB IS GOING THROUGH a phase of much growth and faces a violent anti-Communist media campaign. In this process and mainly in the last few years, the Communist Party of Brazil lived, and is living through, a great growth in its political influence and a strengthening in organization in all fields, either in workerãs and popular movements or through its presence in Parliament or in governments of national and local levels, and in the struggle of ideas. We will give two examples: in the municipal elections of 2012, the candidates of PCdoB to the position of mayor led the preferences in opinion survey for the municipal governments

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of Porto Alegre and other important cities; another example is that in the last six months the Party went from 270 thousand members to over 340 thousand members. This advancement of the Communist and popular forces finds the right and its main instruments of political action, such as the monopolized means of communication, desperately willing to do anything in order to hold the advancement of the Communist and anti-Imperialist forces. During three weeks, all the monopolies of media promoted a coward campaign of lies with enormous proportions against the Communist Party of Brazil and its leaders in the Ministry of Sports, which is conducting the preparation for the World Football Cup and the Olympic Games. Such campaign could be compared to the criminal attacks against the Communist at the time of authoritarian periods in our history. Something like an «exception court» was set up against the Minister of Sports, Orlando Silva, and against the Party, which in a brief procedure «denounces», judges and condemns. After two months, the accusations against the Minister of Sports have still not been proven, because they are false. This expediency is an aggression to the democratic liberties conquered through hardships in Brazil. We state with indignity that we will not accept our history to be stained. The only stain we have in our red flag is the blood of our militants who were wounded, tortured and killed. And we shall honor them forever. AND WHY THIS DIRTY ANTI-COMMUNIST CAMPAIGN? The strengthening and visibility of a revolutionary party such as PCdoB annoys the powerful pro-Imperialists and of the financial capital with its mediatic in-

struments. This trap is part of a wider objective of reactionary forces to stop the strengthening of democratic and progressive forces in Brazil, in particular the Communist. THE 90 YEARS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF BRAZIL. The Communist Party of Brazil, founded on March 25, 1922, will complete 90 years of history in 2012. The present expansion of its strength happens along with the cultivation of a historical journey and of its Communist identity, in which the distinctive trace is its historical mission in the struggle for Socialism and for the new Communist society. In order to set forward its revolutionary project, the PCdoB disseminates its Socialist Program to people, linking its ideological banners to the present and pointing the path in order to achieve it. It concentrates efforts on deepening its roots within workerãs and peopleãs struggles, aware of its historical responsabilities. It performs a strong internationalist activity, in support and solidarity to the peoples who struggle for peace, self determination, and the right to sovereignty in their countries. SOCIALISM IS THE FUTURE! The paths in the struggle for Socialism will not be easy nor straight line. The 21st Century, this century which has just started, even more than last century, might be the century of the victory in the construction of Socialism on a global scale, because this was never as necessary to workers and to humanity. Socialism is the future!

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Communist Party of Britain ROBERT GRIFFITHS

THIS CURRENT CRISIS OF OVER-PRODUCTION and over-accumulation arises from the tendencies and contradictions of the capitalist system. But even these periodic, systemic crises have specific and particular features, as was the case in the 1929-33 and 1971-74, as well as common and general ones. Today, the predominance of the banks and financial markets and institutions in some of the most developed capitalist economies has sharpened and prolonged the crisis and made it more complex for ruling class policy makers to resolve. The most parasitic, unstable and unproductive circles of finance monopoly capital are demanding the most drastic, reactionary measures to try to resolve the crisis in ways which maintain their predominance, whatever the cost to the working class, to the mass of the people, to public services, productive industry, democratic rights and national sovereignty. This demonstrates how the current economic crisis is one aspect of the general crisis of capitalism which has re-emerged broader, deeper and more dangerous than before. Ultimately, it exercises the most decisive influence over other important aspects that should not be overlooked: the food, energy and ecological crises; the crisis of social alienation; the crisis of bourgeois democracy - not least the replacement of elected government by an open dictatorship of the bankers in two western European states; and the crisis of peace, militarism and imperialist war. FOR BRITISH IMPERIALISM - whose ruling class has bigger international investments than any other except the United States - the priorities are to: n Protect the City of London’s pre-eminence in key financial markets, resisting the drive by German state-monopoly capitalism in particular to impose any new tax or regulatory regime on the City as part of a reorganisation of the European Union and the eurozone.

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n Maintain and extend its international investment positions through strategic alliances with US and European imperialisms, despite the contradictions of such a dual strategy. n Rebuild British investment and influence in the Greater Middle East region with its vital natural resources and supply routes; and to n Defend British imperialism’s relatively strong position in sub-Saharan Africa, including against the growing involvement of China. At home, the British ruling class has set the agenda for our own unelected dictatorship of the bankers - the Conservative and Liberal Democrat coalition government. On the pretext of tackling the public finance deficit, this agenda is to slash public services and welfare benefits, privatise the health and education services, impose new restrictions on employment and trade union rights, increase regressive taxation and make more public funds available to subsidise monopoly capitalism and bail out the financial sector.

THE LABOUR MOVEMENT has been slow to respond, but the momentum of resistance is growing. We have had the million-strong national demonstration called by the Trades Union Congress (TUC) on March 26; the June 30 one-day strike to defend workers’ pensions organised by eight public sector trade unions with one million members; and the TUC Day of Action on November 30, when most public sector unions brought three million workers out on strike. We have a 15-week pay strike by electrical workers in the construction industry, the students’ struggle against rising tuition fees, and the growing number of local campaigns to defend local public services and jobs. In these conditions, the Communist Party

of Britain is urging unity between public and private sector workers. We emphasise the need to win public opinion and mobilise it in defence of all pensions, public services and jobs; and we argue for the trade union movement to help build broad-based local community campaigns to defend public services and jobs. Our efforts to unite the working class movement around a Left-Wing Programme of policies - for public ownership, economic planning, progressive taxation, renewable energy, new public sector housing and peace - is making progress. The TUC has adopted the People’s Charter first proposed by the Communist Party, and this weekend a national meeting is being held to coordinate local Trades Union Councils across Britain in a campaign linking the Charter’s demands with the fight against mass unemployment. The TUC has also adopted an Alternative Economic Strategy that features several key policies from the People’s Charter and the Left Wing Programme. Many trade unions have endorsed the Charter for Women, another communist initiative, which lays the basis for rebulding a militant, class-based women’s movement. The Communist Party and some of its left and trade union allies are also playing a prominent part in the People’s Pledge campaign for a referendum against Britain’s membership of the European Union. The new mood of militancy is reflected in an upsurge of trade union support for the Morning Star daily newspaper, whose editorial policy is based on the Communist Party’s programme, Britain’s Road to Socialism. The unions paid for free distribution of 60,000 copies of the paper on March 26, and another 25,000 on November 30. Eight national trade

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unions are now represented on the management committee of the Morning Star. THE MORNING STAR and the Communist Party explain that this is a crisis of capitalism, a system that the working class, the people and our planet cannot afford. A new edition of Britain’s Road to Socialism was launched through the Morning Star in the summer and is now being taken into the trade union and people’s movement, with a big series of wellattended public meetings held across England, Scotland and Wales during the past three months. While proposing a Left-Wing Programme of measures to challenge and make inroads into the wealth and power of monopoly capital, we link this to the need for the working class and its allies to fight for state power, to overthrow capitalism and construct a socialist society.

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New Communist Party of Britain ANDY BROOKS

IN BRITAIN AND THROUGHOUT EUROPE the resistance to the ruling class offensive is growing. It started in Greece with the waves of strikes against the imposed austerity programmes that are grinding Greek workers into the ground. It has spread throughout the continent and last month millions of British public sector workers were mobilised to take part in the biggest strike the country has ever seen, even bigger than those who downed tools in the General Strike of 1926. Millions of public sector workers walked out on 30th November in a TUC Day of Action against the ruling class attack on pensions. Civil servants, health and local government workers were supported by the student movement and many more workers from other sectors joined the protests and lobbies on the day. Over 20 unions, including the giant teaching, civil service, health and local government unions as well as those representing specialist and senior grades, took part in what was the biggest national stoppage in British labour movement history. Government ministers tried to divide the unions and the rank and file by bleating about concessions to the unions that existed largely in the imagination of the bourgeois press. They’ve offered next to nothing and the little that they have put on the table still means increased contributions and lower pensions for all public sector workers, along with the prospect that most will have to retire later to get much less than what they signed up for when they were first employed. The Tory-led Coalition Government’s cuts are part of a general offensive against the public sector designed to place the entire burden of the capitalist crisis on the backs of the working class. The purpose of the pension cuts is to raise £2.8 billion to pay for the deficit and pave the way for the sell-off of what’s left of the public sector. It’s all part of the Tory austerity plan de-

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signed to squeeze the pips from the working class to ensure that the rich can continue to live their parasitical lives of ease and pleasure as they have always done. UNEMPLOYMENT IN BRITAIN is soaring. Some 2.57 million are now out of work using the official criteria which excludes many the tens of thousands of others that used to be counted in official statistics. Workers are working longer hours for less pay while education and the health service are being slashed. And it’s not just in Britain. The world-wide slump has plunged the entire capitalist world into crisis. Millions upon millions have been thrown out of work in Europe and North America. Social services are being cut throughout the heartlands of imperialism. Those still in work are taxed to pay for what little benefits are left, as well as fund the NATO war-machine that’s used to oppress and plunder the Libyan, Iraqi and Afghan people. But the rich carry on unscathed. No one in the British Government or the other chancelleries of the European Union is telling them to tighten their belts. And all the ruling class has to offer workers is longer hours, less pay, poverty and creeping fascism. The alternative is job creation and investment instead of the damaging cuts that are devastating communities. The way out of the capitalist crisis is socialism and the planned economy that does away with exploitation and oppression altogether. THE RIOTS IN LONDON and other British cities in August was a symptom of the growing anger and alienation of young people facing a bleak future while the massive strike on 30th November sent a clear message to the Tories and their Liberal Democrat collaborators that

the cuts are unacceptable and that they will be resisted all the way. We will do all we can in support of the militant unions to stop the ruling class offensive in its tracks and bring down the Cameron-led government Marches, demonstrations and occupations are taking place throughout the world as the demand for change is taken up once again by a new generation that is expressing their abhorrence at the way advanced finance capitalism is making one per cent of the global population unimaginably rich while impoverishing and oppressing the remaining 99 per cent of the world’s population. We need to encourage this movement but we also need to inject a scientific, rational perspective. It is not enough to be united against capitalism; we have to be united in what we are for and have some idea of the necessary steps to achieve it. Virtually all of those involved in the occupy movements say they are for freedom and democracy but many still cling to the bogus bourgeois theory of “individual freedom” and the anti-working class doctrines of anarchy. Others believe that protest marches and demonstrations in themselves are the way forward. But working people have never got anywhere with pious motions or cringing appeals to the supposed good conscience of the bourgeoisie. Past victories were won only through confrontation with the employers and their state machine. Today the working class can only rely on the organised strength of the unions to defend their rights, now under massive attack from the ruling class. IN BRITAIN and throughout the rest of the European Union the labour movement has two options as its economic standards decline and its political and democratic rights are

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eroded. One option for the labour movement is to remain tied to reformist ideology and continue to give its support to right-wing social democratic leadership which co-operates with and capitulates with the demands and interests of state monopoly capitalism. These leaderships have no commitment to socialism, no commitment to defend the welfare state and the social wage and no commitment to renationalise the industries that have been privatised. They lead no effective fight to mobilise the people against reactionary governments. They betray, and work for the defeat of workers in struggle. They refuse to countenance any action which infringes against reactionary capitalist laws. They work to strengthen Nato and US imperialism’s military and political grip over Europe and in Britain and France the social-democratic leadership remains committed to the possession and development of vast nuclear arsenals. THE OTHER OPTION is to fight to defeat the right-wing class collaborators in the unions and the social democratic movements while building the revolutionary party dedicated to the struggle that can unite and mobilise the working class behind the banner of socialism. Socialism is the only alternative that can achieve the emancipation of the working class and fulfill the people’s desire for world peace, nuclear disarmament and the elimination of the causes of war.

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‘ Дорогие товарищи, Хотелось бы прежде

Communist Party of Bulgaria alexandr paunov

всего приветствувать всех присуствуищих на этой встрече и в очередной раз поблагодарить хозяевом Коммунистической партии Греции за гостиприемство. ТЕМА ОБСУЖДЕНИЯ ДОВОЛНО широка и давним давно решена в теорическом плане класиками Марксизма-Ленинизма. Не мало проделано и в практическом направлении со дня появления на белом свете «Манифеста коммунистической партии». В нем Маркс и Енгельс провозгласили неотвратимость гибели капитализма от рук пролетариата и привели краткую программу перехода от капиталистической общественной формации к коммунистической. По проблемом современного мирового революционного процесса за последные годы написано и сказано не мало. Тем не менее тема остается актуальной. Причина в том, что в наш революционный век произходит глубочайшая революционная перестройка самого фундамента человеского бытия. Осуществляется тот самой процесс о котором марксизм говорит как о переходе от предистории человеческого общества к его подлинной -коммунистической цивилизации. Переход человеческого общества от капитализма к социализму /первая ступень коммунизма/ - таков смысль и такого содержание социальной революции сегодня, таковы главное направление и главная тенденция современного общесвенного развития. Развитие ето далеко непрямолинейно. Оно произходит в многообразном и противоречивом мире, для которого характерны переплетение разнородных социально - политических и экономических отношении, напластования общественных структур разных исторических эпох. В эти условия особое значение приобретают переходные формы и типы революционных преобразовании расщищающих дорогу к социализму, подготовлиющих для него необходимые

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условия. В условия современной глобализации принципиальная постановка этой проблемы содержится в наследии основоложников марксизма. А именно, что к переходному состоянию общества, когда с одной стороны нынешняя экономическая основа общества еще непреобразована, а с другой стороны, рабочие накопили достаточно сил, что бы заставить принять переходное мероприятие, расчитанные на то, что бы осуществить в конечном счете радикальное перестройство общества. Дальнейшее развитие эта проблема получила в теории перерастания демократической революции в социалистическую, о «комбинированных типах» общественного развития, о переходном типе революционно демократического государство и т.д. ВОПРОС ЭТОТ ПРЯМО ВХОДИТ в теории социальной революции. Ведь революция сама представляет собой целую систему переходных мер. Это -ломка старого общественного уклада и становление нового общественного строя. Наблюдаемы сегодня рост государственно монополистического капитализма, создоет практически все основные материальные предпосылки для коренных преобразовании экономики, социальных отношении, для перехода власти в руки рабочего класса и осуществения социалистических преобразовании. Используя слова Ленина, мы тоже сегодня можем утверждать, что социализм смотрит на нас через все окна современного капитализма. Вместе с тем в условиях современного финансового и экономического кризиса неизбежно нарастают противоречия между системы государственно монополистического господства и различными слоями трудового народа. Реч

идет не только о робочем классе, но и о различных промеждуточных слоях городской и сельской мелкой буржуазии, которы масово обанкрутились. В этих условиях, перед рабочим классом открываются новые возможности для осуществения довольно серъиозных общественных преобразувании, как в экономике, так и в политике. В странах государственно монополистического капитализма вопрос о переходных типах революционниых преобразувании приобретает сегодня большую актуальност. Дело в том, что в системе противоречий современного капитализма на первы план выдвинулись острейшие противоречия между монополиями и болшеством народа. Их первоочередное решение стало сегодня острой потребности), осъзнаваемой все более широкими массами народа. Каков характер революционных процессов, вытекающих из этой назревшей потребности? Что будут они означать с точки зрения типологии революции? Ясно, что эти преобразования еще не ведут к социализма. Они могут привести только к утверждению антимонополистической демократии, к власти союза левых, демократических сил при гегемонии рабочего класса. Их нельзя расматривать поэтому как социалистическую революцию, но они уже не укладываются в рамки капитализма, по сколько подрывают его нынешние главные устои - господство монополистического капитала. ТАКОГО РОДА РЕВОЛЮЦИОННЫЕ преобразования, как и сама власть союза прогресивных сил, относится к переходным революционным преобразованиям, конечный результат, которых непредопределен, а допускаются алтернативы. Эти глубокие демократические перемены могут стать прологом или даже начальным этапом

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социалистической революции. Но они могут и застопориться, установиться на полпути, если у рабочего класса не хватит сил или зрелости довести дело до конца. Не изключена и последующая реставрация госедарствено-монополистического капитализма как это произашло в наших странах. Широкая распространяет переходных типов революционных преобразований создает существенные затруднения для типологии современных роволюций. И в тоже время по той же причине возрастает актуальност решения этой задачи не только с теоретическойь но и с практически политической точки зрения. Научная типология современных революции крайне необходима для правильной ориентации во всем многообразии революционных процессов, произходящих в различных регионов и странах, для разработки адекватной условиям и объективным задачам стратегии и тактики революционной борьбы. Нужно заметить, что типология современных революций содержить в себе своеобразные подсистемы, так как кажды тип социальной революции разчленяется на многочисленные вариации. Некоторые из них обьесняются особенностями социальном-экономически и политически структур в разных странах. Другие же зависят от исторический стадии современной эпохи. Ведь революции обогащяются предшествующим опытом и видоизменяются под его влиянием. Следовательно, наряду с общей типологей революций самостоятельное значение имеют классификация самих революций социалистического типа, выражающих магистралюную линию развития современного мирового революционного процесса.

ТОВАРИЩИ, СТАВИМ ЭТИ ВОПРОСЫ на обсуждение на этом форуме имея ввиду ленинское завещание, что если мы не решим общие вопросы на каждом шагу будем сопыкаться в решением конкретных проблем. На втором месте, нам бы хотелось установится на реальные факторы, которые определяют актуальность поднятых проблем. - Для огромного большинства населения земли еда уже стала роскошьу. Всемирная организация по продовольствию и сельского хозайству при ООН сильно обеспокоена ситуацией на мировых рынках. Индекс цен на основные подовольственное товоры, учитывающий стоимость 55 вида продуктов в начале этого года вырос до рекордных 214.7 пункта. Но экспертов волнует не столько рекордный уровень сам по себе, сколько тот факт, что рос цен продолжается годами подряд. Если эта тенденция сохранится, мир рискует испытать «ценовой шок», которы последствие может превретится в глобальны, продовольственны кризис. В целом продовольственные продукты в настоящем году по сравнению с предыдущим годом подорожали на 25%. Спрос на зерновые по прежнему превышает предложение, так что нет причин ожидать сокращения роста цен в ближайшее врямя. Вместе в тем эксперты полагают, что наряду с очевидными причинами этого роста в основе стоят спекулативные, обусловленные желанием поставчиков заработать в условиях возникшего ажиотажа /ничего не скажеш - основной закон капитализма/. За последные несколько лет, высокие цены на продовольствие послужили причиной голодных бунтов в 48 странах мира. На сегодняшней день история повтаряется. Акции протеста, вызванные резким подоражием продуктов пытания произходят по свему миру. - Растет безработица в мире. Отличается рост

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социальной напреженности и за этого фактора в развитых странах, таких как ЕС и арабские страны. Болынество стран, с развитой экономикой и более половины стран с развивающиеяся испытавуют сильное замедление темпов занятости. В тем временем уровень безработицы в мире достиг абсолютного исторического максимума и перевысыл цифру в 280 мил. человек. КАКОВА СИТУАЦИЯ У НАС В БОЛГАРИИ? Экономика Болгарии на настоящем этапе в состоянии постояного нажима, которы проявляется прежде всего на фоне недохватка средств и ресурсов для обеспечения самые нетложные требования для нормального развития общества. Чтобы реально показать эту сытуацию, мы должны заявить, что Болагария находится на последним месте по уровня жизнего стандарта в Европейском союзе. По данным Эвростата доходы болгарскому дому составляют 44% от средного дохода в ЕС.Наша экономика по даннным мирового доклада публикуваным в 2011 г., Болгария находится на 71 месте из 139 охваченых стран и на последнем месте между странами ЕС. Класация в этим докладе, сделана в связи с 111 аналитичними показателями, которые обобщаются в трямя трупами. По основных требуваниях мы на 72 месте, в том числе: ефектвность институции -114 месте; инфраструктура 80 месте; макроэконамическая среда -42 месте; здорове и первоначальное образование - 58 месте; по фактором ефективности - мы надохимся на 65 месте; в том числе вышее образование и квалификация - 67 месте; ефективность рынка продуктов -82 месте; ефективности рынка труда -58 месте; развитие финансого рынка -91 месте;

технологическая готовност - 48 месте; масщабы рынака -63 месте; иновации и совершенства - 95 месте в том числе по качеством бизнеса - 95 месте и по иновациях -92 месте. Все эти цифры показывают куда привела нам современная демократия и каковы результаты тянувшийся 20 слышным лет перостройка в нашей стране. Хотелось бы добавить еще одну цифру, которая отражает рость внутриволового продукта на человека от население в преценте к ЕС. Сегодня этот процент представляет 36%. К 2050 году этот процент будет представлять 39.6%. Вот какова картина у нас. Ето означает, чо мы есть и останемся самая бедная страна среди всех европейцов. Заметим, что наша страна 20 лет назад находилась в первой двадцатке развитых стран в мире, а по некоторым показателям в развитии селското хозяйство, машиностроения, енергетики, области химии, мы занимали призовые места. Кривая нестабильности экономической среды показывает величайший рост с 21% в 2007 году, сегодня она достигла 65% и показывает, что место для оптимизма нету. Официальная статистика у нас показывает, что кажды пяты человек проживает имея в кармане не более чем 2 евро в день. 6% население страны имеет доход менее 50 евро в месяц, а большинство из них имеют вышее образование. Все эти результаты приводят к тому, что население Болгарии изчезает с най-болыиой скорости из всех стран Европы. Отрицательны рост население страны будет -27% в следующие годы - до 2050 г. Это самы высокий процент из всех стран континента. На сегодняшний день все это выливается в массовых протестах и забостовок у нас. На прошлой неделе состоялся национальны протест против политикой проводимой

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правительством. Уже двадцаты день бастуют железодорожники. Установлены все поезда. В центре Софии со своими тракторами протестуют зернопроизводители. Официальнны протест обьявили даже полицаи. ОБЩЕСТВО СОЗРЕВАЕТ. Видны плакаты с надписами «Капитализм =фашизму». - мировой кризис потверждает с каждым днем объективные закономерности в развитие капитализма, вскрытые марксизмом. Произходить гигантская концентрация капитала. Как утверждают швейцарские учены из Цюриха „супер корпорация" сегодня управляет мир. В этом корпоративном чудовище сосредоточенный 60% мирового дохода реализуемы в секторе «реальной» экономике. После всего сказанного напрашивается вывод: глобальный кризис, вгоняя в пике Евросоюз, и САЩ неминуемо завершится переделом платеты, другого выхода для капитала нету. А что это означает для 7 милиардного чоловечество, мы можем только догадыватся. Но вызрело новое оружие, масогого поражение и стратегического сокрушения. Это - грамадное недовольство масс, рядогого население своими правящими режимами: криминально - капиталистическими, клановокорупционными. В руках у кого попадет это оружие - основная задача, которая стоит перед нами. Все мы, собравшився сдесь знаем, что только в условиях социализма, угрозы стоящие перед чоловечеством могут быт устранены. Поэтому мы хотели бы немножко подредактировать нашу основною тему совещания -«социализм это будущее человечества, но он нужен всем сегодня!» Спосибо за внимание.

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‘ КОММУНИСТЫ - В АВАНГАРДЕ БОРЬБЫ ЗА

Party of the Bulgarian Communists Vasil KolaroV

СОЦИАЛИЗМ, Уважаемые товарищи, Разрешите мне прежде всего от имени Партии болгарских коммунистов поблагодарить ЦК ГКП за инициативу и организацию этой очень важной встречи. Уважаемые друзья, важность и необходимость этой нашей встречи определяется следующими обстоятельствами. Во-первых, стремительным углублением мирового экономического кризиса и во-вторых состоянием международного коммунистического движения сегодня - 20 лет после распада европейской системы социализма. Порядок развития настоящего кризиса напоминает последовательность развития кризиса 1929-1933 г., но маштабы и глубина несоизмеримо крупнее. Настоящий кризис оказался прежде всего долговым. Он разразился в США и оказалось, что в этой крепости мирового капитализма все являются должниками Уол-стрита. А самым крупным должником оказалось само американское государство. Началась цепная реакция долгового кризиса, которая затронула все самые развитые капиталистические страны. НАЙ-БОЛЕЕ ТЯЖЕЛО кризис задел Евросоюз, в котором из финансовой сферы он быстро перекинулся на реальную экономику, т.е. в промышленное и сельскохозяйственное производство, что сразу же рефлектировало на социальную сферу и в некоторых странах уже привело а в других неизбежно приведет к политическому кризису. Таким образом кризис охватил всю капиталистическую общественную систему и эта система оказалась на пороге полного срыва. Им отступать уже некуда. Нет и ресурсов при помощи которых кризис можно преодолеть. В подобной ситуации Запад находился в конце 80-тых годов XX века. Но тогда он был спасен Горбачевым и его кликой, его перестройкой, разбившей социалистическую

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систему в Восточной Европе. Тогда, за несколько лет капиталистический Запад овладел финансовыми, производственными и сырьевыми ресурсами СССР и других социалистических стран. Таким образом, ценой подлого предательства, капиталистический Запад отложил развитие тогдашнего кризиса на 20 лет. Сейчас, этой потенциальной возможности не существует. Кое-что осталось в Южном Средеземноморие и на Ближнем Востоке. Но глобальное для системы современного капитализма решение Запад видит только в разжигании глобального военного конфликта. И это пока единственный политический ответ капиталистического Запада на уничтожительный эффект настоящего кризиса. ВСЕОБЪЯТНЫИ КРИЗИС капитализма вызывает не только панический страх буржуазии, но и гнев трудящихся во всем мире. Бунт трудовых масс неминуем. Это означает, что назревают объективные условия для социальной революции и реальная возможность для эпохального перехода от капитализма к социализму. Ни мировой монополистический капитал может управлять по старому, ни широкие трудящиеся массы желают жить по старому. Ускоренными темпами в мире созревает революционная ситуация. Но опыт прошедших битв показывает, что всегда, рядом с каждой революцией шагает ее зловещая тень - контрареволюция. А она становится сильной если отсутствует субъективный фактор способный возглавить бунт народных масс. Это известно нам - коммунистам. И известно другое, что только под руководством настоящей революционной марксистколенинской партии можно гарантировать

успех социалистической революции. Но это хорошо известно и буржуазии. И она разрабатывает свой сценарий как сохранить капиталистическую систему изодя из собственного исторического опыта. При угрозе нависшеий над ее властью буржуазия прежде всего расчитывает на ренегатов революционного марксизмаленинизма. Так, накануне, во время и непосредствено после Первой мировой войны европейская буржуазия заигрывала с социалдемокрацией, а кое-где / например в Германии/ подпустила ее к власти. И когда социал-демократы закончили свое «грязное дело»- переломили революционный порыв масс, буржуазия привела к власти национал социалистов Гитлера. Наблюдая за тем, что произходит сегодня, т.е. за смертельной опасностю самого существования капитализма как общественная система, ничего не мешает современной буржуазии повторить сценарий 90-летней давности. Конечно, при новых условиях. Тридцать лет тому назад, с приходом к власти Роналда Рейгана и Маргарет Тачър в политико-партийной систематике Запада было совершено преустройство. Буржуазный консерватизм был смещен Крайне вправо. Его место занял, разширяя свои позиции неолиберализм с его идеологией бешенного рыночного фундаментализма. От либерализма осталась только его оболочка, но содержание заполнилось реакционной агресивностью. На освобожденное неолиберализмом место быстро и уверенно устроилась социалдемократия. И специально европейская. В первом десятилетии XX века и последние нити, связывающие социалдемократию с рабочим класом были порваны. Сами социалдемократические партии объявили, что их социальной базой является «средний класс», что в переводе на

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марксисткий язык означает мелкая буржуазия. И таким образом социалдемократия освободила нишу в правом крыле рабочего движения. Возник вопрос кто и когда займет это пространство? Сегодня у нас есть ответ на этот вопрос. Начиная с 90 годов прошлого века постепенно там устроилась и место было занято так называемыми «новыми левыми». Начало было поставлено партиями так называемого «демократического социализма» и «демократических левых». По существу это бывшие коммунистические партии, которые отказались от принципов,ценностей и практики революционного марксизма. Их идеология по существу является возрождением хорошо известных теоретических постановок социалдемократии стлетней давности. Теоритическое убожество сегодняшнего опортунизма то же самое, что и сто лет тому назад. Теория так называемых «новых левых» по сущескву имеет единсквенное назначение - оправдать их хорошо замаскированное капитулянство. К ФОРМИРУЮЩЕМУСЯ СОВРЕМЕННОМУ направлению оппортунизма и реформизма присоединились под собственном именем не малое число коммунистических партий в Европе. Это привело к неразберихе в коммунистическом и рабочем движении. Не вызывает никакого сомнения, что речь идет о хорошо продуманном и искустно реализованном плане по расколу нашего движения, сопровождаемого выталкиванием революционных компартий на переферию политический жизни отдельных европейских стран. С завидной скоростью была создана т.наз. Партия европейских левых, в которой передовое место занимает немецкая левая партия -«Бге 1лпке» и ее фондация «Роза Люксембург», чьей основной задачей

является создание сродных партий прежде всего в бывших социалистических странах Восточной Европы. Новосозданные партии левых в этой части Европы щедро финансируются вышеуказанной фондацией. Нет никакого сомнения, что перед новыми левыми партиями, которые атакуют социалдемократию и ловко разграничиваются от «ортодоксальных» комунистических партий, поставлена задача овладеть и направлять нарастающее недовольство и борьбу трудящихся против крупного корпоративного капитала. Отстранение коммунистов с их авангардных позиций при овладении народного недовольства становится все болееи более актуальным.Прошло более 20 лет с начала капиталистической реставрациив СССР и других странах Восточной Европы. Трудящиеся этих стран все яснее осознают каковы результаты реставрации. Эту часть Европы ограбили и загнали в далекую периферию ЕС. Можно ожидать, что следующий взрыв массового народного негодования произойдет именно в этих странах. И именно здесь Внедряют сурогатные коммунистические партий с их задачей подавлят революционную энергию трудящихся в этом регионе. К КАКИМ ВЫВОДАМ можем придти мы коммунисты-марксисты ленинцы. Партия болгарских коммунистов считает что нужно активно действовать в двух направлениях: - Необходимо начать координированную идеологическую кампанию по разоблачению теоритических постановок и политической практики так наз. «новых европейских левых» и их опытов ерозировать и маргинизировать истинные марксистколенинские партии в их борьбе за возрождение социализма. - Возобновляем призыв нашей партии о

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создании единной организации европейских коммунистических и рабочих партий с целью координации их действий при ожидаемой революционной антикапиталистической волны. Спасибо за внимание.

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Communist Party of Canada MIGUEL FIGUEROA,

DEAR COMRADES, FIRST OF ALL, to express our deep appreciation to our host party, the KKE, for graciously facilitating this meeting, and more importantly, for its combative initiative in the unfolding struggle of the Greek working class and its allies in response to the deepening systemic crisis of capitalism. Our Greek comrades are showing in life how a Communist party should and must exercise its vanguard role. Your party is setting an example and giving inspiration to all Communist forces and revolutionary movements everywhere in the world; SECOND, about the overturning of socialism 20 years ago, and our experience since. In the aftermath of that great calamity, that world-historic setback, we decided that our most important task related to the party itself – to be a party worthy of the name “Communist”. We are reminded of the comments made many years ago by the great Portuguese Communist leader Alvaro Cunhal. He listed the essential features to which we should aspire: to be a party completely independent of the interests, ideology, pressure and threats of capitalist forces; to be a party of the working class, the working people, in general, the exploited and oppressed; to be a party with a democratic internal life and a unified central leadership; to be a party which is both internationalist and which defends the interests of its country; to be a party that defines its goal as the building of a society which knows neither exploited nor exploiters, a socialist society; to be the bearer of a revolutionary theory, the theory of Marxism-Leninism, which not only makes the explanation of the world possible, but also shows the way to change it. THIRD, concerning the current crisis. It is especially intense, global and all-sided not only because the onset of the cyclical crisis of relative over-production was artificially delayed as a result of neoliberal policies, finan-

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cial speculation, the rise of fictitious capital, etc., but also because it is merging with intractable structural crises of the system, not least of which is the growing environmental crisis. This confirms that capitalism is fast approaching its historical limits – perhaps more rapidly than even we Communists had anticipated – and also helps to explain why traditional bourgeois mechanisms of regulating and overcoming the crisis are increasingly ineffective, and why the resulting ruling class response to the crisis is more socially brutal, more militaristic, more dangerous to all humanity than during previous rounds of crisis – at least since the end of WW II. The objective ‘space’ for reformist “solutions” is evermore restricted. This is the objective basis for the deepening crisis and bankruptcy of the social democratic ‘alternative’ today; FOURTH, that while the contradictions underpinning this rotten system are more mature than ever before, laying the objective conditions necessary for the revolutionary leap to socialism, we must acknowledge that the subjective factors for transformation are lagging far behind in many if not most of our countries, especially in most of the advanced capitalist states including Canada. The capitalist offensive against the social, economic and political advances and rights of the working class and its allies, the growing social disparities, the increasing state repression, etc. – all these developments are giving rise to increasing anger among working people, to the loss of bourgeois political legitimacy, and even to the growth of anti-capitalist sentiments. And yet for the most part, the working class – even within its most organized sections – is not yet prepared to embrace the socialist alternative, much less actively fight for

it, to rally to the Communist parties, etc. In general we know the reasons for this growing divide, this contradiction between the objective and subjective factors for revolutionary advance – the increased sophistication of bourgeois ideological instruments of social control, of its use of racism, sexism, narrow nationalism, religious extremism to cloud and divert class consciousness; of the particularly pernicious use of anti-communism and the systematic dissemination of lies and distortions about socialism past and present to scare the workers away from the socialist alternative, and so on. But to identify the problem – including our own subjective weaknesses and failings as a movement in this regard – this is hardly enough, comrades. We need to undertake a far more rigorous study of the problem of the formation of social and class consciousness in the current conditions, and most importantly, how best to counteract bourgeois ideological influences on our class, and make a more skilful and compelling case for socialism as the only alternative to capitalism, as the necessary and desirable alternative to capitalism. And we need to develop new and creative ways to make that case. Simply repeating over and over again slogans about the “superiority of socialism” just won’t suffice. Perhaps we can make this a topic for a future meeting, or better yet, organize a special international conference around this theme. FINALLY, a few words about these meetings. At the risk of repetition, we appeal again to all parties – and especially those parties in the Working Group – to give concentrated attention to improving the format for these annual gatherings. A great deal of time, energy and resources go into convening this interna-

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tional assembly every year, and we must find better ways to ensure that they are as purposeful and productive as possible – for instance by finding more time for targeted discussions and constructive debate on some of the big theoretical and practical challenges we face, more time for discussion and planning of joint actions, more time for regional caucuses, and so on. We are confident that this can be achieved. Thank you for your attention.

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Socialist Workers Party of Croatia VLADIMIR KAPURALIN

Dear Comrades I greet you on behalf of the Socialist Workers’ Party of Croatia, as well in my own name, And I thank the organizers of this important conference to the invitation and an opportunity to address you. THE ESCALATION OF VIOLENCE in the world, which is ongoing, from tectonic geopolitical changes 90-ies of last century, carried out by the most reactionary forces of rampant capitalism, is different from the intervention and aggression that occurred after the W 2. The first one were carried out mainly by the USA, while the UN tried to respond as much as the role for which they were established. By the collapse of socialism in Eastern Europe, the 90-ies of last century, interventions are performed according to the new doctrines, use of new technologies, and assume on new forms. It began in 1991, with the first Gulf War, with the brutal aggression by the United States and its allies in Iraq. Continued in 1999. aggression on an unprecedented proportions on the territory of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, which resulted in abducting a part of territory belonging to Republic of Serbia. In 2001 was subsequent aggression in Afghanistan, which lasts to this day. In 2003 year, followed the second Gulf War, or the repetition of the aggression on Iraq, and finally an epilogue the recent events in Libya. For all of them is significant indiscriminate selection of live targets, and a growing proportion of civilian casualties in relation to the military with large infrastructural destruction. The parameters according to which intervention and aggression after the 90’s of the last century, differs from those before this period, are more than obvious. ALTHOUGH THE U.S. still determined: where, against whom, when and why intervene to and in these interventions have a major role, they are no longer alone. Their goal

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is to share the burden of war and human sacrifice, switch to your allies and local marionettes. A new dimension is the inclusion subjects such as NATO and the EU. Throughout this period is depreciated the role of the UN and it was gradually substituted with the NATO. The last brutal intervention in Libya, are formally and allow by the UN, thereby are from subject of peace, became the subject of aggression, classified with the aggressor. The new wave of intervention in question is different also by an absurd use of weapons, Which contaminate the area for a very long time. This additionally supports the definition of capitalism as a destructive order. Technology of evil, that imperialism is applied, except by abolishing the sovereignty of states and peoples, made it possible to chosen to make decisions about life and death of individuals and entire populations.

The analysis of these destruction imposing necessity of expanding the focus from the essential spheres of action in an existential. If mankind fails to abolish capitalism, it will terminate humanity.

THE ESSENCE OF TODAY’S methods of use of force is to determine who may and who may not kill. Of course the only regimes that have a right to kill were so called regimes of Western democracies. Because they do that based on procedures that draw from the deep roots of their concept of freedom in using the argument of force. So we witnessed that people can be killed in the bedroom in pajamas, and to be passed down to all the video link, for strictly selected audience. Thus is in real world, derived the former imaginary film story in which the agent 007, that time only had a license to kill. It is evident that capitalism, which has fulfill his historical mission offers no longer respond to the needs, nor capitalism itself, let alone humanity. It creates a deeper and deeper social, political, and ecological crisis thereby is further defined as a destructive order.

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Communist Party of Cuba OSCAR MARTINEZ CORDOVES

ESTEEMED COMRADES: To meet again with the common endeavour to coordinate our struggle is already an indisputable achievement for those of us who have consciously taken up the responsibility to be the voice of all peoples. To be here today is a new challenge to those that, day by day, try to suppress and suffocate the cry for freedom in many parts of the world. The purpose that summons us has an expression of urgent need, in the face of an increasingly complex and dangerous outlook for mankind. First of all, we would like to express our gratitude to the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) for the effort to organize and secure this meeting, acknowledging the difficult situation in which it has had to work. This event has an especial meaning for the fact that it takes place in a scenario which has witnessed important struggles during this year of the Greek people, who have faced with courage and determination the cruel and unjust capitalist strategies. The rallying and coordinating role played by the KKE has been crucial in this. We express our militant solidarity with the Party and the combative people of Greece. We sincerely hope that our discussions will consolidate in each country the role of the parties present here and will offer alternatives to face, in a united way, the impact of the present crisis and the unsustainable neoliberal system. IMPERIALISM IS SHOWING its deepest weaknesses and contradictions and the crisis is expressing itself as a structural phenomenon which cannot be overcome without a dramatic impact in the very capitalist system. Governments have implemented, ignoring the popular outcry, urgent packages to rescue the banking system. Huge amount of resources from the taxes paid by their citizens have been used to cover the big liquidity deficit of the banks, as a result of the irre-

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sponsible and speculating policies of these institutions at the service of the exploitative classes. They have implemented the so called “austerity measures”, under the pretext that it is necessary to cover the state deficit, something which is worsened by the rescue of the banks. And as a result of all this, once again, all the burden of the crisis is unloaded on the shoulders of the workers and ordinary citizens. On the other hand, the sudden slowdown of world trade has brought about a big economic contraction in the weakest countries, resulting in an increase of poverty and unemployment. The climate change, natural disasters and the weakness of the dollar have caused a skyrocketing increase of oil and food prices, dragging millions of people to hunger and marginalization. There is an increase of conflicts for the control of natural resources, which leads dangerously to wars that threaten world peace and, therefore, the human race. “The crisis of the neoliberal model imposed during the 1990s by the so called Consensus of Washington on Latin America and the Caribbean brought about the emergence of several popular governments and uprisings, as well as the proliferation of militant social movements, among which we have to highlight the indigenous people, the students, the working sectors and unemployed people. It should be noted that during the absolute reign of neoliberalism and the unipolar world in the 1990’s, the words “socialism” and “imperialism” almost disappeared from the public language of almost all left parties and leaders, and even more of the center-left. One of Chavez’s merits was to define, from January 2004 to the beginning of 2005, the anti-imperialist and socialist course of the Bolivarian

Revolution. Thereafter and on the basis of the new realities unleashed by the nationalistic and radical processes in Bolivia and Ecuador and the debate in this context on the socialism of the 21st century -also promoted by Chavez-, the issue of socialism has started to be raised again in a minority, but increasing, group of parties and leaders. The abovementioned compels us to intensify, strengthen and sharpen to the maximum our abilities and strengths in order to make more systematic, efficient and wider our influence and solidarity with these processes in favour of the anti- imperialist and anti-capitalist struggles and projects and all the national and popular gains that pave the way for this historical course.” Today that the powerful western states and, specifically, the European Union are facing a serious systemic crisis, the Latin American and Caribbean countries with the recent foundation of the Community of the Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) focus their attempts to preserve the sovereignty, their independence and to develop the cooperation and solidarity, independently to weak or powerful countries, and not on the base of the competition and the imbalance. This is the beginning of a promising and strategic stage for the region. CUBA BELONGS to the so called Third World and the impact of the crisis on our country is stronger if we take into account that our economic and social development has been affected for decades by the longest and most unjust economic, commercial and financial blockade in history. The direct economic damage caused to the Cuban people by the implementation of the blockade exceeds 975 billion dollars. Be-

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hind the genocidal act of imperialism is the clear objective to overthrow the revolutionary government and to destroy the constitutional order that our people sovereignly defends. In spite of the false image of flexibility that the present U.S. administration tries to depict, the blockade remains intact, despite the rejection and unanimous condemnation of the international community which, in a systematic and firm way, has demanded the end of this injustice. IMPERIALISM’S ATTEMPT to isolate us crushes daily against the categorical and overwhelming support to the Cuban Revolution and the heroic resistance of a people that refuses to give in its sovereign rights. In defense of that sovereignty that we enjoy today, Cuba is updating its economic model and is implementing changes that will allow us to continue advancing in the development of socialism. The transformations in Cuba began in 1959 and they have never stopped. We will resolutely change everything that has to be changed, but it will be done within the Revolution and socialism. It has been because of this ability of renewal that we have been able to resist the most hostile and aggressive attempts to destroy our country. Our big problem is to tackle economic efficiency and to be able to face today and tomorrow’s challenges. Therefore, the Communist Party of Cuba is implementing an economic updating process, since the battle for the economy depends on the sustainability and preservation of our system. The proposed model was endorsed by the discussion with the population, and then it was approved by the 6th Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba. This is not a finished process, but it is one in which we are continuously working on

to improve it. FOR CUBANS SOCIALISM is not merely the most just and sustainable alternative; it is, above all, the guarantee of our national security, our independence and our identity. What will not change in Cuba is the achievements that we have made with sacrifice and devotion; the commitment to keep the solidarity with our brothers of the Third World and with other peoples; equal opportunities and social justice. We will guarantee the right to employment, to a decent retirement and to social security. We will continue to see the human being as the first and most important thing and we will continue to trust in his unlimited capacity to transform history. We will continue to believe in the human values and we will continue to accompany all those that, just like us, struggle for a more just and equitable world. We avail ourselves of this opportunity to express our gratitude for the innumerable expressions of solidarity towards the just cause of our people against the irrational blockade imposed by the United States and in favour of the release of the Cuban Five. One of them served an unjust sentence, but he is not allowed to return to Cuba to join his family, while the other four remain under a cruel and unjust political imprisonment due to the gross corruption of the legal process and the illegal behaviour of the U.S. government. THE CUBA REVOLUTION has been able to resist, in the first place, thanks to our people’s commitment and unity, and also because of the unconditional support of those who have trusted us and have seen Cuba as the reason for their own struggle. To all these brothers, we convey the assurance that we will not dis-

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appoint them. We also convey our solidarity and support to the strategies of integration in Latin America; to the struggles of the peoples of Africa and the Middle East, recalling specially the suffering caused to the population by NATO and U.S. aggressions; and to the struggle of the Palestinian people. Imperialism is reinforcing its formula of threats, interventions in the internal affairs, encouragement of conflicts and military aggressions in order to assert its will and subjugate the peoples. It is our responsibility not to be indifferent, to denounce it and to demand that governments fulfil their obligations to their people and mankind. As a result of the economic and energy crisis in the main centers of world power, a new geopolitical sharing of the world is being promoted among the powers, in which our peoples can be the victim of any military intervention. This is the “model” that they are already defending as an option to intervene militarily in any country perceived as an obstacle to their strategic interests. Hence, the present struggle takes on unforeseen dimensions and shades. The anticommunist offensive is revitalized in an attempt to silence, discredit and overcome us. It will be essential to use all our ideological maturity, our sacrifice and, mainly, the unity of all communist in order to organize an effective strategy to face imperialism’s hegemony.

that we defend and to unity. Long Live Socialism! Thank you very much.

THE ROAD SEEMS LONG AND DIFFICULT. The only option to advance in the face of the new challenges is the unity in our diversity and the ability to understand the need of multiplying solidarity among the forces of change and progress. History shows that victory is only possible if we are true to the principles

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AKEL, Cyprus YIANNAKIS COLOKASIDES

COMRADES, Allow me to begin my intervention by thanking and congratulating the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) which has undertaken the task of hosting this very important forum of Communist and Workers Parties. In addition, permit me to express our admiration and full support of the struggles of the Communist Party of Greece which in conditions of an all out attack by capitalism is at the front of the Greek people and working people in the struggle against capitalism and imperialism. Furthermore, we express our full agreement with the evaluations and conclusions of the draft joint declaration we have before us. The crisis is indeed a crisis of the exploitative capitalist system and is due to the nature of capitalism itself, which although fully socializing production, the ownership of the means of production and the result of the labour of billions of people remains under the ownership of a small minority of exploiters. We fully agree that the only real alternative solution for humanity is socialism which abolishes this great contradiction, liberating labour from the shackles of exploitation and creating the preconditions for progress and prosperity for all people. The crisis clearly shows that capitalism is synonymous with barbarity and that the future of human civilisation is identified only with socialism. The overthrow of capitalism and construction of socialism is a mature historic necessity. Since we agree on these crucially important issues, given also that you have been handed a comprehensive resolution on the Cyprus problem, allow me to use the time at our disposal to share with you the experience of the Cypriot Left in these difficult times we are going through. AS YOU KNOW IN 2008 we achieved the election of comrade Demetris Christofias, former General Secretary of the CC of AKEL to the

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Presidency of the Republic of Cyprus. This is an achievement of historical importance which in our assessment, its significance goes beyond the borders of small Cyprus. We knew from the very beginning that the election of Demetris Christofias to the Presidency of the Republic of Cyprus did not signal a course towards socialism. In Cyprus, where a large part of its territory is occupied by the Turkish troops and two big British/NATO bases are on its territory, the perspectives for the socialist transformation of society are even more difficult. With the election of Demetris Christofias to the Presidency, we aimed at a new effort to solve the Cyprus problem based on principles and on promoting progressive democratic reforms. The effort is continuing on the Cyprus problem, even though due to the negative stand of the Turkish the prospects for a speedy solution of the problem are regretfully remote. As regards the issues concerning internal governance, and despite the consequences of the global economic crisis, the Christofias government having the support of AKEL, has managed to solve many problems that were troubling Cyprus for years and promote progressive institutional changes. I shall indicatively refer to the safeguarding of the sustainability of the Social Insurance Fund, in an era when in other countries these Funds are collapsing, the solution of the water problem, the significant increase in pensions and public assistances at a time when in other countries pensions are being cut, the increase in the minimum wage at a time when in other countries wages are being reduced, the reform of Education and local-self-government and many others.

The consistency with which President Christofias, having the support of AKEL, is attempting to solve the Cyprus problem based on federation, the resistance to neo-liberal policies, the multidimensional foreign policy based on principles, the progressive reforms in various areas have touched on the interests of the political and economic establishment. This resulted in a continuous escalation of attacks by the; opposition. The opposition is led by the party of the conservative neo-liberal right. Parties from the spectrum of the centre, who had supported the Christofias candidacy and participated initially in the government, began waging fierce criticism, although they were represented in the government and eventually they withdrew from it. A DEADLY BLAST LAST JULY at a naval base, which unfortunately claimed the lives of 13 people, was the pretext for the escalation and culmination of the attacks on President Christofias and AKEL. We experienced an unprecedented atmosphere of bigotry, fanaticism, an outbreak of anti-AKEL feelings. An ad-hoc front against the Left was formed, involving heterogeneous forces. The party of the conservative right, which is seeking to seize power, all those forces from nationalist positions who are reacting to a federal solution, the forces who believe that Christofias is not “bold” enough to accept a solution as the imperialist centres desire, all those hostile to the socio-economic policy of the Left, extreme-right wing up to and including neb-fascist organisations, the leadership of the Cypriot Church and a large section of the mass media come together in this informal front. All of these forces are1 trying to convince the people that the Left is incapable of governing and are calling for the resignation of President

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Christofias. The call for resignation has been assessed by us as an attempt to impose a political coup d’Ètat. In Cyprus, according to the Constitution, the President is elected directly by the people for a five-year term and his staying in power does not depend on any majorities in the House of Representatives (Note; the Parliament of the Republic of Cyprus). Both the President and our Party have resisted the waves of attacks we faced. We handled developments with wisdom and determination. We rejected the demand for resignation and mobilised the people. The mass mobilisations of the people conveyed the message that the President and AKEL are anything other than isolated. People from the Left participated in the mobilisations and expressions of support towards President Christofias, but also many people beyond the spectrum of the Left who are following in horror the dangers of dÈstabilisation would bring at such a crucial time for Cyprus. Currently the situation has I would say somewhat subsided. The problems of the economy and the possibility that Cyprus has in its underwater wealth natural gas and oil reserves have come to the forefront. Of course we do not exclude that there will be a new outbreak of anti-communist hysteria which the Left will combat with the same wisdom and determination, based always on the popular forces and the working people. THE WORLD ECONOMIC CRISIS of capitalism could not but have affected Cyprus too. The fields of construction and tourist were the ones mainly affected. Unemployment for the first time since 1974 - the years of the, Turkish invasion - has reached 8%. The Cyprus economy for various reasons, even today, with the climax of the crisis is in a relatively

sound situation. Where there is a great problem is that it has brought to the surface a great deal of problems which previous governments for decades have created and ignored. The crisis happened to coincide with the administration of the Left in Cyprus and this is a big misfortune for our Party, because it does not enable us to continue our social programme as we would have liked. However, the fact that the crisis coincided with the administration of the Left is also a blessing for the Cypriot people and the working people. Cyprus is one of the few exceptions where we have not witnessed mass mobilisations by the working people, as well as the fact that the phenomenon of the so-called indignants has not appeared. This is not accidental. It is due to the fact that with the existence of a government of the Left and of a powerful Left movement, there is resistance to the levelling implementation of policies against people’s interests. Wages have not been reduced, nor have pensions been cut. Working people are not sacked in the wider public sector. The public organisations of general interest have not been privatised. The welfare state has not been ripped from its foundations. The retirement age has not been increased. The trade union movement is not perceived by the government as an enemy, but is respected. We try to take any measures and those affecting working people through dialogue and in understanding with the trade union movement. Our own Party is struggling so that the accumulated profits and wealth assume the burden that corresponds to them, that is to say the largest share. This philosophy is also shared by the government. In all honesty, I do not claim that we have always managed to prevent measures that in

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their character are anti-popular and to defend the working people and the trade union movement to the degree we would have liked. The pressures exerted on us, particularly on the government; are enormous. It is the objectively very bad state of public finances. It is the demands of the European Union which is moving in exactly the opposite direction to our own. It is the pressures and blackmail exerted by the international loan sharks and money lenders that are seemingly termed as “markets”. It is the fact that the bourgeois parties, including the social democratic party too, who, have the majority in the Parliament, are fully in line with neo-liberal policies of the EU. With the greatest of ease they are promoting decisions to the detriment of the working people, whilst voting against bills submitted by the government to tax the rich and profits. At the same time, through populism and demagogy, they are passing laws which are deducting income from the government, in order to force it to adopt their own policies. Coupled with this, we must stress that the overwhelming majority of the mass media are covering every agitation by the opposition. Last week at a meeting of the parties with the President of the Republic consensus was reached on a number of measures to tackle the economic crisis. This consensus was characterised by AKEL as a painful compromise; a compromise to avoid the accession of Cyprus to the support mechanism of the EU, because if this were to happen we would have similar phenomena as those in Greece. That is to say, we would be governed in reality by some Troika that will pass as a bulldozer over Cyprus.

profits. At the same time we shall continue to support the trade union movement of our country. Many times the question is put whether it would have been be better in times of crisis if we were in opposition and have more flexibility of action. On the other hand, we see that exercising power, even through difficulties and limitations, we manage to defend basic achievements of workers and their living standards and reject the mbst extreme neoliberal policies that come from the EU. In conditions of economic crisis, the Cypriot Left is waging its own class struggle, and it remains a force that embodies the aspirations and visions of people and workers. In conclusion, I would like to express the unreserved solidarity of AKEL towards the fraternal Communist and Workers Parties in their own struggles for national sovereignty, democracy, and social progress, to their struggles against capitalism and imperialism, in their struggles for peace and socialism.

THE STRUGGLE IS CONTINUING. As AKEL we shall submit before Parliament measures concerning the wealthy and accumulated

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Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia VOJTECH FILIP

Dear comrades, allow me in introducing my address to convey to you and all the members of your Parties sincere comradely greetings from my fellow members of the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia. We are meeting here in Athens, in this glorious city, the cradle of European civilisation, at a very turbulent and momentous time, when what is being decided is not only the direction of our civilisation but the very survival of the human race or the interruption and backsliding of its development by hundreds or maybe thousands of years. I may have chosen excessively graphic and radical language, but 1 must indeed agree with Aleka Papariga’s cautionary statement that “we are experiencing an extremely profound crisis of capitalism and this has always been the seed not only of local wars but, as we know from past experience, it will lead in all probability to a military confrontation between strong (imperialist) powers“. It is therefore the primary duty of our meeting to do everything and mobilise everybody to prevent such a development. We are indeed witnessing the advancing death throes of the world capitalist system, when the systemic contradictions between the social character of production and private capitalist appropriation have reached a peak and when these contradictions can evidently no longer be solved nor overcome using the mechanisms of the system. JUST AS IN ALL THE SO-CALLED developed capitalist countries of Europe, in the Czech Republic too following the restoration of capitalism in November 1989 (with the agreement, by the way, of the albeit naively fooled four fifths majority of the population) what took place was the unlimited application of the principles of the free market without qualifications, known commonly as “neoliberalism” and the ideology of the so-called new freedom for everything. The enactment of neoliberal concepts led to the application of the

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harshest forms of market mechanisms which progressively discredited and devalued just about everything. Affected first of all was equality itself among people, followed closely by the conditions governing the functioning of social organisatons; then public services were steadily eroded, affecting the environment and consequently the quality of life, culture and interpersonal relationships. The private interests of progressively smaller groups of shareholders of multinational companies disregarded and continue to disregard the public interest. Privatising profit and loading loss onto the public purse - these are the joint features of this policy. Social debt created in this way neoliberal theory then treats with mindless cuts which exacerbates the crisis even further. At the same time of course the banks continue to increase their profits while the people become impoverished and more and more are becoming destitute. Not only did the Czech Republic fall into this lethal neoliberal trap, but in actual fact the whole Eurozone and among the first and most painfully the country of our host Greece. And we here today clearly affirm our solidarity with the working people of Greece and loudly declare: “No, it was not the Greek working people who took out loans, but the greedy Greek capitalists (not only Greek; pozn.p„ekl.) who, in pursuit of profits, kept on borrowing more and more. Let those who took out the loans repay them”. The people are prepared to make sacrifices and save, but the attempt by the Eurozone politicians to enforce in Greece austerity measures, the dissolution of the welfare state and the disintegration of society and the people must be resolutely brought to a stop. Against a Europe of cuts and impoverishment we must build a Europe of solidarity and social

demands. Before giving you a rundown of the situation in my country and the positions taken up by the CPBM to confront it, 1 would like to draw your attention to the most pressing problem of today’s world which is the need to maintain world peace and security. THE INABILITY OF THE IMPERIALIST COUNTRIES to deal with the consequences of the crisis by enforcing neoliberal economic models on broad strata of working people and the systematic deepening of the crisis, primarily as a result of the rapacity and greed of the banks, has led the governments of these countries to perversely consider solving the crisis by wars of aggression. The example of Libya is evidence of this and serves as a warning. Of course eating has stirred the appetite and the American government under pressure by the military-industrial complex is now sharpening its teeth for the next victim, maybe Syria, then Iran and in the not so distant future possibly Russia. Unfortunately the leading world imperialist power is prepared to suicidally reject the calamitous experience of the 20th century and return the course of events to the end of the 19th century and redefine Pax Americana in such a way as, under cover of a missile defence system, to apply this doctrine to the whole world. As a citizen of a member state of NATO 1 am appalled by the total loss of any self-reflection and the instinct of self-preservation by NATO and the United States. The speeded-up construction of the Euro PRO missile defence system with the intended aim of disabling Russia’s nuclear potential and to gradually surround Russia militarily threatens world peace and security as no other adventuristic step in the past. This playing around with the idea of small limited

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nuclear wars and conflicts at the beginning of the 21st century borders on total madness. And we today must have the courage and determination to clearly identify in our concluding statement who today threatens world peace - NATO headed by the USA, and who confronts this threat - Russia, China, the Asian countries with nuclear status and other free countries of Africa and Latin America. AS TO THE SITUATION IN MY COUNTRY, I must state that sharp shifts have taken place in Czech society and that process is continuing. The majority of citizens have realised that the current government coalition has no intention of carrying out the pre-election promises of putting an end to corruption, of responsible state budgets, and also that it has locked on to its aim of having the debts, which all governments from 1992 have contributed to, paid for by those who did not create it - the working people. And while living conditions for the majority are worsening, those who created the debts - whether coalition politicians, bankers or various privatisers - without risk to their acquired wealth, do not have to pay a cent. Civil society has, however, woken up and is demonstrating that it can express its opposition out in the open. If elections were to be held now, the coalition parties of the right, would suffer their biggest loss since the middle of 1990, when the first post-November elections were held. A case is made out with false arguments for so-called pension, health, tax and other reforms which serve only to enable more privatisation not of public property but of health, social and other services, and the transfer of funds from the pockets of the majority to the pockets of the few most wealthy. Government corruption rules in all spheres of society even

though its elimination was supposed to be one of the government’s main tasks after the elections. Government action and that of its individual members is bringing into disrepute not only government power but the political regime itself. Measures limiting democracy and the free expression of ideas have been passed or are in preparation; the proceedings of juridical bodies are openly influenced to favour the members or patron of the coalition parties; the safety of citizens is not guaranteed; we are participating in military actions that are not in our interest; budget measures directed against low and middle income groups are constructed to give advantage to the wealthy. The liquidation of Czech agriculture is proceeding; further measures are being prepared that will increase the dependence of our country on foreign globalised capital, the owners of which have no affinity with the needs of our people. This unfortunately will enable several interested parties to get control of the remaining public property, including the hospitals. These are the facts of our current political reality. THE CPBM REACTS to this reality with its day-to-day political activity. As an undeviating opposition party we patiently unmask the government’s anti-people measures and perseveringly explain the danger that flows from them. We actively put forward our proposals on how to remedy the situation. Our Party’s existence is the guarantee in the Czech Republic of further development in left-orientation and worker solidarity. Without our Party the centre-left political parties especially Social Democracy would not hesitate to form a coalition with rightist parties and betray their own program. So the CPBM today with its 15 percent electoral support plays an inalienable

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historical role in the Czech Republic. Predictably the growing popularity of the CPBM is a thorn in the flesh of the rightist parties. They do not hesitate to use all the means at their disposal to arouse waves of anticommunism and to attempt to disrupt the Party’s work - its outdoor campaigns and its appeal to the unorganised left-leaning voters who are looking for a leftist solution to our problems. Their aim is to prevent the creation of a natural alliance of the left which would remove them from political power. I must make the point that it was the restoration of capitalism in the Czech Republic (and 1 think it is the same in other former eastern European socialist countries) that fully demonstrated the level of perversion rightist anticommunism is capable of in its struggle with communist and left-oriented political parties. So I believe that our final statement should include a portrayal and critique of contemporary anticommunism and challenge our political opponents to respect absolutely the democratic principle of free expression of political opinions. Because the CPBM’s aim is to unite the forces of the left in the Czech Republic against the power of capital, it instigated the movement “Alliance for Work and Solidarity” (SPaS) as a platform for broad cooperation and a number of political and social organisations are involved in its activities. This does not mean that a barrier has been created to other non-participating left or centre-left organisations including Social Democracy. SPaS offers cooperation with all who care to consider it. The CPBM will continue to do all in its power to develop this form of cooperation into a broad movement which will find ways for further as yet untapped possibilities of cooperation. Our Party will continue to fully support the efforts of the trade unions and organisations of peo-

ple with disabilities and seniors and so help to put a stop to the antisocial plans of the coalition government. The Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia is presently experiencing a period of earnest preparation for its 8th Congress which will take place in May next year. At this congress our concern will be to appraise and adopt our program which outlines for voters the perspective for a fairer social order in our country. It must be a program which advocates adopting an economic policy for the state Chat will not dampen economic development with ill-considered cuts, but will stimulate growth in all forms of ownership. We will need to have regard to the defence of social security, support for the creation of new job opportunities, the retention of the current pension system, the provision of free medical and hospital care and the retention of free education in the institutions of higher learning. We will advocate the elaboration and adoption of an anti-corruption program, a law on property portfolios, and the return to a system of progressive taxation on the income of both natural and legal persons. We will also demand security of energy supply, and the withdrawal of Czech military contingents from places which bear no relation to our defence and are not even in the interests of the UNO. Our steadfast objective, which our Party pursues with day-by-day action, is the building of a fairer socialist society in which people will be remunerated according to their work and merit and everything will serve the benefit of society. THE CPBM has studied the draft final statement of our 13th World Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties and in the main we have no problem with the text. We are pre-

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pared - of course after appropriate amendments and supplementary proposals which will emanate from the contributions of delegation leaders - to endorse it. I have already mentioned the need to stress and add to the paragraph in which we draw attention to the threat to world peace and security and the danger of military conflicts. I also think we should, in the document, pay greater attention to a critique and resolute rejection of the burgeoning nationalistic, neo-fascist and other xenophobic attitudes, which prove to be significant aids to the neoliberal line of governance and administration of public affairs. In addition we should not even forget an appreciation of Karl Marx’s economic teaching which is celebrating a clear victory in the current world-wide crisis. Similarly I think we should devote specific attention to the crisis in the Eurozone and our proposals on how to solve it. I have in mind the need to formulate our position on the solution of the debt problem, proposals for the radical reform of European agreements eliminating in them elements of neoliberalism, the cancellation of the public debt and the reappraisal of the role of the European Central Bank with the aim of compelling it to adopt a regime of low interest loans for the countries that have been most affected by the crisis. I think our Greek hosts deserve to get this help from us. In conclusion I would like to thank both our hosts as also all the organisers for the perfect organisation of our important and successful meeting. THE STRENGTH OF THE LEFT is based on what unites us, on what we struggle for together, on international solidarity. Thank you for your attention.

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Communist Party in Denmark BETTY FRYDENSBJERG CARLSSON

In our analyses in Delhi on coming steps for the crises of capitalism, we said that finance capital now will drain our national finances/cash box. It certainly has happened. In the old centres of capital, Europe and US, the statedebt is enormous. Working class pay the bill through huge cuts in public service and rising taxes, especially tax on consume, and so-called green tax on energy, heating, water, waste – and now by us in Denmark extra tax on so-called unhealthy goods as products with sugar and products containing fat. The countries are in recession. Also Japan is in crises. The stock market is in panic, and it worries the state leaders and the Medias more than the fact, that the populations are in economic panic. THE GENERAL CRISES. Unemployment is exploding. In Denmark until now the majority of unemployed was men, because of the industry moving abroad and cheaper building companies from the former socialist countries got the enterprises for building projects. But now the women are near to the same rate of unemployment because of the huge cuts in public service. The big unemployment of course has economic consequences, both for the families and the society. For decades the housing policy was to transfer working class from tenants to “owners” through easy loans. The consequence is now, that every month 500 families are going bankrupt. The exploding unemployment is exploited by the employers to lower or stagnant the wages, while prices are rising. The consequence is that the consuming is falling and it doesn’t help that “Economic experts”- employed in the biggest banks - daily appeal to the population to spend more money on consuming. People don’t have the money. We are in the classical situation - the classical general crisis of capitalism. THE DYING SYSTEM. In the last year we

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have seen many banks are bankrupt. Our state pays for the lost, and helps the big banks to buy the so-called healthy part of the bank business. It empties our national coffer. Since the 1990 privatizations has gone on. The EU has demanded high quotas for privatizations. In sectors as ex. tax paid eldercare, private firms are constructed in a way so they can transfer the profit to tax-heavens. It means that they don’t pay tax to the coffer that feeds them, and one day there will neither not be money enough to them. Privatizations are a short time object for new profit. Private “rating firms” rates for instance US and European countries low for investors, but the countries will not be better rated when they sell out all the so-called family silver. Capitalism hasn’t many tools left for their rescue. Even the imperialistic wars are too expensive. For instance the short war against Libya has cost the Danish taxpayers what it would cost to make all public transport in the country free. The benefit for supporting the coup makers goes to big conglomerates; their oil interests and profit at rebuild what their war has destroyed. One can say that the capitalist system is not able to rule anymore. Unfortunately the majority of the people still accept to be ruled by it. They don’t question the system as such. A recent report from the International Labour organization ILO states that the risk of – what they call -social unrest has grown substantially in 40 per cent of the 119 investigated countries. The estimated risk of increased social protest is especially high in advanced economies, the Middle East and North Africa and, to a lesser extent, Asia. Not at least the bad employment prospects, the worsening of living conditions and the lack of confidence in government is the reason for this develop-

ment. As communists we greet the growing activities by the people. But on the same time we know that social protest does not automatically lead to real progress or even to socialism. In many of the countries, where the social protest has grown, it has not been under a strong inspiration of a communist party and it has not been led by trade unions or other popular organisations. The development in many of the countries in the Middle East and North Africa proves this. In the Southern Europe and especially here in Greece the situation is much more promising as the communist party and the working class organisations are leading in the popular movements. Besides struggling for better conditions right now increasingly also the struggle for the only alternative to capitalism, to unemployment, to poverty, that is socialism, is in focus. CONFUSED AND DISILLUSIONED. Looking at results from parliamentarian elections in Europe and in other continents, people use their vote to protest. In some countries they replace the labour governments with a bourgeois and goes from ashes to fire, other where it is the opposite. But with tiny differences the policy is the same. The economic policy is the same and the same the policy on war, interfering, membership of NATO and the EU. Even in Denmark, where the new elected government is addicted of the votes from the United Left, who 3-doubbled there mandates, but the United Left will vote for the budget, containing membership of NATO, The EU, the War in Afghanistan etc. given some – well good – but small promises in return. It doesn’t help working class to recognise that socialism is a necessity to change life into a better future.

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The People get disillusioned on politics. We know that in all our countries people are angry on the finance institutions. In Denmark at the moment 69 % would vote no once again, if we should vote yes or no to join the Euro. And also in Denmark many demonstrated and some occupied the central circus in protest and support to the “Occupy Wall Street” movement. But without a common goal, without socialism as an alternative, nothing will change, and the movement will die quietly like the Attack movement did some years ago. FASCISM OR SOCIALISM. In front of us there is an alternative, socialism, and a huge danger: Fascism. In Europe we already see its appearance. Most clear is the dictatorship of the finance capital. First in Greece, where the prime minister was replaced with a finance boss, an afterwards even more clearly in Italy, where the elected prime minister – like him or not – was deposed and replaced with an adviser for the big monopolies. Not a protest from all the leaders who invade foreign countries to depose dictators and export the socalled western parliamentarian democracy. After years undermining democratic rights and humanism, years with xenophobia, unemployment and growing poorness the political establishment seams surprised by the revelation of extreme right wing groups and their well-planned mass murdering. They are a product of capitalism, of its misery its material and cultural poverty and its disgusting view of human nature. This historical situation calls for an alternative, for the socialist alternative. We need to fight anticommunism and the faking of history in an offensive way. To this education of our young members is important as our work

for unity in working class. It is difficult to foretell what the outcome of the capitalist crisis will be in the short run. A socialist revolutionary situation will probably not occur within the next few years, but the struggle must go on and be intensified! Finally I want to thank for the greetings and support to our member and comrade, president for the association of the former resistance fighters and KZ prisoners, who just is released from prison. He was convicted for terrorism because of collecting money to help the victims in Gaza after the Israeli attack, delivered through the PFLP. Through his prisoning we have been demonstrating in front of the prison, and have had big solidary meetings about this case. On the international solidarity day many demonstrated at the prison. Our struggle against the terror-legislation will continue. We appreciated your solidarity very much. Thank You. Solidarity forever – socialism is the future.

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Communist Party of Denmark (DKP) HENRIK STAMER HEDIN

THE HORRORS OF WORLD WAR I and the ensuing revolutions in Russia and other countries ushered in a general crisis of the capitalist system and a revolutionary dynamism lasting for decades. Two world wars and an economic world crisis, which came as a surprise and a shock to many, seemingly went to show that capitalism had survived its time and was facing immediate collapse – that conditions were ripe for a new type of society: Socialism. A third of the world drew the revolutionary consequence of this and embarked on building socialism on the ruins left by World War II. The failure of capitalism was especially conspicuous in Europe: Half the continent turned socialist in a short span of time, the European colonial powers lost their empires, and inside the individual countries the Communist parties became a force with which the rulers had to count. THE CONSOLIDATION OF CAPITALISM within the European Union, beginning with the establishment of the Coal and Steel Union in 1951, convinced many that capitalism was nevertheless capable of resolving its internal contradictions, and this made the problems inescapably tied in with building of socialism appear more visibly. As we all know, these problems included, alongside economic difficulties connected with the complete novelty of the task of planning the development of an entire national economy, violations of socialism’s own democratic standards and phenomena such as unsufficient distinction between differences of opinion and class contradictions, all stemming from the fact that the working of the new order of power had still to be understood thoroughly and experiences won. It is of no use denying these problems; what is important to realize is that they are not to be looked upon as moral issues at the origin of things, but they are effects of the struggle for survival of the new, still infant

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order of society – effects of the ups and downs of global class struggle. Just like the first of these “ups of global class struggle”, the subsequent “down” had its centre in Europe. The consolidation of capitalist Europe was a victory of the forces of l’ancien rÈgime, and its outcome was a counterrevolutionary development taking speed around 1980 and culminating in the collapse of all socialist states in Europe without exception. The results obtained by the working classes in capitalist Western Europe came under pressure; the working class movement found itself on the defensive; its revolutionary branch was hit by a crisis, nobody had thought possible; and the Communist parties were weakened and fractioned. This happened in virtually all countries of Europe, but to a much lesser degree in other parts of the world; heralded by the Cuban revolution, Latin America even experienced a revolutionary upsurge at the same time as reaction was triumphing in Europe, and in South Africa apartheid was crushed by revolutionary struggle. But in Europe, the continent of the October revolution, the defeat was universal with the consequences described, and that is the main reason why several, primarily European countries are represented here by more than one party - my own country included. But once again the wheel of history began turning toward the left, and once again the centre of developments was in Europe. It became apparent that the European Counterrevolution, far from showing the way to peace and the proclaimed blooming landscapes, had led to new wars, a new kind of oppression and abuse of former colonies, a sharpened exploitation of the working class in developed countries, and liquidation of democratic and labour rights. What had taken generations to

build up, had been annihilated within the short span of 20 years. And as a culmination of all this, capitalism’s internal contradictions erupted into a deep economic world crisis. Communists had predicted this, but had not been believed; now, more and more people were able to see that the analysis was correct and that the world was on the verge of a new era of crises and revolutions. The Communist world movement was rebuilt little by little witness the fact that we are gathered here today. And in individual countries, again especially in Europe, a movement towards reunification of the fragmented revolutionary forces is under way. AT THE SAME TIME, revolutionary currents are gaining speed in Latin America, in Africa, in the Arab and Mediterranean world, and, most recently, in North America with the “Occupy”movement. These developments are fueled by the global economic, political and moral crisis demonstrating capitalism’s inability to solve the problems it has inflicted on the world. They all point to the truth of the slogan which is the theme of this meeting: “Socialism is the future!” And once again I must draw the attention to the developments in Europe, because what is happening on this continent is a profound crisis, perhaps a death crisis of the European Union project - the very project which, a mere generation ago, seemed to offer a convincing alternative to socialism. This is not the case any longer. I need not say much about this - I am sure others will. We are guests in one of the countries most severely hit by the crisis of the Euro and of the European Union; people here are suffering its blows every day and reacting to it under the leadership of - whom? Our host party! This is no accidental and passing crisis.

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This is no question of excessive consumption or of failures of policy or of greed in a few chance individuals. It is the great wheel of history turning. It is revolution knocking at our door. It is convincing evidence that socialism is the future, because socialism is necessary to solve the problems at hand, the problems of today and of the future. And if we seize the opportunity offering itself now, and if we do it wisely and decisively, soon socialism may no longer be the future, but the present.

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Communist Party of Finland YRJÊ HAKANEN,

THE INTERNATIONAL FINANCIAL CRISIS, which is currently shaking the euro zone, clearly speaks of the need for radical anticapitalist change. At the same time the gap between the need for change and the subjective conditions of the forces to implement the change has increased. This is particularly clear in Finland. The Social Democrats and the Left Alliance in Finland participate in the Conservative Party-led Government implementing a policy of social cuts and shaping the European Union into an authoritarian federal state. The commitment of the parliamentary Left to neoliberal policies of the government and of the EU has strengthened the right-wing and right-wing populism. At the same time the leadership of the Finnish trade union movement has been bound to support the policy of the government and of the EU. THE CITIZENS’ DISSATISFACTION with the current policy is widespread. But in Finland few people trust in the possibility to change direction of the policy. This is a challenge for us Communists to open up possibilities of struggle by questioning the prevailing neoliberal and nationalist interpretations of the capitalist crises, by bringing into the discussion the Marxist class perspective. In this respect the struggles of the workers, trade unions, the Communist Party and of other left-wing forces in Greece are an important and encouraging example. The forces of capital and the right-wing use the crisis of the euro zone to scrap the rights, which the working class and peoples movements have acquired through decades of struggle, such as collective agreements, public services, pensions, and democratic rights. The anti-crisis programmes of the EU do not even attempt to ease the situation of people in need. They aim to transfer ever greater amounts of money, property and power into

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the hands of a small rich elite. This is also a crisis of democracy. The fate of entire nations has been subjected to the dictatorship of financial markets. Increasingly authoritarian means are used to carry through ever more brutal neo-liberal policies.

and of Microsoft reflects how crucial it is to develop the national economy for the need of people and as an entity, not from the point of view of financial markets that pursue unilateral quick profits.

FOR US COMMUNISTS the current situation is a challenge in terms of organizing the immediate struggle to defend workers’ and other wage earners’ rights against those attacks, which become ever more hard. At the same time it is a challenge to gather the forces together for counter-attack and to focus the struggles on the capitalist power and ownership relations. The battle around everyday rights is more and more connected to struggle to break the power of financial capital. There is a need to open up horizons showing the way out of capitalism, towards modern socialism. Here we in Europe have much to learn from the struggles of Latin American left-wing forces.

FINANCIAL CAPITAL AND GOVERNMENTS are trying to cope with the crisis of the capitalist economy by making the workers and people pay for it. This is reflected in the growing practice of social dumping, the segregation of the euro zone and the stigmatizing of people as being responsible for the crisis. Therefore, it is important to emphasize that the crisis is not about the people, but the struggle between classes. We know from history and from the Leninist theory of imperialism how dangerously economic crises, militarism and war are linked. This remains true today, in spite of the fact that globalization has bound the economies, the companies and countries to each other in many ways.

THE INTERNATIONAL DAY OF ACTIONS on 15th of October, which originated from the Tahri square in Cairo, from the occupation of squares by the “Indignados” in Spain and from the Occupy Wall Street movement, inspired peaceful occupations of squares in 14 cities in Finland. The Occupy movement is still continuing in the capital city Helsinki for instance. These struggles have brought about a wider debate on the need to support human well-being, not the banks, and that banks – which have the primary responsibility for the crisis – should be taken under social ownership and be subject to democratic control. The fact that the Nokia corporation, which is important for the Finnish economy, has ended up in the hands of U.S. large investors

THE UNITED STATES AND NATO seek through military force to ensure the control over energy resources and strategically important regions: the wars in Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya, the building of new missile bases and the projects to expand NATO. Hundreds of billions are wasted in the arms race, while at the same time there is no money to fight global problems such as hunger, poverty, unemployment and climate change. Finland, which has traditionally practiced a policy of peace and neutrality, has been drawn into NATO operations. By unanimous decision of the Government, Finnish troops participate in the war in Afghanistan, and military expenditure increases for the sake of NATO missions. In the January presidential

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elections the present Social-democratic President Tarja Halonen will most likely be followed by a right-wing candidate. His role will increase if the Finnish government manages to obtain a seat in the United Nations Security Council. IT IS NECESSARY TO BUILD A STRONGER LEFT-WING, anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist force to combat the attack by big capital and the right wing. In this respect, such meetings as ours today play an important role. On behalf of the Communist Party of Finland I wish to thank the organizers of this international meeting of Communist and Workers Parties. We need common political initiatives and campaigns, for instance, against war, social dumping and the power of the banks. Likewise, we need common solidarity activities with Palestine, Cuba and other people who are victims of imperialist aggressions. We also want to strengthen our activity against racism, the extreme right and anti-communism.

bring together Left forces into a wider co-operation against neoliberalism and capitalism. That is why we in the Communist Party of Finland consider important also such networks of cooperation as the European Left and the Sao Paolo Forum. We have a great responsibility as to whether the current crises of capitalism will lead to even more unequal, undemocratic, destructive and dangerous developments – or, whether an opening towards a democratic and leftist way out of crisis will be found. - Socialism is the future!

WORKERS’ UNITY does not arise spontaneously; capitalism constantly produces differences and competition. Communists have their place where there is discontent, where the working class is on the move and where forces can be gathered against big capital. It is important to strengthen the class oriented trend within the trade union movement, which builds united action beyond trade union and national boundaries, and also cooperates with the citizens’ movements. To strengthen the struggles of the trade unions and citizens’ movements, it is also important to open up prospects for political change. Therefore initiatives are needed to

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‘ FACE A LA CRISE DU CAPITALISME, articuler

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French Communist Party Obey Ament

luttes sociales et perspective politique pour construire l'alternative nécessaire. Depuis quelques années les luttes populaires se développent dans les différentes régions de la planète avec l'exigence de changements profonds. En Amérique latine, ces mouvements populaires ont ouvert la voie à des gouvernements progressistes, avec parfoi s la participation des partis communistes, qui indiscutablement ont déjà changé la face de la région et contribuent aux modifications des rapports de forces dans le monde. De ce point de vue, la création de la Communauté des États latino-américains est un fait historique. Un autre fait significatif est le rôle actif que Cuba joue dans cette nouvelle configuration. La Révolution cubaine n'est plus isolée. Les progressistes de ce continent lui doivent beaucoup, sa résistance et la solidarité qu'elle a apporté aux progressistes de l'Amérique latine rend maintenant des fruits. On voit aussi comment le monde arabe connait des mouvements populaires porteurs des mêmes exigences de justice et de démocratie. Comment en Amérique latine ces mouvements traduisent le rejet croissant des politiques néolibérales imposés par le FMI et les transnationales et mises en œuvre par des gouvernements corrompus et autoritaires où le népotisme est monnaie courante. EN EUROPE, des luttes se développent pour résister aux politiques qui s'attaquent au niveau de vie, à l'emploi productif et aux protections sociales. Elles s'opposent à des gouvernements, de droite ou sociauxdémocrates, qui ne proposent rien d'autre que les mêmes politiques qui sont à l'origine de la crise pour sauver le capital financier tout en voulant élargir sa domination. Ces mêmes forces se sont retrouvées dans un consensus qui a permis la construction de cette Europe du capital qui est aussi en crise puisqu'elle est l'un des acteurs principaux

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du capitalisme mondialisé. Les luttes de nos peuples se trouvent face avec un capitalisme qui est dans l'impasse. Il faut saluer la détermination du peuple grec qui se bat depuis des mois avec une grande dignité et qui n'accepte pas les injonctions insultantes du couple Merkel-Sarkozy et les impositions d'une Union européenne plus discréditée que jamais. Le peuple grec est un exemple de courage, il porte aussi nos espoirs et exigences. Je voudrais lui exprimer ici, aux communistes grecques qui sont en première ligne de ce combat, toute notre solidarité grecques et avec qui est partagée par tous les hommes et femmes qui se battent en France. Les peuples se révoltent et exigent des changements réels. Une conscience se développe grâce à ces luttes quant aux causes de la situation actuelle et des responsabilités qui sont celles de ceux qui nous gouvernent au service du grand capital. LES PEUPLES N'ACCEPTENT plus le sort qui leur est fait, ils expriment le sentiment que les choses ne peuvent plus continuer ainsi. Des attentes et exigences grandissent face à la financiarisation des économies qui dévalorise le travail, contre la marchandisation de la vie et la destruction des biens publics et de l'environnement. Ces attentes et exigences portent en elles une autre vision de la société. Nous sommes arrivés à un point d’inflexion: ou bien les forces au service du capital, dans leur tentative pour sortir de sa crise, nous amènent à un degré de barbarie qui n’exclurait ni des nouvelles formes d'autoritarisme ni des nouvelles guerres, ou bien nos peuples imposent des voies nouvelles vers des transformations profondes de nos sociétés. Le thème de cette conférence, «Le Socialisme est le futur», trouve dans cette exigence toute

sa signification. Ce moment d'inflexion que nous vivons comporte ces deux potentialités: celle qui porte les exigences et attentes populaires, c'est la notre, celle des communistes et face à elles, celle d'une plus grande domination d'un capitalisme de plus en plus destructeur qui entrainerait l'humanité plus loin dans une crise de civilisation. Cette régression se traduit déjà dans l'Union européenne par des choix antidémocratiques et autoritaires en donnant plus de pouvoirs à des instances non élues au détriment des parlements nationaux et des droits des peuples. Un autre exemple du chemin emprunté par cette Europe du capital est sa nouvelle soumission à l'hégémonie des États Unis en adoptant la nouvelle stratégie de l'Otan. Notre parti a condamné les interventions militaires décidées par le gouvernement de Nicolas Sarkozy de la France en Côte d'Ivoire et en Libye. Ces interventions montrent la volonté d'un retour aux pires moments du colonialisme où les puissances s'arrogent le droit d'ingérence au nom de principes soi disant humanitaires. Elles imposent la guerre comme élément constitutif de la conception de ce qui devront être les relations internationales de ce capitalisme en crise. LES MOUVEMENTS POPULAIRES qui s'expriment dans le monde aujourd'hui empruntent des voies diverses. L'histoire et les expériences de lutte de chaque société marquent profondément leurs choix. En France nous poursuivons les luttes de 1789, de la Commune, du Front populaire et du Conseil national de la résistance. Aujourd'hui, nous avons fait le choix d'une nouvelle forme de rassemblement en créant avec d'autres forces un Front de Gauche ouvert à tous ceux qui veulent une transformation profonde de

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notre pays. Nous avons fait ce choix pour ouvrir une perspective politique qui réponde aux exigences et attentes populaires et permettre construire l'alternative nécessaire par l'articulation des luttes et de la perspective politique. Nous entrons en France dans une période marquée par l'enjeu des élections présidentielles et législatives de 2012. L'objectif premier du Front de Gauche est celui de battre la droite et sa politique qui plonge notre pays dans la crise et que lui fait jouer un rôle en première ligne des guerres neocoloniales. LE FRONT DE GAUCHE est un choix stratégique de rassemblement qui cherche à créer une dynamique populaire nouvelle qui donne toute sa force à une perspective de changement et de contestation des logiques capitalistes actuelles. C'est la seule voie qui permettra à notre pays de trouver une issue à la crise. Les solutions moyennes proposées par le courant social démocrate ne peuvent que retarder l'aggravation de la crise et ses conséquences et au bout, une telle politique risque de renforcer l'extrême droite nostalgique et ultra réactionnaire. Le capitalisme a construit un tissu d'institutions et organismes qui imposent ses règles au monde entier au bénéfice des transnationales. Le FMI, la Banque mondiale ou l'OMC sont des instruments qui servent au pillage des peuples, mettent en concurrence les travailleurs et territoires et organisent des relations de domination. La mondialisation capitaliste a imposé le règne de la finance et des transnationales, qui ignorent les frontières, et cherche a imposer cette domination dans chaque coin de la planète. A l'ONU les tentatives d'instrumentalisation se répètent, sa Charte

est dévoyée, le multilatéralisme ignoré et les Droits des peuples bafoués par les forces impérialistes. Nos voies et stratégies sont diverses et elles sont aussi porteuses d'aspirations communes. Le contexte de mondialisation capitaliste dans lequel nous agissons nous met devant à des défis communs. Nos luttes en faveur de changements de fond et pour la transformation de nos sociétés peuvent avoir des conséquences ailleurs. L'arrivée des forces progressistes à la tête des pays de l'Amérique latine a déjà modifié le rapport des forces du fait que l'impérialisme a face à lui des peuples qui contestent son hégémonie. Leurs gouvernements ne se contentent pas de mettre en œuvre des réformes qui font reculer la pauvreté et qui donnent un autre contenu à la démocratie. Ils s'expriment et agissent en faveur d'une nouvelle architecture financière mondiale, d'un multilatéralisme réel. Sur tous ces points nous pouvons converger avec les forces de la gauche latinoaméricaine et en faire des batailles communes pour la souveraineté de nos peuples. La chute des régimes autocratiques dans le monde arabe peuvent aussi changer la donne si ces peuples réussissent à empêcher la confiscation de leurs révolutions par les forces de la réaction et par l'impérialisme aux aguets. L'un des grands enjeux auquel sont attachés tous les peuples arabes est celui de l'avenir de la Palestine, le droit de son peuple à un État démocratique et souverain. L'avenir des révolutions arabes, leur orientation politique sera d'une grande importance pour l'avenir de l'enjeu palestinien. Il y a un besoin d'un internationalisme vivant qui apporte de la solidarité et qui permette de donner à nos luttes, qui s'ancrent dans le

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cadre national, une autre dimension, régionale ou internationale, en les faisant converger sur des terrains concrets. Nous nous sommes battus contre la «directive Wolkestein» pas par xénophobie comme les défenseurs du traité Constitutionnel européen nous en accusaient mais parce que cette directive européenne mettait en concurrence les travailleurs d'Europe et favorisait le démantèlement de leurs droits au nom de la compétitivité et de la concurrence libre et non faussée. Cette lutte que nous menions en France convergeait avec celles menées contre dans d'autres pays contre la précarisation du travail et le dumping social. D'autres exemples peuvent être cités comme par exemple la nécessité de convergences de luttes et de réflexions communes sur les questions telles que l'exigence d'un nouvel ordre international, celui de la défense de l'environnement, des droits nouveaux, de la paix et la militarisation et bien d'autres. NOTRE PARTI essaye depuis quelque temps d'apporter sa réflexion sur la nécessité d'un internationalisme qui réponde aux défis de notre époque. Nous avons organisé une première rencontre en novembre 2008 sur le titre «Crise mondiale et nouvel internationalisme» et en janvier 2010 la «Rencontre des progressistes d'Amérique latine et d'Europe». Nous avons ainsi voulu ouvrir un espace de réflexion commune favorisant des convergences sur des terrains communs et concrets d'action: droits des travailleurs, migrations, souveraineté alimentaire... Notre parti considère qu'il y a besoin d'espaces qui permettent aux forces progressistes, à toutes celles qui agissent en faveur de la transformation de nos sociétés, d'un dépassement du capitalisme,

pour le socialisme, de se rassembler pour échanger, réfléchir et faire converger nos luttes et aspirations. C'est dans cet esprit que nous donnons autant d'importance au Forum de Sao Paulo et au Réseau de la gauche africaine, forums auxquels nous participons en tant qu'observateurs en essayant de tisser des liens de coopération et de travail sur des thématiques diverses. C'est aussi dans cet esprit unitaire que nous avons participé à la fondation du Parti de la Gauche Européenne qui réunit un nombre important de partis de l'Ouest et de l'Est du continent. Ce parti se veut un outil au service de nos peuples pour faire face aux politiques et aux projets du capital tout en mettant tous nos efforts dans la construction d'une alternative de progrès: une Europe des peuples. C'est le sens que nous donnons à notre participation à des conférences comme celle qui nous réunie aujourd’hui: rassembler nos forces et contribuer à une nouvelle perspective politique. Je tiens à remercier le Parti communiste grec de nous avoir donné cette possibilité dans les meilleures conditions. LES LUTTES QUE NOUS MENONS contre les politiques d'austérité décidées dans les instances de l'UE avec la participation active de nos gouvernements pour sauver le capitalisme appellent à des convergences fortes et au rassemblement de toutes les forces de la gauche et du progrès en Europe. Serons nous capables de donner une dimension nouvelle à nos luttes à partir de leur ancrage national? Pourrons nous être capables de nous rassembler et de créer une cohérence d'ensemble à nos luttes? Pourrons nous donner plus de force aux exigences et attentes de nos peuples on les faisant converger sur un terrain commun de lutte?

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Serons nous capables de donner un élan nouveau à l'internationalisme qui a toujours fait partie de notre identité communiste en contribuant au rassemblement de toux ceux qui se battent aujourd'hui?

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Communist Party of Macedonia, FYROM PERO ODZAKLIESKI

Before we start with an analysis of the topic which was adopted “Socialism is the future “, I will try to make one of my personal review of the differences between capitalism on the one hand, and on the other the socialism – a society that we communist consider as transitional society to communism, which society certainly has respective level of solutions for freedom of man, especially for the role and place of the worker in such a society. BY THE CAPITALIST SOCIETY in the foreground is the capital and only capital, increasing the capital goods under exploitation of the working labor, and with it grew the doctrine of the increase of capital in financial trusts –monopolies, corporations and similar organizations, up to creation of a dominant monster so called Globalization, which more and more overlaps the world in all aspects: financial, military, political, until the money in sports, agriculture, science and other spheres. Increasing the appetites to achieve a larger capital, the capitalist world through increasing the industrialization and using modern methods to achieve greater profits, not realized that by itself enters into certain state of crisis “ economic recession” from one hand, and the other by growing unemployment rate of the working class through increasing and improving production processes. But with globalization, especially made in the kitchen in U.S., it is very naive to believe that United States in this complex renounces domination in the military-political-financial part on the world and spread it in the global flow. But not for long because on the same principle, the stronger countries accepting this American idea , the same actions in many areas from their countries shared to global corporation, financial trusts, military-industrial companies and similar institutions in the global sphere, that the control in all direction handed over to U.S control. Not by accident U.S. is the dominant force in scientific re-

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search, in military-technological high achievement in armaments, defense and security. By harsh estimates of the NATO pact in Europe accounted for 60% of investments in U.S. military. Such urging all important segments managed by globalism, the United States dominates the world in all spheres. More and more is increasing the control of military-strategic areas for closer presence to oil corridors, raw fields and other various energy. All this is achieved through such dominance over Europe as well as above the great part of the world. Therefore it was necessary breakdown of Soviet Union, and the heavy defeat of the communism, i.e. of socialism. After all these and similar benefits, capitalism in our personal opinion is losing breath, preciously its dominance above the world. Last annual financial crises, especially in the capitalist world, so-called world global economic crisis, shows that capitalism has no adequate solution for the benefit of man – the worker (the world of the worker). THE WORKING MAN, regardless of its intellectual and educational level of development, needs more human society where labor will be appreciated, valued and rewarded, a society which will be regulated according to the needs of the majority and not as in capitalism, where minority (rich layer of people) dominate over the majority (poor and exploited workers). Such a desirable society is certainly a socialist society. We must admit that at this point in 21st century, capitalism is situated in the greatest historical crisis much like the late thirties of the last century. This historic crisis is suitable moment for consolidation – bringing together all left world forces in the world struggle to defend workers rights and democratic ideals.

All forces should be put in the defense to the worker exploitation. First, we Communist must not forget the basic labor rights, “the right not to be exploited”, and that labor is the only source of value. The economic anarchy of capitalist society that exists today, for me represents the real source of evil. Capitalists have in their hands funds for production, they controlled directly or indirectly the main sources of information (newspapers, radio, television, education), so it is difficult for the ordinary worker to come to objective conclusions and perceptions of their political – working rights, knowledge which throw will realized and focused their own steps to improvement of their situation. How the technological development of the production pores is growing, also is increasing the number of firing workers in production facilities, and thereby is creating a surplus of working people in the labor market, and with this is growing also and deprivation of individuality to the worker, putting into condition for less funds to sell their labor. Such, in this way, capitalism has inflicted a heavy impact of working man, thereby cripples the working power. With all these negative phenomena which are pressing on the back of the working man, is high time to say to capitalism – ENOUGH IS ENOUGH. That’s why is necessary to mobilize all the left powers in the world for faster destruction of capitalist society and creating a socialist society, because in this society leads: freedom of the individual, humanity, solidarity, etc. Front to winning this fight should be required in the ordinary worker, peasant, and above all its possibilities requires participation in various trade unions for joint struggle, to victory for the working man. When looking unavoidable fall to capitalism must in no way to be left out and imperial-

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ism as the highest stage of capitalism, which also should be destroyed. THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE CAPITALIST ECONOMY, precisely grouping the capital into monopolies, cartels, trusts, in one word cause global economy, caused transformation of capitalism into imperialism. The strongest imperialism in the XX century is U.S., which of course through its major satellites, the IMF and World Bank, dominate in all spheres, and certainly an advantage to the military-industrial complex, the economy and other spheres. Not by accident that their efforts were set for the fall of the Berlin Wall, and thereby destroying the Soviet Union, an equal opponent who may resist the hegemony of U.S. imperialism. “New World Order”, with the same father George Bush (senior), creates a plan for world domination of the U.S. But imperialism certainly has its weakness that should be used to in order to achieve the main goal, a decline of imperialism. It is known that United States in the Vietnam War was defeated, the people mostly peasants, all of them entered the struggle against U.S. imperialist forces and won with its fighting spirit. In order for imperialism to rule the world, creates new war spots, with the convictions that it is the guardian of the people from evil as terrorists and fundamentalist, etc. Therefore, only with the fall of capitalism, i.e. imperialism can eliminate world horrors of wars, poverty, starvation and etc. Capitalism and imperialism come from one crisis to another and mainly are unable to find way out. It is therefore necessary now and forever unity of all left – wings forces to a final victory of the greatest human evil: capitalism and imperialism.

FINALLY, on behalf of all members and sympathizers of the Communist Party of Macedonia, from all progressive citizens of the Republic of Macedonia, to thank the organizer of this international event, the Communist Party of Greece, and to point after I don’t know how many ways till now, that it was in the past and now remains as the biggest avant-garde in the communist movement, on the Balkans, Europe and worldwide. Long live Communism!!! Long live Communist World Movement!!!

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‘ ВСЕОБЩИЙ,

Unified Communist Party of Georgia Maro rabarovski

ГЛУБОЧАЙШИЙ СИСТЕМНЫЙ КРИЗИС, охвативший нынешнее капиталистическое общество, разрывающиеся по швам неолиберальная система «Тетчеризма», полевение сознания масс, что приносит плоды в виде левых правительств Латинской Америки и не только, бурлящий арабский мир, где процессы ели сдерживаются под контролем Запада и многое другое живо, на практике доказывает правильность главного тезиса темы – «Социализм, будущее человечества». Несмотря на это, этот тезис остро нуждается в теоретическом обосновании на основе марксизма. Теорию социализма безусловно будет обогащать анализ особенного опыта реставрации капитализма на пространстве бывшего социалистического лагеря во главе СССР. 20летный опыт реставрации капитализма, наваливший на голову народам бывших соцстран – это совершенно новый и конкретный опыт, ранее неизвестный, изучение которого дает возможность сопоставить особенности нынешнего капитализма, как всеобщей системы. Хотя ради такой возможности, - получить интересный материал для анализа, - мы свершившемуся историю спасибо не скажем, но система капитализма очень своеобразно и совершенно конкретным историческим образом включил в себя вышеуказанное пространство, где произошла реставрация эпохального масштаба в основном уже преодоленных форм общественных отношений. Наше выступление на конференции может стать только попыткой обратить внимание на некоторые моменты вместимой и актуальнейшей темы нашей конференции. Мы попытаемся сделать это на примере анализа происходящих в Грузии процессов. Всю экзотику «постоциалистического капитализма» выросшей не из недров феодализма, а на совершенно иной почве - на развалинах социализма, можно понаблюдать на примере Грузии. Она прошла все фазы, смеем даже так сказать - логические ступени развития нынешней хваленной, если перефразировать характеристику Буша-младшего

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– «маячной демократии». ВСЕ ЭТИ СТУПЕНИ, о которых ниже будет речь, прошли также и бывшие советские республики: от разрушения соцсистемы, до вызревания нынешнего общественного состояния, когда все стороны общественной жизни контролируется кучкой миллиардеров - крупных местных финансовых группировок, тесно сросшихся с политической властью. Но есть одна разница: все эти ступени в Грузии выражены более отчетливо и наглядно. Так вот, Грузия прошла этап разрушения, когда достояние социалистического периода было разворовано и уничтожено в наибольших размерах и самым быстрым образом. Потом мы видим этап гражданского противостояния в виде межнациональных вооруженных противостоянии, что вызвано было в жизни невидимой рукой сверху и послужил палькой для быстрого и эффективного встряхивания остатков социализма головой кинувшиеся в пропасть в советском государстве. Межэтнические, жестокие братоубийственные войны, кровь и разрушение - капитализм шагнул по Грузии с неприкрытим лицом, бесцеремонно вывернувшей наружу своею волчей сущностью. Но это также и был необходимым этапом становления, вызревания местной буржуазии, был периодом сконцентрирования первоначального капитала путем масштабной аферы приватизации народного имушества с примесью криминально-бандитскими методами накопления. После этого мы наблюдаем этап, - назовем так, - «коррупционного» капитализма при правлении Шеварднадзе, когда произошло окончательное сформирование национальной буржуазии с более-менее легализованным лицом с одновременным обузданием вооруженных бандформировании. Приход Саакашвили знаменуется перераспределением капиталов с окончательным

срастанием этого капитала с политической властью. Когда мы говорим о срастании капитала с властью, это надо понимать именно в буквальном смысле. Все каналы болееменее заметного дохода в стране контролируются со стороны членов правительсва, парламента, топ-менеджеров правительственной партии, крупных чиновников и приближенных к ним лиц. Теперь уже окрепший крупный национальный буржуа жестко обходится со своим «средним» братом и толкает его вниз, захватывая все больше и больше его пространства. Параллельно, тот же самый крупный национальный капитал в стране наводит порядок. Он нуждается в некой стабилизации и четкой структуризации общества с четкими же акцентами кому какое место отводится в «новом» порядке в его понимании и в его интересах. К тому же, он стремится минимизировать негативные явления, насколько это возможно при нынешней системе. Это необходимо для того, чтобы «плебей» чувствовал себя как можно «комфортнее» в своем положении современного рабства. СООТВЕТСТВЕННО, клан олигархов нуждается в полиции без взяточников и решительно добивается такой полиции. Она нуждается в правительсвенных структах без взяточников и железной рукой тоже добивается этого. В разы ужесточаются законы за все виды административных нарушений и уголовных преступлений, за взяточничество. Параллельно, максимально снимается препятствия и преграды для простых граждан в лабиринтах бюрократии. Бюрократия почти что в миг превращается из всемогущей силы «корупционного сплава» в послушную прислугу государства крупного капитала. Но она становится послушной и вежливой также и при решении ежедневных проблем простых граждан, насколько эти проблемы решаемы

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вообще в условиях установленной системы, которая ее неизбежно вновь порождает, хотя в других формах. Это ведь в интересах правящей элиты – она не нуждается в дополнительных проблемах в виде лишнего недовольства. Соответственно, она максимально убирает такие же «дополнительные» проблемы, которые раньше, при «коррупционной форме» обильно присутствовали помимо основной и главной проблемы для населения, помимо самого же крупного олигархического капитала, как «хозяина» всех и всего. К примеру, в Грузии сейчась получение всяких справок, любого типа документов, напрямую не касающиеся интересов правящего класса, возможно комфортно и быстро. В сжатые сроки Грузия стала неким образцом для «успешного» построения неолиберальной системы на постсоветском пространстве. Широко пропагандируются такие «достижения» по пути установления «демократии и порядка», как: преодоление коррупции, снижение преступности, беспрецедентно либеральные законы для ведения бизнеса и так далее. В русле этой пропаганды США объявила Грузию даже «маяком демократии» и наглядным доказательством успеха «цветной революции». Но что на самом деле имеет обычный гражданин Грузии, трудовой человек? • На самом деле коррупция всего лишь монополизирована правящей кликой, по принципу: «друзьям – всё, остальным – закон». • Мы имеем один из самых дискриминационных по отношению рабочего человека трудовой кодекс и мощь государственной машины на защиту этого кодекса. Последные события на металлургическом заводе в городе Кутаиси доказывают это. • Мы имеем абсолютно монополизированную в руках кучки правителей законодательную и судебную власть, тотальный контроль всех структур, в том числе и частных, на их «на-

дежность» и лояльность нынешным властям. Монополизация в сфере экономики неизбежно привела к откровенной монополизации в политическом поприще и вместо обещанной «демократии», через 20 лет Грузия чудным образом вновь окунулась в «тоталитаризм», хотя в другой ипостаси и с совершенно другим содержанием. • Мы имеем невыносимое социально-экономическое положение, когда не функционирует ни одна отрасль промышленности и сельского хозяйства. • Мы имеем масштабную эмиграцию и повальную безработицу внутри страны. Уровень безработицы официально объявлена как 1617 процентов тогда, как на самом деле она достигает 70 процентов. А 17,4 процентов из так называемых «самозанятых» граждан, то есть объявленных официальной статистикой работающими, за день живет примерно на 1,25 долларов. • По официальной статистике прожиточный минимум для среднего потребителя состовляет примерно 83 долларов, а средняя семья в месяц может жить на 158 долларов. А по данным Международного Валютного Фонда уровень цен в Грузии состовляет примерно 53 процентов от уровня цен в США, то есть примерно в двое меньше тогда, как прожиточный минимум меньше примерно в 10-11 раз (!). Еще пример: по сравнению с прошлым годом цены на продовольствие в мире повысились на 33 процентов, а в Грузии – на 5060 процентов. На этом фоне, по данным одного из серъезных местных печатных издании, грузинская продовольственная карзина скромнее «продовольственной карзины» немецкого военнопленного (!) в Советском Союзе. • Социально незащищенная часть населения обречена на голодную смерть. По официальной же статистике социальную субсидию получает примерно 10 процентов населения

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Грузии - 430 тысяч человек (на самом деле в Грузии живет на десятки тысяч меньше населения). Так вот, субсидия эта состовляет меньше чем половину прожиточного минимума! Вот таков далеко неполный список «достижений» грузинской неолиберальной общественной системы после мучительного 20-летнего генезиса на развалинах социализма. ДОРОГИЕ ТОВАРИЩИ, мы хотим поблагодарить греческих товарищей за прекрасно организовнную и масштабную встречу и пожелать всем Вам упехов в труднейшей борьбе! Спасибо!

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German Communist Party BETTINA JÜRGENSEN

THE PROGRAMME of the German Communist Party DKP says: “The October Revolution in Russia in 1917 was the start of building up a socialist system of society. It gave mankind the signal for setting off for a new epoch.” Rosa Luxemburg enthusiastically greeted the October Revolution just like many others. In her uncompleted essay “On the Russian Revolution” she noted in 1918: “The Bolschewists… have gained for themselves… the immortal historic merit of proclaiming for the first time the final goals of socialism as an immediate programme of practical politics… Their October Uprising not only was a factual rescue of the Russian Revolution but also a retrieval of honour of international socialism”. In her essay, however, she also warned of possible dangers. In its Programme, the DKP states: ”Under unfavourable preconditions, great achievements were made in the Soviet Union and later in further socialist states (…). SOCIALISM has pushed through social achievements which have not even been made in the richest imperialist states...“ The defeat of socialism in Europe in the years 1989 to 1990 and the fragmentation of the Soviet Union cannot diminish the influence of the October Revolution and the development of the socialist camp on the thinking and acting of the various class forces throughout the world during the last century. Their influence on present and coming-up struggles for a socialist future remains. This is especially true for us in the Federal Republic of Germany. Millions of people in our country have had good as well as negative experience with socialism. Many more have only seen anti-communism and heresy concerning any socialist ideas for all their lives. At the beginning of the year 2012, we will have to commemorate the 40 th anniversary of «Berufsverbote», the official debarment from one’s occupation in the FRG. The prohibition of

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the Communist Party of Germany KPD in 1956 has not been lifted until this very day. But we also must learn from more than 70 years of socialist developments between 1917 and 1990. The defeat of 1989/1990 had internal and external, economic, ideological and objective and subjective political reasons.

This is all the more true of the advanced struggles for anti-monopolist and democratic changes, which can, given the conditions of our country, open up the path to socialism. Future socialism will look different from the one we have experienced because those who build it up will decide on this.

FROM TODAY’S POINT OF VIEW, the defeat of socialism in Europe, the dissolution of the USSR and the restoration of capitalism in eastern European countries pose numerous questions for communists, the response to which constitutes an essential precondition for the orientation towards a socialist future of mankind.

OFFENSES AGAINST SOCIALIST DEMOCRACY and especially repression, mass persecution and crimes, which are inconsistent with the humanist nature of socialism also count among these experiences. The Programme of the DKP names reasons for this. Quite a number of German communists are amongst the victims of the persecutions in Stalin times. In our programme, we point out: “Countless people , among them also members of the KPdSU, the Red Army and of the Communist International, became victims, much to the disadvantage of socialism and its image. Present insights and conclusions have become part of the political and organisational identity of the DKP; this process is to be continued.” In our country, as well, there is an increasing development and active performance of social and democratic movements. Their importance and influence on pushing through social change is growing accordingly, this is also true of our task to convey anti-capitalist positions and to organise learning processes in the movements we are part of.

THE PROGRAMME OF THE DKP says: “It is our task as communists to gather the historical experiences of our movement and of the construction of socialism if we now aim for a socialist society under new conditions. We reject anti-communist falsifications. We defend the legitimacy of our movement which has inspired millions and millions of people to fight for their rights and for peace. We commemorate theses struggles but are at the same time conscious on the fact that mistakes, wrong and crimes flank our history. These must be prevented in future. The DKP stands for a critical reflection of its past in order to overcome ways of thinking and structures that contradict the humanistic approach of our idea and philosophy”. We must bring our anti-capitalist and Marxist positions to bear in today’s resistance struggles, meet alliance partners with respect and do everything possible towards an emergence of strong and extra-parliamentary movements, which must involve the trade unions.

AT THE 19TH PARTY CONVENTION, the German Communist Party DKP established in its ‘Political Resolution’ that the present crisis is leading to a massive deterioration of living and working conditions worldwide. This does not leave a capitalist industrialised country

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like Germany unaffected. One example of this process is the state of future perspectives of German youth: ñ More than half of the working youth under 25 work in unsafe jobs. ñ Two thirds of young people under 35 work in precarious employments or areunemployed. ñ Terms such as “ Internship Generation” and “Precarious Generation” have entered everyday language. JOBS, HOWEVER, cannot be created by giving up rights, which people long struggled for. We fight for shorter working hours with full wage compensation. This can be one way of achieving the ban of precarious jobs. And it must be young and old people together to fight for this aim. In many countries, people are no longer willing to carry the burden of austerity programmes on their shoulders. In Greece, Italy, Spain, Portugal and other countries general strikes are being called for. There are active movements everywhere. We think that trade unions and the other activists often do not work uniformly here, and we think that this is a weakness of the counter-movement. In addition, communist parties or left-wing socialist forces are not or only partly among the organisers of the protests. Current developments show that resistance is necessary and that it must not slow down, that it must broaden and grow and become better organised and stronger. THE CRISIS IS FAR FROM BEING OVER. Nowadays, even bourgeois papers discuss it. Economic Growth is collapsing. Nearly each day, there are warnings that “growth” is com-

ing to an end. Even adjusted and pimped-up unemployment rates do not help anymore. But the ruling leaders also have realized that the crisis cannot be controlled using purely economic or financial means, that one must act politically. They increasingly try to win over large parts of the population, majorities for themselves and their ruling policies are to be gained. Here, they at the same time rely on the strengthening of an emerging surveillance state and increased repression. IN GERMANY AS WELL, activities and movements have not gone by without leaving their impact on its leaders. This is the reason for the zigzagging of the Christian Democratic Party CDU and Chancellor Merkel. For or against nuclear power, for or against banning fascist organisations, for or against the protection of our climate? The debate about alleged compromises is just an attempt to win back lost credibility. At the same time, the EU is trying to find a common way out of the crisis. It looks like they are only trying to save the Euro. In the end, however, Germany and France in particular are merely trying to keep and expand their position and power within the EU, in Europe and worldwide. As it was the case in the past, the political conditions in the core countries and the relations of power between them have a strong influence on the development. It is becoming more and more obvious that the current crisis, as well, will not be solved or overcome but that it is supposed to be handled and regulated by means from days gone by. In doing this, the process does not focus on the interests of the people in Europe but merely on capital interests.

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116 GREECE, IRELAND, PORTUGAL and others are supposed to be put under the custody of the EU, ECB and IMF, national parliaments are deprived of their budget authority and national budgets are planned to first be approved by the European Commission. Through the EU, national austerity programmes are imposed, destroying social systems and stalling domestic demand, pushing millions of people into a state of unemployment and poverty. Whole countries within the EU become impoverished because they will never be able to pay back the forced credits. Only those countries – if this is possible at all – can ascertain themselves that hand out the cheques (there is only a small number of them, Germany in particular), the “markets”- i.e. a handful of big banks, finance institutes and rating agencies – want to dictate politics.

It is not about reducing debts but about paying interest to the rich. For this purpose, laws are being made to make this possible. Naturally, this must involve breaking down democracy Meanwhile, not only Greece is used as a “guinea pig”, which is supposed to give an answer to the question “how far can this spiral be turned without things getting out of control?” If a democratic and social alternative is supposed to be opened up, one must interfere with the current mechanism and it must be broken up: the rich shall pay! The finance sector must be converted into public property under democratic control, this must be done before they have distributed their profits to the shareholders, are indebted and then seek refuge under the state umbrella.

ONCE, HOWEVER, THE PROJECT OF EUROPE has been reduced to its pure core – to the interests and to the power of banks and transnational as well as national groups, this process results in a climate for right-wing populist parties to prosper. In this situation one must work out answers towards a progressive solution focusing on the interests of the people. It must not focus on strengthening the Europe of banks and groups, of militarism. We, however, are not blind to the processes going on on an objective economic basis. We must consider this. It is not the austerity programmes which are a consequence of indebtedness and an instrument to fight it. It is the other way around, i.e. the indebtedness of states is used to legitimize more and more new austerity programmes.

THE TASKS AND RESPONSIBILITIES OF THE ECB must be changed. The militarisation of the society and war politics, the continued restructuring towards a surveillance state must be stopped. The dramatic climate change can only be slowed with common international efforts – against the interests of the big groups. All this cannot be achieved if the majority of people and most of all trade unions do not work towards this aim in all European countries. Even if just little steps are taken - it is all about developing common aims, demands and struggles, to win majorities among the population to achieve social and democratic change. This is the task of communists, of the anti-capitalist forces. We are a communist party, implementing the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin in theory as well as in practice.

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Spreading Marxist knowledge on the basis of a uniform view of the world is what we are measured by. The working class is the decisive force to change this society and to build up a socialist society. We must share and discuss our positions in trade unions and alliances where we are active. If we want to organise common learning processes, we must dock onto today’s factual living and working conditions. THE LONG AND WINDING ROAD to the development of things the working class and progressive people have in common must be taken in this respect, too. We must evaluate positive experiences from struggles in other countries and must put hem to good use. Only then will changes be made which take us closer to our aim of “overthrowing all conditions in which man is a humiliated, an enslaved, an abandoned, a disrespected creature…” (Karl Marx). For Socialism is the future.

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Communist Party of Greece ALEKA PAPARIGA

We again extend a warm welcome to you in Athens. As you are aware, on the initiative of our party, the first meeting of the communist and workers’ parties began here in 1998 for the coordination and joint activity, as well as for the regroupment of the International Communist Movement which faces an ideologicalpolitical and organizational crisis. IN 2005 we collectively decided here in Athens for this international meeting to travel to other states and continents, to Europe, to Latin America, to the Middle East, to Asia and Africa. We find ourselves back in Athens today, to study the experience, to draw conclusions from this important course, to intensify our efforts in the new conditions of the deep capitalist crisis, of the old and new flash-points of wars for the re-distribution of the markets. With the first signs of the crisis in our country, we found ourselves ideologically and politically prepared to face, with a very rapid adjustment, our heightened duties, to specialise our strategy and tactics, to contribute to the rallying and increase of the militancy of the working class and popular forces with radical demands and advanced forms of struggle. This readiness of ours was due to, in our opinion, two interrelated reasons, if we may say, the importance of which goes beyond the national level: 1. The KKE defended socialism and the contribution of the USSR to the struggle of the peoples from the furious anti-communist offensive even in the most difficult conditions. But it did not limit itself to this. Even from the beginning of the 1990s we prioritised the necessarily long-term scientific investigation, based on the archival material, of the causes of the victory of the counterrevolution in the USSR as well as in the other socialist countries. After 18 years of study, we came to the decision of the 18th Congress, while we continue the deeper research on questions of the political superstructure, the organs of power, workers’ control. It is a fact that the experi-

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ence which was acquired stresses the necessity of working class power, the socialisation of the means of production and the central planning in opposition to the view concerning “21st century socialism” or “market socialism”, which has nothing to do with scientific socialism and the experience of socialist construction. When the laws of the market were promoted in socialist construction and the socialist production relations were weakened, workers’ control began the count-down to the counterrevolution. 2. At the same time we gave particular importance to the study of the economic and political developments in the EU, in the imperialist system, of the contradictions and rivalries, and of course of the economic developments in Greece, focussing on the consequences we had and which we chiefly face as an EU member-state, while the centrifugal tendencies are apparent today. The 20 year study of the history of the party and the movement in Greece, for the period 1949-1968, has also been proved very beneficial for the situation today. This period is suitable for the critical examination and evaluation of the strategy of the party in a period of development for Greek capitalism and its adjustment to the European Community. We looked at the issue with a critical and self-critical eye and also taking into consideration the influences from the course of the international communist movement, of which we were an integral part. IN THE SAME PERIOD there was no political issue of greater or lesser importance, and especially no working class, popular socioeconomic problem on which we did not try, through work at the base, to rally forces on a social-class basis, to widely enlighten the people concerning the crisis, its character and

the way out, to organize and escalate the class struggle in all its forms from top to bottom and inversely so as to draw in new working class and popular masses. There was a relatively unprecedented attempt to organise the resistance collectively with new forms of struggle and slogans of disobedience and defiance so that the people do not pay tolls on the summer weekends, the tickets to enter privatized beaches and recently the property tax included in the electricity bill which is accompanied by the unacceptable and unprecedented threat to cut the electricity, regardless of whether the amount that corresponds to the electricity consumption has been paid. The main front of struggle is directed, of course, against unemployment, against the reduction of wages and pensions, dismissals in the public and private sector, against the abolition of collective bargaining agreements, against temporary and flexible forms of labour, against the overwhelming reduction of funding of the social-security funds, education, health, prevention and welfare, against the serious cuts at the expense of people with disabilities, against the reduction and abolition of maternity provisions, the funding of nurseries etc. In the same period we carried out extensive ideological-political work with discussions and lectures on the major issues, such as socialism, the history of the party, the topic of the capitalist economic crisis, and the regroupment of the labour movement. The participation in the discussion was organized inside the party to the level of the Party Base Organizations, it was extended to the organs of KNE, and to its Base Organizations in various forms. Today we place emphasis on and monitor very closely the danger of a relatively more

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generalized military conflict in the geostrategic area of the Black Sea, the Middle East, the Eastern Mediterranean, and of course we elaborate the specific position against the imperialist war, regardless of the pretexts which will be used, and we especially elaborate the strategy of transforming the war into a struggle for power. The bourgeois class of our country will be found at the side of the one or the other imperialist axis or pole with the aim of taking part in the re-distribution of markets, so that it does not find itself at the margin. The people must not shed their blood for the interests of the imperialists, for their own one or others. The same is true for the other peoples. This is an issue which demands the common stance of the communist parties and labour movements, an issue where unity is of crucial importance. We must have the opportunity, perhaps at the next regional or local meeting, to exchange opinions on this serious issue, strengthening in any case the front against the so-called “multi-polar world” which constitutes an attempt to manipulate the peoples and assimilate them into the imperialist system and its contradictions. It is even more apparent today that there is an impasse in the bourgeois management of the crisis, the classic recipes cannot be implemented even as they were implemented with difficulty in the past; the management of the consequences of the crisis is impossible particularly of unemployment and poverty. We assess that the recovery when it comes will be anaemic and perhaps there will be a new crisis cycle before it arrives. The labour movement and its allies, particularly the self-employed without staff, and the other poor small businessmen who face bankruptcy, the poor farmers with small hold-

ings must demonstrate endurance in the face of the toughness and complexity of the struggle, in the face of the intransigence of the enemy. The defensive stance today has no result, because we are in the conditions of an assault which aims to abolish gains won in the 20th century particularly after the 2nd World War in Europe. WHAT IS REQUIRED TODAY is the planning and the escalation of the class struggle, to erect obstacles – as far as possible- in the way of the worst measures which are on the horizon, to delay new decisions and to buy time for the counterattack, the outcome of which must be directed to the overthrow of the power of the monopolies, the bourgeois political system, for working class-people’s power, socialism. The measures which are taken in the name of the crisis or for the regulation of the crisis in favour of the monopolies, go beyond the crisis itself, are measures which aim at the restarting of the profitability in the recovery period, as the capitalists states themselves do not predict that it will be stable and dynamic. Greece is on the course for a controlled bankruptcy, while an uncontrolled bankruptcy is very possible, as well as its exit from the Eurozone, or the use of a double Euro, an internally depreciated one and an external one which will be determined by the EU and IMF so that the creditors will be secured as far as possible. No bourgeois political proposal, liberal, social-democratic, left, no “renewal”, can constitute a pro-people way out, protect the people from destitution even in the short-term, even less so in the long term, unless it poses as a question of principle the rupture with the monopolies-industrial, banking, ship-owning, trade - that is to say rupture with capitalist

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ownership, its state institutions, its international alliances. What is important today in our country and more generally in Europe is that the following are repelled from a class standpoint: the universal deception which the people are on the receiving end of that we are experiencing a debt crisis, a crisis of fiscal indicators, that the crisis came about due to bad management, the waste of money on social services instead of productive and other investments; that the productive model of development and the low level of competitiveness is to blame, that everyone, that is to say all the classes and social strata consume more than their income; that the bad architecture of the European structure is responsible, something that is promoted with small differences by bourgeois, reformist and opportunist parties. ALL THE ABOVEMENTIONED VERSIONS distort reality, conceal that it is a crisis of over-accumulated capital which expresses the sharpening of the basic contradiction in capitalism. They detach the economy from politics; they impede the development of radical anti-monopoly anti-capitalist consciousness. The workers in Greece, in the Eurozone must reject the theory that makes the protection of the state from bankruptcy a national goal, and therefore that sacrifices are needed for such a goal which is indeed baptized modern patriotism. The workers are not responsible and should not pay for the public debt. The people’s anger is not enough to bring about the people’s counterattack, if it does not acquire an anti-monopoly in essence anticapitalist content. The experience of the bourgeois class and its parties in defusing and diverting the people’s discontent, something which was apparent in the instance of the so-

called “Arab Spring” given the specific characteristics in the various countries must not be underestimated at all. Consequently the question “rupture or subjugation” is absolutely timely. THE SO-CALLED anti-memorandum front. In our country even bourgeois political forces, as well as the opportunists and particularly intellectual apologists of the capitalist system and its renovation criticise the Memorandum, denounce it as ineffective for the way out of the crisis, argue that it imposes onesided sacrifices. They denounce the Memorandum which was created by the EU, the ECB, and the IMF, because as they claim, it breaks “social cohesion”, it brings closer the threat as they say characteristically- of social explosion, proving their hostility to the class struggle. They promote various versions of bourgeois management which will allegedly bring balance and cohesion so that the capitalists, monopolies on the one hand and the workers and people on the other can live in consensus with each other, and all together serve capitalist development, a strong Greece in the Eurozone, in the hard core of the EU. They foster the illusion that there can be unified interests in the way out from the crisis. The greatest service which opportunism provides in the attempt to stabilise the bourgeois political system is its position that the way out of crisis and the relief of the people must not be fought for at the level of the nation state, but at a European level, considering that no rupture can be achieved at a national level with rise in class struggle and the resolution of the question of power. In the face of the impasses of the management of the system, something absolutely natural and predictable for the defenders of

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the capitalist system happened: a coalition government was formed through the procedures of the parliament and with the dynamic intervention of the EU, between the two basic bourgeois parties and a small far-right party which in recent years has carried out the dirty work of provocation and anticommunism on behalf of PASOK above all but also of ND. The rallying of the bourgeois parties, in face of the emerging movement, intensified the questions and the thinking over whether the bourgeois political system will be able to manage the situation through the direct cooperation of the bourgeois parties or whether they must form two poles of centre-right and centre-left cooperation. The bourgeois class of course desires that the core of the cooperation consists of the two bourgeois parties, the liberal and the social-democratic. At the same time it is concerned that perhaps such a cooperation facilitates the extrication of working class and popular forces from the two parties, especially from the social-democratic PASOK. In the recent period it is openly said that there must be a wider front to impose the popular consent and with the goal of imposing popular consensus and with the goal of blocking the wider dissemination and impact of the political proposal of the KKE. The adventurist agility of the opportunist current is interesting as far as the alliance policy is concerned, as it amends it from day to day. Sometimes it talks about the unity of the left forces, sometimes about progressive and left forces, sometimes about patriotic and progressive forces, sometimes about democratic forces in an attempt to approach forces from the spectrum of the liberal bourgeois party. Where it remains stable is that it promotes as an alternative political solution proposals

which have been adopted within the framework of the competition of the leading capitalist powers. A characteristic proposal is the so-called solution of the Eurobond, of the exclusive borrowing from the ECB, of the partial cancellation of the debt with negotiation between the governments. They insist that the unity and salvation of the Eurozone is in the people’s interest, they adopt aspects of or even the entire economic governance itself, they promote as a crucial issue the strengthening of the competitiveness, the nationalisation of banks, while they are sometimes attracted by the example of Argentina, sometimes they extol the example of Hungary, sometimes they consider that another government in the EU managed matters better, demonstrating that they are reliable managers of the system. This is valid for the European Left Party which projects similar views. The progressive front against the Memorandum, proposed by the opportunist forces, does not represent any threat to the system, is another version of the bourgeois negotiation. At the same time, they promote the issue of a patriotic stance in relation to Germany and France. They turn a blind eye to the fact that the regional or international interstate capitalist unions as well as every kind of cooperation are governed by the law of uneven development which entails unevenness in political relations. They pretend not to see the competition between the capitalist states, between the monopolies within the same sector. Today in Greece a lot of taboos and myths which had influenced the people collapse and we believe that this is valid for other capitalist countries, especially in the old capitalist world of Europe. Their main core is that the EU constitutes an inevitability, that it is inconceivable for a people not to seek accession to the

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EU or seek the disengagement from it, or that the EU can be transformed into a Europe of the peoples through the emergence of left governments or coalitions of left and progressive forces. The myths that have been literally unveiled today: FIRST: that the EU is a family, an alliance with social solidarity and permanent unity that beyond the EU there can only be chaos. The bourgeois states are absolutely united and in solidarity with each other as regards class exploitation and the attack on the movement. They are divided and compete with each other for the distribution of the profits in periods of heightened rates of development, for the distribution of any losses in periods of crisis. SECOND: the period from 2008 till today is sufficient to demolish what they have been saying all these years using the bourgeois and opportunist theories, namely that the states can control capital, the monopolies and their dominance in the economy. This experience demolishes the slogan concerning the control of the markets by the political power, concerning the precedence of politics in relation to the markets and the allegedly innovative opportunist slogan “people before profits”. THIRD: that the so called globalization namely the world capitalist economy strengthens cooperation, ensures the same pace and convergence between the capitalist countries. In the early 90s they were even telling us that war had been abolished and the peaceful settlement of disputes had taken precedence. War has never been abolished from the very first moment that World War II ended. It has evolved in the form of tens, hundreds of local wars while today a new round for the redistribution of the markets is in progress. The

deep crisis that we experience foreshadows new war flashpoints but possibly a generalized conflict between the powerful imperialist powers in the near future. The involvement of Greece will become even more dangerous for the people. The involvement is already a fact due to the participation of Greece in local wars through the military bases, the transit of troops, the participation in occupation forces. It is possible that the so called obedience to bourgeois legitimacy, the discipline and submission to the barbaric class laws which are adopted by the bourgeois parliament in Greece, the bodies of the EU lose their value to a significant extent. There are several instances, as the characteristic case of the seamen, the tanker-lorry and taxi drivers who continued the strike despite the fact that the courts declared it illegal, despite the orders for civil mobilization. Only the people’s power can ensure the people’s sovereignty and the real disengagement from the imperialist alliances such as the EU and NATO. We promote the following platform with three axes: people’s power - disengagement unilateral cancellation of the debt. The disengagement without socialization will also be destructive for the people, while the socialization is impossible without disengagement. Today the people can see, more than ever, that capital, the monopolies and their power do not share the same homeland with the people. They place profit over national language and cultural heritage. They form their alliances according to profit and sacrifice everything for it. For that reason the term homeland acquires a substantial content for the people only in people’s power, with the institutions of the workers’ and people’s participation, de-

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fense and protection. THE POLICY OF ALLIANCES is restricted to the agreements from above on a minimum programme while it regards the movement merely as a lever for the realignment of the political forces for alliances of centre-left type and political line for the management of the system. We talk openly to the people about a sociopolitical alliance of the working class with the poor petty bourgeois popular strata in the city and the countryside; about the regroupment of the workers’ and people’s movement with a clear anti-imperialist antimonopoly orientation, anti-capitalist in the final analysis. It should have a clear orientation to utilize every rift, every crack in the bourgeois governance for its weakening, for its overthrow. The policy of alliances has objectively two aspects irrespective of the variety of the forms it can take on: it will either aim at the preservation and the longevity of the bourgeois political power or there will be a basic agreement for the conquest of the people’s power. Every rift in the political system, in the mechanisms of the capitalist power, everything that weakens the bourgeois government and generally the bourgeois parties contributes to the strengthening of the forces of the people’s alliance for the radical overthrow of the system of capitalist exploitation, of the dictatorship of the monopolies. We systematically confront views like “the problem of the Greek economy were the super profits accumulated in the banking system or in the stock exchanges in opposition to the profit in industry, in production”; views that separate the profits into “legitimate” and “ille-

gitimate”, views that claim that the allegedly healthy capitalism developed into “casino capitalism”. The reduction of imperialism to a foreign policy and to a type of interstate relations instead of a socioeconomic system i.e. monopoly capitalism needs to be dealt with specifically. Another version of the social-democratic perception adopts the position on the need for the “rehabilitation” of capitalism, for its humanization by means of controlling the most parasitic functions of the financial system. They do not want and they cannot acknowledge that there is no company, no monopoly group, which does not activate the greater part of its capital as foreign, i.e. borrowed capital and not its own, its shareholders. In conditions that the average rate of profit has the tendency to fall these businesses have difficulties in borrowing and thus the expansion of production becomes difficult and a recession appears. In addition, they do not want to recognise that the banks do not merely lend, do not merely invest in the money market but they also buy or participate in industrial capital. They do not accept the cohesion of industrial with banking capital. It is clear for us that in conditions of a crisis there are definitely possibilities for a sudden sharpening of the class struggle, for a sudden entrance of broader popular forces without the necessary social and political experience. We are conscious of the danger for the movement to find itself in a state of retreat since it experiences the barbarity of unemployment, impoverishment, destitution, the consequences of the state and employers’ violence but also the ideological influence of the bourgeois ideology, of reformism and opportunism, under the impact of anticommunism which is officially adopted by the state bodies

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and its ideological mechanisms. Despite these difficulties, the campaign to intimidate the people in the name of the crisis, despite the intimidation in the workplaces, the impatience of the masses especially of those who come from the petty bourgeois popular strata, which so far have had a relatively good living standard, the KKE has remained firmly oriented to the necessity and timeliness of socialism. THE SHARPENING OF THE ECONOMIC CRISIS, the contradictions within the EU, the rising anti-capitalist consciousness contribute so that the people understand more easily that a radical fundamental change is necessary. Of course these processes do not lead automatically to the choice of confrontation, to a firm participation in the organization of the class struggle. Nevertheless, today there is a relatively more fertile ground for a deeper ideological-political confrontation in comparison to previous years when the deterioration of the position of the working people was evolving more slowly compared to the current storm. The KKE calls on the people to fight so that the concentrated means of production in industry become the people’s property, for the socialisation of land, of the big enterprises in agriculture and the concentrated trade. On the basis of these relations agriculture must be reorganized according to incentives for its concentration, initially, in productive cooperatives. The socialisation of the means of production and the central national planning, based on scientific instruments, will liberate great unutilized productive capabilities, it will ensure the scientific combined prioritization and satisfaction of social needs provided that it

activates the extensive workers’ people’s control for the complete satisfaction of the basic social needs e.g. food, people’s housing, education, healthcare, welfare, construction of infrastructure. The expansion of free time for workers will contribute to their substantial participation in the control. The workers’ and people’s control will start from the productive units with elected and recallable representatives and will extend to each sector and region. The elected bodies will be comprised of workers from the productive units while at the same time the participation of the members of the cooperatives, of the students and the pensioners will also be ensured. The elected representatives in the highest national body will not be permanent but recallable. At the same time the people’s power, which for the KKE is socialism and not an intermediate stage between capitalism and socialism, will save significant resources through the abolition of the military expenditure for the imperialist-aggressive plans of NATO, through the real and complete cancellation of the debt, through the abolition of the multifaceted packages for the support of the monopoly groups and the banks. This is the overwhelming superiority of the people’s power which can ensure social prosperity against the aged monopoly capitalism, which realizes the plans of the various groups and sections of big capital that compete for the greatest possible profitability. Only the central planning can overcome the unevenness in the development of regions within a country. Only the people’s power can realise mutually beneficial trade agreements with other peoples, other economies and eradicate the phenomenon of the imperialist competitions over the utilisa-

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tion of the natural resources in sea and land. Only this struggle that targets the real enemy, the power of the monopolies and incorporates the initiatives for the obstruction of the anti-people offensive into the organisation of the counterattack of the people’s movement can ensure the continuance, the duration of the struggle, constantly alternates forms of struggle, as well as a victorious prospect for the working class and its social allies. Every reflection, all slogans and positions that come into conflict with the capitalist relations of ownership and power face the attack of all the parties which use the argument that socialism failed and therefore there is no other solution but the management of the problems within capitalism. Consequently, the issue of drawing conclusions from the victory of the counterrevolution is a crucial issue, it does not concern merely the period of construction but also the period of the concentration of forces. Of course there is no revolutionary situation in Greece so as to pose in practice the overthrow of the capitalist system as an immediate duty but all things show that if the workers’ movement, the most radical section of the people, does not direct the struggle to the workers’ power it will be trapped in the various versions of the bourgeois management and it will lose every opportunity of escalation and having a prospect. BEFORE THE CRISIS the issue of workers’ power seemed like an issue of discussion for many people. However today, as reality shows, it is proved to be a mandatory aim of action, it gives a meaning to the daily struggle in conditions of a deep crisis, in conditions that the bourgeois class does not make any

concessions and maneuvers. The problem of power affects today the forms of struggle, it gives priority to the organisation and the development of the workers’ and people’s initiative from the bottom up, to the refusal to obey and comply with the bourgeois laws, to the creation of the seeds of tomorrow’s power and the organs of workers’ control. THE SOLUTION FOR THE PEOPLE is not to align with a section of the domestic bourgeois class, with one of the imperialist centers abandoning another one at a time when their contradictions have sharpened. Neither is it a solution to support new bourgeois parties against the old ones, coalition governments instead of one-party governments. The solution lies in the organised struggle which will have at its core the workplaces, the trade unions, and will be oriented towards the challenging, the conflict and the rupture with the monopolies, the parties, their governments and their imperialist alliances in the prospect of their overthrow. This is the only realistic line of struggle. This is not an one-act play therefore all the movements, all steps, all phases should not be detached from the goal. In the next months, in the next year the mass participation in the assemblies in every large workplace, in the people’s meetings in the workers’ and people’s neighborhoods, in the organised resistance and counterattack against the consequences of the anti-people laws, against the taxes and the cuts in salaries and pensions, in the struggle for unemployment benefits and the operation of medical, educational welfare units, for the protection of the popular families must be multiplied. The conflict with the economic dominance

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of the monopolies and their political power is determined above all where surplus value is being produced and appropriated, in the place where the capitalist profit is created, namely in capitalist industrial units, shopping centers, the private hospitals, banks, in enterprises where many salaried workers are concentrated irrespective of the specialization of labour. The struggle is judged in these places, not in a partial way but against the entire anti-people political line. The only criterion for the reliability of any trade union or political organization is its stance towards the abovementioned necessity, towards the organization and success of the strike in each workplace. The declarations are not sufficient if they are not followed by corresponding activities for the organization and the protection of the strike mobilizations. THE UNIFIED CLASS STRUGGLE can and must be forged in these places according to the criterion of the vanguard struggle against the capitalists, the government and employer-led trade unionism, the parties and the power of the monopolies. The continuance, the prospect of the weakening of the antipeople policy until its radical overthrow will be judged in these places. It is obvious that the current developments, the capitalist crisis and the imperialist aggressiveness impose the strengthening of the struggle of the international communist movement for the interests of the working class, the popular strata, for the overthrow of the capitalist barbarity intensifying its efforts for a unified revolutionary strategy. The KKE deploys its forces in this direction.

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Peoples’ Progressive Party of Guyana NAVINDRANAUTH CHANDARPAL

THE ONGOING INTENSE GLOBAL SYSTEMIC CRISIS of capitalism is extremely brutal in its attacks on the working class and other vulnerable classes and social groups in all countries of the world. Twenty years ago, the counter-revolution in the USSR led to a serious setback for the working class and its champions in the Communist and Workers Parties. Today, the capitalist crisis is rewinding the clock. The battle for survival is generating varied actions by workers and other affected groups, making it necessary for our Parties to provide effective leadership to the new surge of working class actions. It is therefore most fortunate that our 13th Meeting is taking place in this beautiful historic city of Athens which has become the arena in recent times of intense struggles by the Greek working people. THE PPP OF GUYANA expresses its sincere appreciation to the Communist party of Greece for the excellent preparations for our meeting and more importantly for the great example of struggle that it is currently leading. We endorse the sentiments of the General Secretary of the KKE, Comrade Aleka Papariga, that «what is required today is the planning and escalation of the class struggle». Another strong message also emerged here in Athens in April of this year from the 16th World Trade Union Congress of the WFTU. The Congress declared: «The crucial issue is the struggle against the logic of either crisis management or the capitalist power. The trade union movement cannot hope to conquests, if it limits its action into defensive struggles, if it doesn’t proceed to struggles that question the sovereignty and the power of monopoly capital in each country and support such struggles in any other country; From the base to give strength and perspective to the struggle.

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We must undertake this responsibility and reject all those voices that pull the movement back in the name of “unity with capitalists” or “with the lesser evil”. Unity without class base and joint action with forces that seek to modernize and humanize capitalism or they search settings of the capitalist barbarism sow confusion in the minds of employees and ultimately create serious difficulties for the class trade union movement». THE DEEP CAPITALIST CRISIS is seriously affecting the working people in both developed and developing countries. Developing countries have long been experiencing the assaults on their efforts for socio-economic development under the unilaterally imposed anti-people direction of globalization and world trade regulations promoting the interests of the multi-national corporations and imperialist objectives. These assaults have greatly increased in the conditions of the current crisis placing major hurdles in the path of progressive governments pursuing the path of independent development for the improvement of the living standards of their peoples. In Guyana, our Party the PPP, in Government, has been working tirelessly to rebuild the shattered economy inherited from colonial rule followed by an authoritarian dictatorship during the first quarter of a century of our existence as an Independent Nation. AS A MARXIST-LENINIST PARTY committed to a Socialist Future, we have embarked on the initial stage of National Democracy which seeks to strengthen the role and influence of the working class and reduce the influence of local and foreign capitalist forces.

The newly elected President of our Country, our Party’s General secretary, Comrade Donald Ramotar, re-emphasised this commitment in his declaration to the electorate that: «Specific attention will equally be paid to workers who are the bedrock of our economic activities. We hope to work closely with the labour movement so as to protect and advance the interests of workers in an environment that guarantees the personal safety of every citizen. My objective is to work with stakeholders to promote unity of the labour movement». AT THE INTERNATIONAL LEVEL, our Party had expressed the position for many decades that the unbridled control of market forces over the direction of globalization would not only lead to major setbacks for the economies of developing countries but would also result in intense crises in the developed capitalist economies. The Founder of our Party and late President of Guyana, Comrade Cheddi Jagan, at the World food summit in November, 1996 stated: «Today, hunger, poverty and social disintegration stalk the globe, not just in the South but also in the North, and the gap in living standards between the North and the South continues to widen. As we approach a new century, the South is faced with aid cuts and the North with “jobless recovery” and “jobless growth”. Consequently, we need a new global partnership for sustainable human development, good governance and a development strategy, which will provide the world with sufficient food to have such food resources equitably distributed. Poverty is the root cause of food insecurity and only its rapid and permanent elimination will produce improved economic and social

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relations for a more equitable world order. In an increasingly globalised environment of disorder and confusion, there is little room for concepts of development which place prime emphasis on the promotion of narrow national interests above the common good of humanity. A stop must be put to an unjust global economic order;» He then proposed a new approach to development which he described as a New Global Human Order. «My friends, we need a scientific, realistic and people centered development strategy. This is why, I have advocated the need for a New Global Human Order premised on sustainable economic development, equity, social and ecological justice and based on the creation of a separate Global Development Fund for assistance to both the North and the South. We must put in place a system whose objectives will be to invest directly in the poor, to seek out opportunities for entrepreneurship among the marginalized, and to provide the social and infrastructural services which would enable the poor to become self reliant and productive members of the global community». OUR PARTY is proud of the fact that the UN General Assembly has passed Resolutions in 2000, 2002, 2007 and 2010 on «The role of the United Nations in the promotion of a New Global Human Order». We invite your Party to become involved in the promotion of this proposal. More information can be obtained from the website of the Cheddi Jagan Research Centre www.jagan.org As we reflect at this forum on the way in which our Parties will provide more effective leadership to working class actions, we need

to relate to all fronts of struggle which help to create a more accommodating environment for the intensification of the class struggle globally and in various types of national conditions. We need to engage more actively with the anti-war movement, the green movement, the progressive trade union organisations, the youths, students, women and other social groups. At this our 13th International meeting, we need to take stock of our own levels of cooperation and collective actions. The PPP of Guyana hopes that we can work out practical measures to improve the preparation, content and outreach of the Information Bulletin and Solidnet. We all owe a huge debt of gratitude to the CP of Greece for its great work in maintaining the Bulletin. We can surely demonstrate our appreciation by adding our own meaningful contributions. AS IN PREVIOUS CRISES OF CAPITALISM, the forces of imperialism and reaction are seeking to divert the anger of the working people from understanding the real nature of the crisis. They are greatly helped by the severe decline in ideological work which followed the collapse of the socialist system two decades ago. However, the failure of the combined efforts of the major capitalist powers to stop the decline has re-opened peoples’ doubts about the false pictures painted of capitalism. And the attacks on the working class generated by the crisis have provoked new levels of militant actions by the working people to defend their interests. New opportunities have arisen for our Parties to provide the necessary guidance to increase the working class orientation of these

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struggles. This calls for high levels of patience, understanding and commitment to gradually effect these gains. May our commitment to the time tested principle of Proletarian internationalism propel our Parties to work together to seize this historic moment to advance the struggle once again in the direction of our goal to defeat the decadent capitalist system and secure the future of socialism. Early Greek civilization provided great inspiration for the shaping of our world. And Greek mythology continues to provide for our young students numerous examples of great heroes overcoming seemingly invincible hurdles and monsters. TODAY, HERE IN ATHENS, let us once again draw inspiration from the ongoing struggles of the working people of Greece to confront the difficult tasks facing the Proletariat with the legendary strength of Heracles (referred to by the Romans as Hercules) and like Theseus and Perseus destroy the Minotars and Medusas of Capitalism and Imperialism.

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‘ ОТ ИМЕНИ ВЕНГЕРСКОЙ коммунистической

Hungarian Communist Workers’ Party Gyula Thurmer

рабочей партии выражаю нашу солидарность с трудящимися Греции с греческими коммунистами. Поздравляем Коммунистическую партию Греции со значительными результатами, достигнутыми в борьбе с капитализмом. Позвольте мне четко выразить позицию Рабочей партии по основным вопросам нашего совещания. ПО ОЦЕНКЕ Рабочей партии социализм – это такое общество, в котором политическая власть принадлежит трудящимся, средства производства находятся в общественной собственности и осуществляется плановое хозяйствование. В соответсвие с этим Рабочая партия считает, что в период 1948-1989 годов в Венгрии и многих других странах Европы строилось социалистическе общество. Этот период был не периодом неудач, провалов и преступлений, как утверждают сегодня капиталистические силы и ревизионисты, а одной из самых успешных эпох нашей истории. И мы обязаны защищать эти выдающиеся достижения рабочего движения. МЫ РЕШИТЕЛЬНО УТВЕРЖДАЕМ, что в 198990 годах имели место не реформа социализма, не демократическая революция, а капиталистическая контрреволюция, целью которй было уничтожение сил социализма в мировых масштабах. У социалистического строя в странах Восточной Европы были ошибки, но не они стали причинами капиталистической контрреволюции. Капиталистические контрреволюции одержали победу потому, что перевес сил оказался на стороне капитализма. Коммунистические партии отказались от своего классового характера. Часть же их руководителей пошла на сделку с буржуазными силами. НА СНОВЕ ВСЕГО НАКОПЛЕННОГО на сегодняшний день опыта мы считаем, что социализм может быть достигнут только путем революции. Очевидные противоречия капи-

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тализма можно разрешить только путем ликвидации капиталистических производственных отношений, то есть уничтожением отношений, строящихся на частном капитале и эксплуатации трудящихся. Общественное мнение, и естественно и наши партии, постоянно подвергаются идеологическому давлению со стороны капитала, массированным атакам мелкобуржуазнй идеологии. Как результат этого регулярно поднимают голову реформизм и оппортунизм, провозглашающие иллюзию мира без классовой борьбы и отвлекающие от последовательной борьбы против капитала. Сегодня капитал вытесняет нас из институтов буржуазной демократии. В Венгрии, например, принимают такой избирательный закон, который исключает участие нашей партии уже на первом этапе выдвижения кандидатов. Мы убеждены, что исход борьбы, идущий ныне в Европе, будет решаться не в парламентах, а на улицах. Социализм победит не путем парламентских выборов, а в ходе ожесточенной классовой борьбы, на улицах. Тот, кто утверждает, что победа возможна и без этого, тот вводит в заблуждение трудящихся и поддерживает капитал. СЕГОДНЯ КАПИТАЛИЗМ переживает кризис. Кризис этот вытекает из самой сути системы, поэтому не может быть решен средствами капитализма. Это объективно увеличивает социальные противоречия, приближает нас к возникновению революционной ситуации. Кризис переживает и европейский капитализм. Обостряются противоречия между империалистическими государствами, начался процесс ревизии послевоенной системы в Европе, ревизии Европейского Союза, евровалюты. Однако мы должны видеть, что силы капитализма пытаются разрешить ситуацию целым рядом различных способов. Главный их ин-

струмент – перекладывание тяжести кризиса на плечи трудящихся, и это ведет к росту социального напряжения. Одновременно они усиливают атаки на коммунистические и рабочие партии, что ограничивает наши возможности. В арсенале средств, используемых капиталистическими государствами, важную роль играют войны. Развязывая войны они пытаются снять напряжение. Мы должны выразить нашу солидарнсть с Сирией. Мы не исключаем, что в случае резкого углубления кризиса капитализма, он может пойти и на войну в Европе. Мы солидарны с народом Белоруссии и белорусскими коммунистами. КРИЗИС ПЕРЕЖИВАЕТ венгерский капитализм. Причиной этого отчасти является то, что в течение последних двадцати лет практически вся экономика была продана мультинациональным предприятиям. Нет самостоятельного национального производства, торговля и банки находятся в иностранных руках. Другая причина кризиса заключается в том, что народ доведен до бедности. На 10 миллионов населения Венгрии приходится полтора миллиона безработных, 3-4 миллиона находится за порогом бедности. Частью кризиса является и высокая степень коррупции. Несмтря на кризис в Венгрии отсутствует революционная ситуация. Трудящиеся не организованы, разъединены. Буржуазная власть делает все для того, чтобы запугать миллионы трудящихся, сломать их. Сейчас готовятся принять такой закон, который объявит нелегитимными десятилетия социализма и сделает возможным уголовное преследование бывших активистов ВСРП. Мы исходим из того, что дальнейшее углубление европейского кризиса, возможный крах евро и Европейского союза радикально изменят ситуацию в Венгрии и могут поло-

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жить начало революционного процесса. Мы готовим Рабочую партию к этому. Мы строим партию внутренне дисциплированную, но открытую во внешний мир. Регулярно мы выходим на улицы. Включаемся во все общественные движения, которые помогают людям решать их повседневные проблемы. Мы стояли у создания Венгерского левого союза женщин. Действует Левый фронт, призванный объединить молодежь. МЫ СЧИТАЕМ СОТРУДНИЧЕСТВО коммунистических и рабочих партий важным источником сил. Не стоит надеяться на то, что международное сотрудничество коммунистических партий сможет опереться на сильную материальную и моральную поддержку Китая, Кубы или Вьетнама. Сегодня это не реально. Давайте сотрудничать мы, кто нуждается в этом сотрудничестве! Сделаем регулярным наше политическое сотрудничество, выступим единым фронтом против капитала! Давайте вместе искать решения материальных проблем, давящих наши партии. Друзья! Социализм это прошлое Венгрии и социализм ее будущее. И говорить это заставляет меня не оптимизм, обязательный для председателя коммунистической партии, а реальная оценка существующего положения. Этим мы отличаемся от многих других партий, и в этом заключается и наша особая ответственность. В 1917 году большевиков во главе с Лениным было немного, но они знали, что надо делать, когда придет время действия. И нас не много, но мы знаем, что надо делать, когда уже ни консервативные буржуазные силы, ни социал-демократы не в состоянии разрешить проблемы капиталистического кризиса. Мы знаем, что делать, и мы будем действовать.

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Communist Party of India AZEEZ PASHA

Let me at the very outset convey on behalf of the Communist Party of India revolutionary greetings to all the delegates present here to participate in the deliberations of the 13th International Meeting of the Communist and Workers’ Parties. The conference is being hosted by the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) which of Sate has been waging relentless struggles against the neo-liberal policies that have landed the country into a debt trap. 1 use this opportunity to congratulate the leadership of KKE, all its members and all sections of people associated with the ongoing agitations against the austerity measures which focus on deep cuts in. spending on education, healthcare, workers wages and such other social sector budgets. We have assembled here in Athens at a time when the world is on the brink of another recession. Warning that the risks of doubledigit recession have heightened, the United Nations in its ‘World Economic Situation and Prospects 201T has cut the global economic forecast for the next year to 2.6 per cent from four per cent in 2010. It has projected that global economic growth will be will slow down further in 2012 and even emerging powerhouses like India and China will get bogged down. THE UN REPORT HAS CALLED 2012 a “make or break” year for the global economy, which will face a muddle through scenario and continue to grow at a slow pace. “Following two years of anemic and uneven recover, from the global financial crisis, the world economy is teetering on the brink of another major downturn”, the report said. “According to the world body, the failure of policymakers, especially those in Europe and the United States of America to address the job crisis, prevent sovereign debt distress and escalation of financial sector fragility poses the most acute risk for the global economy in 2012-13. The UN has revised its 2012 produc-

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tion downward for every country. Developing countries are expected to be further affected by the economic woes in developed countries through trade and financial channels”, the report further said. The above cited UN report makes it clear beyond any doubt how deep the capitalist crisis has reached. The world imperialist economy went into deep economic crisis beginning with mid-2008 and has been assuming worse dimensions with the passing of every day, Ever deepening economic crisis of the US symbolizes the gravity of the global economic meltdown that the protagonists of neo-liberalism are still not ready to realize and are hoping to solve the crisis without accepting that capitalism has reached a dead end. It should be noted here that the US, the citadel of capitalism, is today the most indebted country in the world and fast losing it credibility. THE ONGOING CRISIS in the euro zone countries and in US itself is an inevitable outcome of the financial system which bases itself on promoting debts and borrowings. It is a crisis of the finance capital that has been making all-out attempts to establish its hegemony on the economic and political system world, over. The finance capital has neither a national character nor is concerned about the human miseries that every economic crisis creates. The finance capital is found to be brutal and inhuman in all its endeavors. It seeks to overcome the crisis by giving billions of dollars of public money in the name of bailout packages and by enforcing continuous cuts - austerity measures - in public spending of social sector programmes as well as drastic reduction in wages. The crisis which started with the bankruptcy of banks and financial institu-

tions finally engulfed the national economies. In Europe Greece, Italy, Spain and Portugal are already on the verge of bankruptcy. In tÓrese countries and elsewhere where there is a crisis, peoples’ welfare measures are being shelved, if not given up. In most of the European countries, the unemployment ratio has already touched the 20 per cent mark. The British government has recently announced that half a million people employed in public sector undertakings will lose their jobs in the coming two years. The miseries heaped on the common man have forced them to take to streets. ‘Capture the Wall Street’ movement and the slogan “We are 99 per cent” reflect the anger of people against the existing system itself - the capitalist system and the neo-liberal policies. Unfortunately in most of these countries, the public anger against the system could not be properly channelised by organized political leadership. The negative developments in the US and Europe have its impact in Arab countries too, which are in turmoil. Apart from the urge for democratic and human rights, there are economic reasons for the peoples uprisings in most of the Arab countries. Thus the risk of a world economic collapse is increasing each day. As is inherent in itself, the capitalist system when faced with crisis tries in vain to solve it through increased exploitation, plunder and denying democratic rights to the working people and masses in general. When the capitalist world and its camp followers are faced with one crisis after another, Cuba, China and Vietnam are marching ahead actively building socialism and declaring to the entire world mat socialism is the only future. Latin America inspired by Socialist Cuba has come out with an alternative to globaliza-

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tion, liberalization and privatization. Venezuela, Bolivia, Nicaragua, Uruguay and Ecuador have Left-led governments. INDIAN SITUATION. Back home in India too, the situation is worrisome. Two decades of reform based on neo-liberal policies are getting finally exposed. All tall claims about high rate growth by the Indian government have been shattered. While a few have reached dizzying heights of prosperity and personal wealth, the majority of the masses are sunk in the lowest depth of poverty and hunger. The crisis that India faces today is not an isolated one. It is part and parcel of the global capitalist crisis. In India too the ruling class is not ready to accept that, and is trying to solve the crisis through neo-liberal policies that only add to the burden of the people, it is true that often India comes of the taster or does not get very deeply afflicted as in the West. The credit for this goes to the heroic struggles waged by the Left and democratic forces in the country which resulted in the nationalisation of banks and insurance sector as well as in the presence of a strong public sector. The Communist Party of India along with other Left and democratic forced continuously fighting against moves to push a rightward shift in Indian policies - both political and economic. The CP1 is going to have its XXI Party Congress in the beginning of the New Year (27-31 March, 2012) at Patna in Bihar. The deliberations of the Party Congress certainly will usher in a plan to unleash mass struggles to take the country out of the neo-liberal trap and push it forward with policies that will help ensure a Left and democratic shift of the Nation, reiterating the party’s stand that socialism is the only way to human progress.

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Communist Party of India (Marxist) SITARAM YECHURY

AT THE VERY OUTSET allow me to thank the Communist Party of Greece (KKE), for making splendid arrangements and organising this 13th meeting of the International Communist and Workers’ parties – all the more so in this most crucial juncture and in the midst of sustained resistance against the onslaught of Capital. I also extend my revolutionary solidarity with all the fighting workers and people of Greece who are on the streets, led by the KKE, PAME and KNE, resolutely saying NO to the ‘austerity’ measures and fighting for a better tomorrow. Let me also take this opportunity to greet all the fraternal parties gathered here on behalf of the Communist Party of India (Marxist). 2011 marks the 20th anniversary of the dismantling of socialism in the former USSR and East European countries. As the 14 th Congress of the CPI (M) had concluded, these events had occurred not due to the inadequacies or lack of scientific rigour of MarxismLeninism but due to the lack of scientific rigour on the part of those who have embraced this philosophy. It is not socialism as a system that had failed but it is the failure of applying the tenets of scientific socialism to the concrete conditions of the respective countries. Looking back in retrospect, it is necessary to draw proper lessons from these events. Notwithstanding this it is equally important to record the contribution of socialism in advancing human civilisation in the 20th century. SOCIALISM’S INDELIBLE IMPACT on the 20 th century. The creation of the Soviet Union marked the first advance in human history of the establishment of a society free from class exploitation. The rapid strides made by socialism, the transformation of a once backward economy into a mighty economic and military bulwark confronting imperialism had confirmed the superiority of the

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socialist system. The building of socialism in the Soviet Union is an epic saga of human endeavour. This remains a source of inspiration to all peoples of the world who are in the midst of struggle for social emancipation. The decisive role played by the USSR in the defeat of fascism and the consequent emergence of the East European socialist countries had a profound impact on world developments. The victory over fascism provided the decisive impetus to the process of decolonialisation that saw the liberation of countries from colonial exploitation. The historical triumph for the Chinese revolution, the heroic Vietnamese people’s struggle, the Korean people’s struggle and the triumph of the Cuban revolution made a tremendous influence on world developments. The achievements of the socialist countries – the eradication of poverty and illiteracy, the elimination of unemployment, the vast network of social security in the fields of education, health, housing, etc. – provided a powerful impetus to the working people all over the world in their struggles. World capitalism met this challenge to its order, partly by adopting welfare measures and granting rights that it never conceded to the working people before. The entire conception of a welfare state and the social security network created in the post-second world war capitalist countries was a result of the struggles of the working people in these countries inspired by the achievements of socialism. The democratic rights that are today considered as inalienable from human civilisation are also the product of the people’s struggle for social transformation and not the charity of bourgeois class rule. These revolutionary transformations

brought about qualitative leaps in human civilisation and left an indelible imprint on modern civilisation. This was reflected in all fields including culture, aesthetics, science, etc. While Eisenstein revolutionised cinematography, the Sputnik expanded the frontiers of modern science to outer space. The panicky American response to Yuri Gagarin’s flight into space in 1959, came in the form of President Kennedy’s assurance to the US Senate that within a decade they would put man on the moon. The US succeeded in doing this only in 1969 working overtime for a full decade. In the meanwhile, the USSR carried out many a space mission, including sending the dog Lyka. REVERSES TO SOCIALISM. Yet, despite such tremendous advances, that too under the most exacting of circumstances and hostile environment, why is it that the mighty USSR could not consolidate and sustain the socialist order? There were, generally speaking, two areas where wrong understanding and consequent errors were committed. The first pertains to the nature of assessments of contemporary world realities and about the very concept of socialism. The second concerns the practical problems confronted during the period of socialist construction. INCORRECT ESTIMATIONS. Despite the unprecedented and path-breaking advances made, it must be borne in mind that all socialist revolutions barring the few (not all) in East Europe took place in relatively backward capitalistically developed countries. While this vindicated the Leninist understanding of breaking the imperialist chain at its weakest link, it nevertheless permitted world capital-

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ism to retain its hold over the developed productive forces and, hence, also the potential for its future development. The socialist countries removed one-third of the world market from capitalism. This, however, did not directly affect either the levels of advances already made by world capitalism in developing the productive forces, or in capitalism’s capacity to further develop the productive forces on the basis of scientific and technological advances. This permitted world capitalism to overcome the setbacks caused by socialist revolutions to develop the productive forces and further expand the capitalist market. Given the existing correlation of class forces internationally, imperialism achieved the expansion of the capitalist market through neocolonialism. On the other hand, given the pace and qualitatively higher advances made by socialism in a relatively short span (recall that the Soviet Union came to match the might of the fascist military machine in less than a decade – what took capitalism 300 years was accomplished by socialism in 30!) led to a belief that such advances were irreversible. The Leninist warning that the vanquished bourgeoisie will hit back with a force a hundred times stronger was not fully taken into account. Such an underestimation of the capacities of world capitalism and overestimation of socialism was reflected in the assessment of the world Communist movement. The statement of the 1960 conference issued by 81 participating Communist Parties stated: “It is the principal characteristic of our time that the world socialist system is becoming the decisive factor in the development of society”. It goes on to say: “The world capitalist system is going through an intense process of disintegration and decay”. And, “Capitalism

impedes more and more the use of the achievements of modern science and technology in the interests of social progress”. And that, “The time is not far off when socialism’s share of world production will be greater than that of capitalism. Capitalism will be defeated in the decisive sphere of human endeavour, the sphere of material production”. The statement continued: “A new stage has begun in the development of the general crisis of capitalism”, and talked of “the growing instability of the entire world economic system of capitalism”. Based on such assessments the statement concluded that “Today the restoration of capitalism has been made impossible not only in the Soviet Union, but in the other socialist countries as well”. Self-critically, it must be noted that all contingents of the world communist movement were influenced by this incorrect understanding. They therefore must re-examine the basis for such an assessment. In retrospect, it can be said that the general crisis of capitalism was simplistically understood. The historical inevitability of capitalism’s collapse was advanced as a possibility round the corner. This was a serious error that inhibited a concrete scientific study of the changes that were taking place in the capitalist countries and the manner in which they were adapting to meet the challenges arising from socialism. In the process, the clear warning given by Marx and Engels in the Communist Manifesto was ignored: “the bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionising the instruments of production and thereby the relations of production and with that the whole relations of society”. The inevitability of capitalism’s collapse is not an automatic process. Capitalism has to be overthrown. An erroneous estimation of its

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strength only blunts the need to constantly sharpen and strengthen the revolutionary ideological struggle of the working class and its decisive intervention under the leadership of a party wedded to Marxism-Leninism – the subjective factor without which no revolutionary transformation is possible. Thus, the overestimation of the strength of socialism and the underestimation of the strength of capitalism did not permit an objective analysis and consequently the proper assessment of the emerging world situation. Further, socialism was perceived as a linear progression. Once socialism was achieved, it was erroneously thought that the future course was a straight line without any obstacles till the attainment of a classless, Communist society. Experience has also confirmed that socialism is the period of transition or, as Marx said, the first stage of the Communism – the period between a class-divided exploitative capitalist order and the classless Communist order. This period of transition, therefore, by definition implies, not the elimination of class conflicts but its intensification, with world capitalism trying to regain its lost territory. This period, therefore, was bound to be a protracted and complex one with many a twist and turn and many a zigzag. This was particularly so in these countries which were capitalistically backward at the time of the revolution. The success or failure of the forces of world socialism in this struggle, at any point of time, is determined both by the success achieved in socialist construction and the international and internal correlation of class forces and their correct assessment. Incorrect estimations leading to an underestimation of the enemy both without and within the socialist countries and the overestimation of socialism had created a sit-

uation where the problems confronting the socialist countries were ignored as well as the advances and consolidation of world capitalism. Lenin had always reminded us that the living essence of dialectics is the concrete analysis of concrete conditions. If the analysis falters or the true appreciation of the actual situation is faulty, then erroneous understandings and distortions surface. It is such distortions and, importantly, deviations from the revolutionary content of Marxism-Leninism in later years of the USSR, particularly after the 20th Congress of the CPSU along with the unresolved problems in the process of socialist construction that led to these reverses. MAJOR SHORTCOMINGS IN SOCIALIST CONSTRUCTION. In the process of socialist construction, there were essentially four areas where major shortcomings occurred. Before discussing these, it needs to be underlined, once again, that socialism was embarking on an unchartered path of human advance. There were no blueprints or any specific formulae. This reality also contributed in a large measure towards these shortcomings. CLASS CHARACTER OF THE STATE : The first of these areas is regarding the class character of the state under socialism. The dictatorship of the overwhelming majority over a minority of former exploiting classes, i.e., the dictatorship of the proletariat as opposed to the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, which is that of a minority over the overwhelming majority, is the character of the state under socialism. However, the forms of this class rule need to keep developing as socialism advances

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through various phases. The form necessary, say in a period of capitalist encirclement, or civil war, need not be the form, say in a period of post-second world war socialist consolidation in the Soviet Union. The theoretical elaboration of the different phases of the dictatorship of the proletariat and different forms of the socialist state, is made for the first time in the political report of the 18th Congress of the CPSU in 1939. Stalin deals in length on this issue in a section titled, “Questions of theory”. However, when such transformation of forms, whose changes represent the movement towards greater and larger participation of the people in the activities of the state, are not made at the appropriate time, the growing aspirations of people under socialism get stifled and this leads to alienation and discontent. Further, the same form need not be applicable uniformly to all socialist countries. The form will be determined by the historical background and the concrete socio-economic conditions in those countries. Lenin had clearly stated in the State and Revolution that as the forms of bourgeois states are varied, the period of transition from capitalism to Communism “certainly cannot but yield a great abundance and variety of political forms”. But he goes on to underline that the forms may be different but the essence will inevitably be the dictatorship of the proletariat. “The forms of bourgeois states are extremely varied, but their essence is the same: all these states, whatever their form, in the final analysis are inevitably the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. The transition from capitalism to communism certainly cannot but yield a great abundance and variety of political forms, but the essence will inevitably be the same: the dictatorship of the proletariat” (emphasis added).

The adoption of the Soviet form of state in the post-second world war socialist countries of East Europe, hence, was a development that ignored the concrete socio-economic conditions and the historical background of these countries. For instance, Czechoslovakia had Communists elected to its Parliament in multi party system before the revolution. The prohibition of multi-party system under socialism was seen by many as a regression. This contributed, as well, to the alienation of the people and growing discontent. SOCIALIST DEMOCRACY: The second area where there were major shortcomings was that concerning socialist democracy. Democracy under socialism needs to be deeper and richer than under capitalism. While capitalism gives the formal democratic right, it does not provide to the vast majority of people the capacity to exercise it (under capitalism, everyone has a right to buy anything that is available but the majority do not have the capacity to exercise this right), socialism must provide both the right and the capacity to the people to exercise that right. However, in the process of socialist construction in many countries, two types of shortcomings occurred. First, the dictatorship of the class over a period of time was replaced by the dictatorship of the vanguard of the class, i.e., the Party. This over time was replaced by the leadership of the Party. The socialist state which represents the entire class and working people got substituted by a small section in the Party. This led to a strange situation with the decisions, say, of the Party Polit Bureau, becoming enforceable on all citizens. This was done through a fiat instead of convincing the majority of the people who are not members of the Party through democrati-

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cally decided state bodies like the Soviets. The Leninist principle of a Party decision being articulated in democratic people’s forums and Party’s leadership established through a democratic process with maximum people’s participation was replaced, unfortunately, by diktats. This, naturally, strengthened the sense of alienation amongst the people. Secondly, in the process of implementation of democratic centralism, inner-Party democracy, often, became a casualty while centralism became strengthened, as certain periods in the history of the USSR shows. This led to the growth of bureaucratism which is the very antithesis of democracy. Tendencies alien to socialism, such as, corruption and nepotism also surfaced. An example of this was the institutionalisation of privileges to large sections of the leadership of the CPSU and other ruling Communist parties. In this process, the vitality of this revolutionary principle is robbed, alienating the Party from the masses and the Party ranks from the leadership. It must be noted that instead of correcting these distortions both in the area of the class character of the state under socialism and socialist democracy, the Gorbachev leadership set about a course of abandoning both the concept of the leading role of the working class and democratic centralism. In the process, it disarmed the revolutionary party, prevented it from undertaking the necessary corrections which finally led to the dismantling of socialism. SOCIALIST ECONOMIC CONSTRUCTION: The third area where some shortcomings took place were in the process of socialist economic construction. As productive forces rapidly developed under the social ownership of the

means of production and centralised state planning, the methods of economic management that arise precisely due to this rapid economic development need to constantly change. The inability to transit to new levels by introducing such changes can lead to the stagnation of the economy. For instance, once all available land for agricultural production is utilised, then any further increases in production can happen only through increases in productivity. If such change is not affected in time, then problems arise. This is precisely what happened in the USSR in the seventies and the eighties. Once again, instead of effecting such changes, the Gorbachev leadership set about a course of abandoning the socialist economic foundations of social ownership of means of production and planning. Under the influence of the “bourgeois god of market economy”, the systematic dismantling of the socialist economic foundations took place which contributed to the dismantling of socialism itself. Gorbachev and the liquidationist leadership of the CPSU thus emerged as the children of the illegitimate relationship between revisionism and imperialism. NEGLECT OF IDEOLOGICAL CONSCIOUSNESS: The fourth area where major shortcomings occurred was in the field of strengthening the collective ideological consciousness of the people under socialism. Socialism can be sustained and developed only by the growing collective consciousness of the people which, in turn, cannot be reared without the ideological steadfastness of the ruling Communist Party. The weakening of such ideological consciousness led to a steady erosion of the class consciousness and vigilance, both amongst

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the people and the Party rank and file. This facilitated the process of undermining of socialism with minimum resistance. Due to these shortcomings, a situation arose where counter revolutionary forces, both external and internal, acted in concert to dismantle socialism. These reverses to socialism, therefore, have occurred not because of any inadequacies in the basic postulates of Marxism-Leninism. On the contrary, they have occurred primarily due to departures from the scientific and revolutionary content of Marxism-Leninism; incorrect estimations of the relative strengths of world capitalism and socialism; a dogmatic and mechanical interpretation of the creative science of Marxism; and also due to major shortcomings during the course of socialist construction. Soon after the collapse of the Soviet Union and East European countries, we, in our 14th Congress, came to the conclusion that this constitutes a big reversal for the forces of world socialism. Consequently, the correlation of class forces internationally have shifted in favour of imperialism permitting it to launch a renewed offensive in political, economic and social changes on a world scale. Imperialism, during these two decades, has, indeed, consolidated its hegemony in all spheres, though not to its desired levels due to growing resistance developing in certain parts of the world. Lenin had defined imperialism as the highest and last stage of capitalism – “Eve of the Socialist Revolution”. Many have mechanically sought to interpret this to mean the imminency of the of the collapse of capitalism and the rise of socialism. However, within a stage in the historical framework, there are and can be many phases through which imperialism

or, for that matter, any social order can develop. Therefore, there are different phases of imperialism while it continues to remain the last stage of capitalism. These phases are determined by the unfolding of the fundamental laws of capitalist development and the attendant levels of capital accumulation and importantly within the political conjuncture where this is happening. Given the fact that the political correlation of forces internationally has shifted in its favour, imperialism has been permitted circumstances whereby the quest of profit maximisation can proceed unhindered aided by colossal levels of capital accumulation leading to the emergence of international finance capital (IFC). This is one of the salient features of the post-Cold War world capitalism. Lenin in Imperialism... had defined finance capital as capital “controlled by banks and employed by industrialists”. Further, unlike in Lenin’s time, IFC operates not in the pursuit of specific strategic interests of specific nations but internationally. It also operates in a world not riven by intense inter-imperialist rivalry but in a world where such rivalry is muted by the very emergence of this international finance capital which seeks to operate over the entire undivided world. This does not suggest the cessation of inter-imperialist contradictions. These not merely exist but are bound to intensify in the future given the basic capitalist law of uneven development. This leads to conflicts of interests between capitalist centres given their relative future strengths. This international finance capital is no longer separate or detached from the world of production. The financial structure is a superstructure of capitalist production, but it is not detached, but it is enmeshed with industrial capital in its pursuit of profit maximisation.

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The IFC now leads the commonality of purpose to unleash fresh attacks to vastly increase levels of capital accumulation and profit maximisation. It is the new attacks and the reordering of world for profit maximisation, under dictates of IFC, that defines neo-liberalism. It operates, firstly, through policies that remove restrictions on the movement of goods and capital across borders. Trade liberalisation displaces domestic producers engendering domestic de-industrialisation. So also liberalisation of capital flows allows multinational corporations to acquire domestic productive assets vastly enlarging capital accumulation. The raison d’etre of capitalism is profit maximisation. It is the unfolding of this that leads to the law of concentration and centralisation of capital leading to capital accumulation. Similarly, it is the drive to maximise profits that leads to a cut-throat competition between capitalists themselves and those who succeed are the ones that have technologically upgraded their production system. Without constant technological innovation, neither the individual capitalist nor capitalism can survive. Therefore, both accumulation and technological progress are a coercive necessity under capitalism – both being the offshoots of the drive for profit maximisation. Likewise, the economic growth that occurs under capitalism is also a consequence of profit maximisation and not the other way around. The second way of consolidating capital accumulation is through the imposition of deflationary policies, like restrictions on government expenses in the name of fiscal discipline which leads to the lowering of the level of aggregate demand in the world economy, a shift in the terms of trade against the peasantry in

the developing countries and a rolling back of the State sector globally, more pronounced in the developing countries, which increasingly becomes privatised and the opening up of huge new areas for private accumulation. Thus, the new feature of current imperialism is the prising open of new and hitherto nonexistent avenues for profit maximisation. The imposition of such neo-liberal policies by browbeating the developing countries is achieved by imperialism through the agencies of IMF, World Bank and WTO – globalisation’s triumvirate (and of course these are joined by the EU in the European Union). The structural conditionalities imposed by the IMF and separately by the World Bank while disbursing loans to the developing countries ensured compliance to neo-liberal reforms. The WTO similarly, especially in the current Doha round negotiations is used for further prising open the markets of the developing world for imperialist profit maximisation. This new phase of imperialism turns large segments of the third world bourgeoisie into collaborators. In several of these countries, the struggle for decolonisation had been fought under the leadership of the domestic bourgeoisie which, after independence, had tried to pursue a path of relatively autonomous capitalist development. While allying itself with domestic landlordism, while compromising with the big capitalist powers, it had nonetheless retained a degree of autonomy, pursuing non-alignment in foreign policy which enabled it to use the Soviet Union to keep imperialist pressures in check. But the internal contradictions of such regimes, combined with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the emergence of international finance capital keen to prise open third world economies, altered the perspective of the

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third world bourgeoisie. From a position of relative autonomy, it moved towards greater collaboration with imperialism to embrace neo-liberalism. All through the history of capitalism, accumulation takes place in two ways: one is through the normal dynamics of capital expansion (appropriation) through the unfolding of its production process and the other is through coercion (expropriation) whose brutality Marx defines as primary accumulation of capital. Historically, these two processes continue to coexist. The process of primary accumulation has taken various forms, including direct colonisation. The aggressiveness of primitive accumulation is directly dependent on the direction of the international correlation of forces which... such capitalist brutality. In the current phase, the hallmark of contemporary imperialism is the intensification of such brutal primary accumulation assaulting a vast majority of the people of the world’s population, both in the developed as well and all other countries. All over the capitalist world, especially in the third world, disinvestment and privatisation of the State sector is nothing else but the private accumulation through the expropriation of State assets. Public utilities like water and energy, public services like education and health have increasingly become domains of private accumulation of capital. Control over mineral resources are increasingly becoming private, agriculture is increasingly being opened up for multinational seed and marketing companies leading to the virtual destruction of traditional agriculture in the developing countries throwing the peasantry into acute distress. The removal of trade tariffs and Free Trade Agreements is leading to deindustrialisation in many developing coun-

tries. Common resources like forests, water etc. are increasingly being taken over as private property. This “accumulation through encroachment” (expropriation) as opposed to “accumulation through expansion” (appropriation) is the hallmark of contemporary imperialism. This entire process is leading to the severe impoverishment of vast sections of the people world over, while on the other hand a select few are increasing their wealth – at the cost of these vast majority. Capitalism inevitably plunges into a crisis when what is produced is not sold. Under these circumstances, the only way that capitalism can sustain its levels of profits is by encouraging people to procure loans whose spending will maintain the levels of profit generation. However, when the time comes to repay these loans, there is the inevitable default, given the declining economic status of the vast majority of the borrowers. This is precisely what happened in the USA in the current sub-prime crisis leading to large scale defaults. Under globalisation, with sharp decline in the purchasing power in the hands of the majority of the world’s population, finance capital, in its eagerness for quick profits, chooses the speculative route of artificially enlarging purchasing power by advancing cheap (subprime) loans. Profits are made while these loans are spent but when repayment is due comes default, ruining the loan taker, also crippling the system. To put it simply, as seen above, this is precisely what happened on a gigantic scale. CAPITALIST SYSTEM IS INHERENTLY A CRISIS RIDDEN SYSTEM. The current global recession is a systemic crisis of capitalism demonstrating its historic limits. No amount

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of reform could rid the world of this crisis. In spite of the brave claims by many countries that the “worst part of the crisis is past them”, each coming day is exposing the shallowness of this claim. This global crisis has sharply brought forth the main contradiction of capitalism – between its social nature of production and individual capitalist appropriation. Capitalism tries to emerge from its self-created crisis by further intensifying exploitation. This is precisely what is happening today. The world so far was familiar with bailout packages for resurrecting financial giants that collapsed in the wake of their own making. It is this international finance capital that is leading the imperialist globalisation today. The reckless creation of new financial animals and mind boggling intermeshing of these to generate higher profits led to large scale bankruptcies. As is the logic of capitalism, the governments rescued the corporate giants by building up a mounting debt of their own. They tried to address only the concerns of the corporates and not undertake in increasing the purchasing power of the people or demand generation. The governments that bailed out these corporates are now caught in the vortex of mounting debt. Thus, what had started as the crisis due to the insolvency of some corporates has now emerged as full fledged sovereign insolvency. If corporate insolvency heralded the global meltdown and recession in 2008, now it is this sovereign insolvency that is threatening to snowball a deeper crisis. Sovereign insolvencies were bound to occur given the manner in which capitalism chose to recover from the current recession. The bailout packages – conservatively estimated over $10 trillion – came from the taxpayers. While they suffered, the governments also became bankrupt.

This situation is not confined only to turbulence in global finance. The affects will be severe. It has laid the seeds of a more fundamental crisis. As the burden of sovereign debt is passed on to the common people, their purchasing power correspondingly declines. Combined with the growth of unemployment, this leads to a sharp contraction in domestic demand. Further, this global crisis has drastically reduced global trade. Under such circumstances, the manner in which the USA has handled its debt ceiling issue impacts not only its domestic economy but the global economy. With the contraction of domestic demand in all the major economic powers, save China, the contraction of GDP in all these countries is inevitable. This, in turn, will lead to a further contraction in governmental revenues, imposing further debt. The servicing of this would lead to imposing further burdens on the people. This vicious cycle has been set in motion imposing unprecedented burdens and misery on the people. This would lead to many ugly manifestations of social tension like the spreading riots of loot in the UK. Another way through which the dominant imperialist powers would seek their way out of the crisis is by seeking to penetrate and dominate the markets of developing countries. Efforts are on to coerce the developing countries to accept the various conditions and agreements that are detrimental to their interests. The Doha round of WTO negotiations, various Free Trade Agreements between the imperialist powers and the third world countries, the ongoing negotiations at the climate change summit, are all attempts to prise open the markets of the third world countries. As a result, various sectors like agriculture, banks, insurance, education, industries, retail trade are sought to be opened up to serve the inter-

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ests of the multinational corporates. These measures would ruin the lives of the people, adversely affect the economies of the developing countries and spiral them into further deep crisis. In the developed countries too, the ruling classes want to come out of this ‘deep-hole’ in which they find themselves in by putting further burdens on the working class. As a means to reduce their deficits they are advocating a cut in the wages, pensions, education and other social welfare measures – all in the name of ‘austerity’. The struggles we are witnessing are for the protection of their hard won rights that are under attack under the guise of these ‘austerity’ measures. THE DEVELOPMENTS IN WEST ASIANORTH AFRICA are basically due to a combination of economic and political reasons. The people in these countries, like people anywhere else in the world aspire for better living standards, human rights and liberty. This aspiration gets exponentially magnified in countries where for centuries they have been under oppressive, autocratic rule backed by imperialism. Many countries in this region are under the rule of dictators, who are allies of the US for years. They made a mockery of elections, if at all they were held, like in Egypt, Tunisia and Yemen. The people were virtually stripped of all their democratic rights – right to organise, right to dissent and right to protest. This popular upsurge in West Asia/North Africa has been sparked by the acute impoverishment that has sharply escalated during the current global recession and in this background of the absence of democratic rights. Apart from being subjected to authoritarian rule for decades, the people of these coun-

tries have suffered severely during the last two years of the global economic crisis. The impact of these hardships is the immediate backdrop that was triggered by WikiLeaks revelations that showed the enormous difference in the way the rulers lived and the people suffered triggered the popular protests. The political representatives of Capital try to conceal the unresolvable contradiction between capital and labour that lies at the heart of the crisis. This contradiction has to be exposed and brought to the fore. An extensive ideological campaign exposing the limits of capitalist system and its inherent crisis ridden character has to be carried out. Along with it, the struggle for political alternative to capitalism, socialism has to be strengthened. A broad alliance of all the exploited led by the working class has to be built. Communist and Workers’ parties guided by the principles of scientific-socialism – Marxism-Leninism – and with a ‘concrete understanding of the concrete conditions’ should lead these efforts. Socialism is the only way out of the crisis ridden, inequality prone, inhuman capitalist system. THE POLITICAL ALTERNATIVE TO CAPITALISM, socialism, can be only achieved by strengthening the ‘subjective factor’. The responsibility of strengthening the subjective factor – the revolutionary ideological struggle led by the working class, uniting other exploited classes and its decisive intervention under the leadership of a party wedded to MarxismLeninism – falls on our shoulders. The current struggles taking place here in Greece, in many countries - Europe, Latin America and in many other places of the world – are a testimony to this fact. It is imperative to utilise the objective

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situation and intervene to advance the movement by building a broad anti-imperialist front. It is thus upon us, the communist and workers’ parties, to further intensify these struggles and lead their advance towards the establishment of an exploitation free, crisis free, socialist society. Long live Marxism-Leninism Socialism is the future and the future is ours

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Communist Party of Ireland EUGENE MC CARTAN

The crisis of capitalism, of imperialism, has thrown up serious questions for the workers’ movement around the world. The old questions of revolution versus reform have once again become a sharp issue within the workers’ movement. The crisis of the system, the deep contradictions, financialisation and stagnation have shut the door on a socialdemocratic solution. The imperialist powers are resorting to wars and the heightening of aggression. THE CRISIS OF EUROPEAN MONOPOLY CAPITALISM the impact of the crisis on Ireland. The austerity measures being imposed by the external EU-ECB-IMF “troika,” in co-operation with the internal troika of Fine Gael, the Labour Party, and Fianna F·il, are imposing massive cuts in public spending: Ä3.5 billion this year, Ä3.7 billion next year, a total of Ä20 billion between 2011 and 2015. There is a massive socialised corporate debt of Ä140 billion imposed upon the people, The recent “Debt Audit” of the Irish debt put the figure at Ä381 billion that is Ä100,000 for each woman, man and child. Mass unemployment has become a permanent feature of Irish society, reaching 14 per cent. If we add in those emigrating, unemployment would reach 20 per cent. Emigration is again being used as a major social safety value with over 40,000 people leaving every year. Corporate profits are up, with wages, social welfare and pensions all on a downward spiral. There have been cuts in children’s allowance and unemployment benefit; there are hospital closures, levies, and an increase in value-added tax, and House Hold Tax. In Ireland and all the peripheral countries there is a massive fire-sale of public companies, and public services will be privatised,

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narrowing the space and role of public capital so as to create new investment opportunities, with guaranteed profits, for private, corporate capital. STRUCTURAL DEBT CRISIS and debt servicing as a means of extracting wealth from peripheral countries. The European banking system is in deep trouble, which began in the periphery and has now moved into the core countries. Each solution gives temporary relief, to be followed by a further deepening of the crisis and a further turning of the screw on the people. The crisis of the system is being used by national governments and monopoly capitalism to drive back the rights of workers and their families, to take back much of what we gained in the twentieth century in our wages and our terms and conditions. The growing crisis of the euro and what they call the “sovereign” debt crisis has all the signs of being beyond their capacity to solve. They have now constructed a structured debt relationship between the core states and the heavily indebted peripheral countries, which will result in massive transfers of wealth from the periphery to the centre, an approach similar to the terms dictated to their former colonies. German monopoly capitalism is the ascendancy, it is attempting to extract maximum political advantage from the situation, demanding further rigid controls of the fiscal and budgetary governance of member-states by the EU institutions, including the EU Commission and the European Central Bank. Clearly they are attempting to close off any potential alternative economic and social strategy by the people. European monopoly capitalism is using the crisis to further tighten its grip. If it suc-

ceeds in further eroding the ability of peoples and member-states to take independent decisions in relation to economic and social policies, with national budgets first having to be cleared through Brussels, this will in effect reduce elected governments to mere lobbyists, looking for concessions here and there, one set of lobbyists among more powerful lobby groups. ON MONDAY AND TUESDAY 5TH/6TH DECEMBER the Irish Government delivered its austerity budget; it had arrived back from Germany stamped with the seal of the EU and marked “non-negotiable.” Because that is what they have been told to do, and it is also in their own class interests. They loudly proclaim that the crisis in each country is different and that we must prevent “contagion”, yet they impose identical cures for what they claim to be different illnesses. We have witnessed two virtual coups d’Ètat, in Italy and Greece, with two governments being replaced by what is euphemistically called “technocratic” government. These assaults on the democratic will of the Greek and Italian people, in collusion with the ruling forces in both countries, are among the first public manifestations and a real expression of the EU corporatist state now under construction. The reality that bourgeois democracy will be truncated to meet the needs of capital when it is in crisis is becoming more open and visible. This is an important ideological strategic weakness of theirs. In many ways it is the crisis of the system that is exposing the nature and the limitations of the system itself. In effect we build our strategies on the contradictions and mistakes of the system.

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We are living in a period when many myths are weakening and are ceasing to have an influence on how the people see the world around them. MYTH 1: That the independent state is redundant in the era of globalisation. False! The first port of call when the situation moved into crisis was the resources of the state to bail it out, in Ireland to the tune of Ä140 billion- that is, nearly Ä40,000 per person. MYTH 2: That the EU is a union of equals. Since the crisis it has been a case of the weakest having to go to the wall. MYTH 3: That monopoly capitalism has overcome its contradictions of boom and slump. MYTH 4: That democracy and capitalism go hand in hand. Clearly not true. What we have in the EU is a form of corporate state, one becoming more reactionary as the crisis deepens. MYTH 5: That there is no alternative to capitalism or to the solutions being imposed to get it out of this crisis. We clearly need a strategy for building and strengthening working-class solidarity throughout Europe, for finding unity on shared goals and demands. THE WORKING CLASS NEEDS ALLIES. Policies for developing struggle and resistance are clearly the pressing issue facing the communist and workers’ movement at this crucial moment in history. We have to take advantage of this and try to create greater ideological space in which we can present a people’s alternative way forward. Capitalism’s lack of democracy and its efforts to corral and to narrow the people’s options is its Achilles heel. This challenges us to lead people from the straitjacket of bourgeois

democracy, where workers and citizens have no real democratic control, to real democracy, where there is full social control over politics, society, and the economy. We communists want to empower working people, to democratise all areas of life. Democracy, which is centred on working people, is the fertile ground that we have to cultivate and develop. It is about the democratic control of capital, about democratic control over the means of production. From our viewpoint we see democracy and national sovereignty as central struggles. Others may see different priorities. DEMOCRACY. We believe that the question of democracy and the defence of democracy can open up new avenues of struggle and alliances with new forces and potential allies. This is not about defending bourgeois democracy but exposing its limitations and its class nature. NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY is also a central question, one that has the potential to open up fissures in the enemy positions, to undermine and expose the fact that ruling-class forces have always put and will always put their class interests and their relationship with imperialism before the interests of the people, most importantly those of working people. Certainly, experience in Ireland shows that social forces that were once secure allies of the establishment, such as the professional classes, small businesses, and family farmers, are now finding their political influence closed off, their economic interests sacrificed. The trade union leadership also believed it had a stake in the system, flattered by the policies of “social partnership.” Now that so-

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cial partnership has been abandoned by the state and the employers it is left high and dry and incapable of defending the working class. The labour movement has to relearn class struggle. This is a struggle that may well be a long one. We are moving into a long phase of stagnation, of mass unemployment and growing mass poverty. It will require us to bring to bear the great experience of the communist movement of more than a century. DEEPENING IDEOLOGICAL STRUGGLE. How we exploit the divisions of our enemies and unite working people and anti-imperialist forces is the central question. What demands contain the potential for moving forward and countering the attacks under way? Through our campaigning on the debt we have been attempting to expose the class nature of the European Union. The Irish ruling class puts the interests of the European monopoly banks and finance houses before those of the people. We want to expose this abject dependence and subservient relationship. While resistance is weak at this time it is nevertheless growing as recent protest clearly indicate. AREAS OF CO-OPERATION AND UNITY IN STRUGGLE IN EUROPE. Opposition to the imposition of corporate debt on the peoples of the European Union gives us the possibility of uniting workers throughout the EU, outside the narrow structures of the institutions of the EU, outside the control of such bodies as the ETUC a creature funded and supported by the EU Commission. A strategy which would present a significant challenge to monopoly finance capital. Opposition to the privatisation of public

enterprises and the commercialisation of public services is another area where co-operation and unity can be achieved. Solidarity actions with workers engaged in resistance can also provide an opportunity to break the isolation or cordon sanitaire that ruling-class forces have succeeded in building, leaving each national working class with the belief that it is on its own. We need to develop a strategy for spreading “contagion”. This is a struggle for the whole of the class throughout the EU, to bring working-class internationalism back into the consciousness of workers. TURNING THE ECONOMIC CRISIS of the system into a political crisis of the system? Capitalism creates and functions on uneven development. That truism is no more clearly revealed than it is in relation to the present crisis, centred on the euro. The uneven economic and social development of the different member-states is clear, and the economic crisis manifests itself differently. Just as monopoly capitalism attempts to impose similar solutions and policies, they affect the people in different ways. Resistance likewise is shaped by the traditions and the concrete conditions of each country: the relative economic and social development, the extent and size of the working class and its consciousness, the scale and the social and economic role of other social classes and their place in the productive process, the extent of penetration and domination of transnational capital over national economic development. To quote Lenin, writing about the 1916 Rising in Ireland in reply to Rosa Luxemburg, Karl Radek, Trotsky, and other leftists, “envisaging a social revolution as a living phenomenon”.

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Whoever expects a “pure” social revolution will never live to see it. Such a person pays lipservice to revolution without understanding what revolution is. “The socialist revolution in Europe cannot be anything other than an outburst of mass struggle on the part of all and sundry oppressed and discontented elements. Inevitably, sections of the petty bourgeoisie and of the backward workers will participate in itwithout such participation, mass struggle is impossible, without it no revolution is possible”. (Lenin, “The Irish Rebellion of 1916”.) TAKING INTO ACCOUNT THE CONCRETE MATERIAL CONDITIONS of each country. If we accept that “social revolution is a living phenomenon,” what are the material conditions and social forces that we have to understand, try to work with and win over? Certainly in Ireland, the centuries of colonial domination, the continued partition of the country and the deep division within the working class require us to reflect on and understand that reality. In Ireland, national consciousness is more developed than class consciousness; and neither is strong enough to resist or to explain what is happening or provide a way forward on its own. It is combining the social and national questions, showing that they are inseparable, that provides the framework for possible forward movement, showing that domination and control by the European Union can be broken only by the working class, as the Irish ruling class is itself a junior partner and subservient to the interests of imperialism, in the first instance to the EU. We cannot copy history, we can only learn from it and apply the lessons. Clearly, socialism is the only alternative to

capitalism, but the question of how we turn the economic crisis of the system into a political crisis of the system is the challenge that faces revolutionary forces. STRATEGIES FOR REFLECTING THE HISTORY of each people. Irish communists have called for the repudiation of the debt; it is not the people’s debt, and should not be paid. We have called for social control of capital, for democratic control over natural resources, for an alternative all-Ireland economic, political and social strategy. To break with the euro. These are policies and demands that are diametrically opposed by monopoly capitalism and bring us into conflict with the Irish ruling class and the EU. We believe that capitalism is incompatible with democracy: capitalism insists that social control is undesirable, bad, and impossible. OPENING UP THE ROAD TO SOCIALISM. Clearly there are many lessons to be learnt from the building of socialism in the twentieth century and current efforts at building socialism as in Cuba in difficult conditions, where imperialism is the dominant military, economic, political and cultural influence and power globally, as it was in the twentieth century. Our history has to be assessed and faced up to, openly, honestly and critically, as a necessary element in the fight against anti-communism. Now more than ever we must guard against left-sectarianism and dogmatism as much as against reformism, opportunism, and defeatism. Socialism and the struggle for socialism in the twenty-first century will be shaped by the experience of the twentieth century

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but most importantly by the class and antiimperialist struggles of the twenty-first century and the balance of power and the strength of imperialism.

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Workers’ Party of Ireland GERRY GRAINGER

I wish to convey the best wishes of the Workers’ Party of Ireland to the Communist Party of Greece and to the fraternal parties gathered here. I also wish to thank the KKE for the organisation of this meeting and for providing the excellent working conditions we have experienced. THE STRUGGLE AGAINST ANTI-PEOPLE MEASURES, as in Greece and across Europe, is a vital struggle for Irish workers. The present Irish government has, without protest, accepted the overarching political and economic framework forced on Ireland in November 2010 by the EU/ECB/IMF troika. In the last few days the Irish government has introduced another “austerity” budget. The budget announced by the social democrat Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform, Brendan Howlin TD, imposes even greater misery on working people and their families. The Irish coalition government of the right and social democrats has demonstrated its obsession with slash and burn economics; a fanatical commitment to protecting the wealthy and high earners in the country and a callous disregard for workers and the weakest in society, the elderly, those in need of medical care, and young people. In Northern Ireland too the local administration is in the process of implementing anti-people cuts in public expenditure in concert with the Conservative – Liberal Democratic coalition at Westminster. In its pre-budget briefings the Irish government, in common with its European counterparts, made very clear where the cutbacks will apply and on whom the burden of economic hardship will fall. Unemployment figures demonstrate a steady increase and it is now clear that despite high emigration the unemployment register figures will soon reach 500,000. The October monthly returns show a decline in the domestic economy with the key indicators of income tax and VAT showing a decline in real terms.

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“HOUSEHOLD DEBT” is at an all-time high, with thousands of families unable to meet their weekly bills and many facing the real prospect of losing their homes. Despite this the Irish government plans to heap more misery on this sector with multiple stealth taxes, including increases in VAT, adding up to as much as n600 annually per household. Yet the government continues to repay billions of euros to non-guaranteed bondholders of Anglo Irish Bank with borrowed money the Irish working class is expected to repay while resolutely refusing to even discuss a wealth tax, to introduce a third tax band for high earners, and resisting any increase in the 12.5% corporate tax rate. TEACHING JOBS are being axed while the n100 million annual subsidy to private fee paying schools continues. Frontline services in Irish public hospitals are being eroded on a daily basis yet the tax subsidy to private hospitals and private health insurance continues. The state refuses to build any public housing but subsidises private landlords by more that half a billion euro per year. Licences to exploit Irish gas and oil reserves are being handed out for free to multinational companies at a time of record prices and world shortages. The economic analysis and political philosophy of the Irish government, and of the major capitalist powers, is fatally flawed and therefore the solutions they propose cannot succeed. The kernel of the situation is that the present crisis is not a banking crisis, or a credit crisis, or a financial crisis. It is a fundamental crisis of capitalism. The capitalist system, based on greed and exploitation, is undergoing a cataclysmic crisis. Capitalism, and in particular modern

transnational finance capital, has always regarded the state as its own plaything, there to smooth the path to profit and prevent any protest by the oppressed. In the relentless pursuit of profit the role of the state in providing necessary infrastructure and social services has been eroded as the false mantra of “the private sector can do it better” was deliberately disseminated by a willing and subservient media and academia. The most obvious feature of the present crisis is that it is the private sector which has failed. Internationally banks have seen the most spectacular collapses as their foundations of massive private debt and fly-by-night investment products proved unsustainable. Time and again, from Ireland to Greece and to the USA, millions of working people, retired workers, and those dependent on social payments have suffered grievously so that banks may be rescued, refloated, or recapitalised. THE ROLE OF THE STATE IN CAPITALIST SOCIETY, as epitomised in Ireland, has changed significantly. The state now has a role in banking. Its role is to rescue native banks and bankers from their own mistakes, rescue bondholders from their mistakes; and guarantee the gambles of the huge multinational banking corporations in the core EU economies against their mistakes in relation to Ireland. Banks which assiduously guarded their privatised profits have now persuaded the state to socialise their losses. The state has become a rehabilitation centre for international banking. However, despite the dependent state of bankers vis a vis government the bankers are still dictating policy. The obscenity of inflated salaries and undeserved bonuses continues. Despite new high profile personnel in some public positions the culture

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of light-touch regulation continues. The financial labyrinth of the International Financial Services Centre (IFSC) is largely, and deliberately, designed as a closed book to the Irish people. There are a number of self-serving myths which are being circulated ad nauseum by capitalist apologists and media. These myths are designed to provide the veneer of respectability by which the ECB/IMF Chicago School of Economics programme is implemented and enforced. The first self-serving myth is that “we are all in this together”. Nothing could be further from the truth. The gap between rich and poor, nationally and internationally, is rising. The income differential between senior management and staff is steadily increasing. The percentage of company gross profits taken as private profit as against the percentage used in wages or reinvested has increased over the last generation and has accelerated since the onset of the latest capitalist recession. ALONGSIDE THE POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT there is enormous wealth, some discretely hidden and some ostentatiously displayed. This wealth is not taxed and every attempt to tax wealth in Ireland has been staunchly opposed. The second myth is that our economic ills are caused by a “bloated public sector” and that the indiscriminate slashing of this sector is the solution to our problems. This myth is based on the tactic of divide and conquer, to set worker against worker and ultimately to divert the attention of all workers from their common enemy, capitalism. It also permits governments to savagely attack public expenditure. The reality is that public services are neither overstaffed nor overpaid. Indeed

the contrary is the case. This myth is also used to justify the mass privatisation of publicly owned assets. The third myth is TINA - “there is no alternative”. Patently this is false. There is always an alternative - when the economic system in place is not working and has never worked, when it is based on injustice, inequality, exploitation and oppression there has to be an alternative. The present strategy of European governments, as dictated by the EU/ECB/IMF troika and the decisions of the G20, is to protect the rich; defend the banks; penalise workers for the failure of capitalism; and use international military superiority to maintain control of their neo-colonial empires. The role of the state in capitalist society is to act as the executive committee of the bourgeoisie. We salute the courageous and correct stand taken by the Greek people, the workers and youth, PAME and the Communist Party of Greece, who are resisting the anti-people measures of the bourgeois class in Greece, its governments, the EU, the IMF and the ECB. We owe Greek workers and their militant organisations our continuing solidarity. We must learn from the experience of the Greek working class and their revolutionary organisations, and from other instances of mass resistance in other countries, and from our own experience of struggle. THE HISTORY OF HUMANKIND is one of steady ascent through the stages of social, economic and cultural progress. The driving force of modern history is the struggle between classes and the conflict of their interests. The history of capitalism is the history of the contradiction between the social nature of production and the private capitalist form

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of appropriation. The interests of the capitalist class and the working class are irreconcilable. Imperialism, which Lenin characterised as the monopoly stage of capitalism, has plunged humanity into world war and multiple regional conflicts. It is the task of workers to oppose imperialism and to take power into their own hands to bring about the transition from capitalism to socialism. Building socialism necessarily implies the destruction of the capitalist system. Socialism is the negation of capitalism and the elimination of capitalism is a vital and necessary step in constructing a new society and ending poverty, disease, misery, inequality, exploitation and oppression throughout the world. THE OCTOBER REVOLUTION was a landmark in world history. In contrast to all earlier revolutions, the Great October Socialist Revolution transferred power to the working class, broke down the machinery of the bourgeois state and established the world’s first workers’ state. The object of the October Revolution was to abolish all forms of exploitation and oppression and to construct a new society based on socialist ideas. The Bolshevik Revolution was at the core of a political phenomenon the reverberations of which were felt across the world. The victory of the workers converted the socialist vision into an everyday reality. For the first time in history the revolutionary ideas of Marx and Engels were translated into practice and this, in turn, laid the basis for the creative and innovative development of the socialist project. Having won the civil war and defeated foreign intervention and counter-revolutionary plots the new Soviet state advanced in the

face of hostile capitalist encirclement and unrelenting ideological attack. The nationalisation of the means of production, the creation of a powerful industrial state, the victory over fascism, the multiple achievements in social, economic, cultural and scientific fields and the improvement in the material conditions of working people were among the many accomplishments of the revolution and marked a significant step for the Soviet people and established a way of life based on social justice, collectivisation, comradely solidarity and mutual assistance. The progress in the socialist countries, the support for genuine national liberation struggles and for peace and international security based on the principles of equality, mutual respect and the territorial integrity, independence and sovereignty of states clearly established socialism as the necessary pre-condition for the solution of the problems facing humanity and set out the boundless possibilities for the socialist project. THE COUNTER-REVOLUTION IN THE USSR and its consequences, although profoundly disturbing, did not represent the end of history. Neither did it invalidate the revolutionary principles of Marxism and Leninism. After the counter-revolution in the former socialist countries, the ideologists and apologists for capitalism declared socialism and class struggle to be obsolete and the world was re-opened for further capitalist penetration. It is important to learn from the experiences of socialist construction. It is particularly important to do so at a time when the vision, symbols and practical experiences of socialism are subjected to increasing hostile anti-communist propaganda and attack and

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in conditions where communist and workers parties are confronted by restrictions on their political activities. The situation in Georgia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Spain, Turkey and in Ireland with the continued attempts of the US to extradite Comrade Sean Garland, a member of our Central Executive Committee, demonstrates a continuing attempt to attack and criminalise the work and ideology of the Communist and Workers parties and their youth organisations. THE WORKERS’ PARTY OF IRELAND condemned in the strongest possible terms the attacks on Libya, under the command and control of NATO, USA, France, Britain, Italy and the EU. These attacks had no legitimacy, no humanitarian objective, and were solely related to the overarching desire of the imperialist powers to totally control the region, either directly or by proxy. By involving opposition forces in the Middle East into its plans, imperialism hopes to establish compliant regimes across the region. We continue to demand an end to imperialist aggression and occupation in Afghanistan and Iraq. While the question of the political development and the economic orientation of Syria remain matters for the Syrian people to be addressed peacefully and democratically the imperialist forces continue in their attempt to divide the people of Syria and intervene in the interests of imperialism and its allies in the region. NATO IS AN AGGRESSIVE MILITARY ALLIANCE and the projects of the EU and NATO are inextricably intertwined. We must resolutely expose the ongoing plans to transform the European Union into a political and military bloc, demand the dissolution of NATO,

and oppose imperialism, colonialism and all other forms of aggression, domination and exploitation. We support the continued efforts of the two communities in Cyprus to build a peaceful, common future in a united, sovereign, demilitarized federal Cyprus. We must continue to protest against the unjust imprison-ment of the “Cuban Five,” to demand the release of those remaining in prison and that RenÈ Gonz·lez be permitted to return to Cuba. We support the Communist Party of Cuba and the Cuban people in their fight against the continuing criminal economic blockade and imperialist threats. We salute the efforts of the peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean, in resisting imperialist domination and creating the basis for sovereign development. We express our solidarity with the Venezuelan people and with their Bolivarian revolutionary process. We support the Workers’ Party of Korea and the Korean people in their struggle to preserve their independence and sovereignty and for the reunification of the country and peace on the Korean peninsula. THE PROCLAMATION OF THE STATE OF PALESTINE is a vital step towards a just and equitable solution and deserves the support and solidarity of all progressive and peace loving people throughout world. We renew our heartfelt solidarity with the Palestinian people. Any solution must address the full national rights of Palestinians living in the areas occupied in 1967 and the rights of Palestinians inside the 1948 borders and in the Diaspora. A just solution must implement and address the right of Palestinian refugees and their descendants to return to their properties in Israel and end the construction of Jewish-only settle-

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ments that expropriate Palestinian land and resources and which progressively confine Palestinians to enclaves within their own land - a solution that relies on the implementation of United Nations resolutions which provide for the withdrawal of Israeli troops from all occupied Palestinian territories, the Golan heights and the other Arab territories under occupation, that demands the release of all Palestinian political prisoners, that recognises the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people and recognises an independent, sovereign viable Palestinian state with full membership of the UN with East Jerusalem as its capital. Comrades, socialism, as the mechanism for the rational social organisation of society for the benefit of the people remains the real alternative to capitalism. Socialism means peace, equality, a revolution in social relations, international solidarity, a new international order, the transformation of the world. THE OCTOBER REVOLUTION invested the international workers’ movement with a revolutionary consciousness and objective, the task of educating, organising and mobilising the mass of the working people in the struggle against capital and constructing a new society. That remains our goal. The struggle continues. Socialism is the future.

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Party of the Italian Communists FAUSTO SORINI

CAPITALIST SYSTEM ECONOMIC CRISIS marks the end of a long speculative cycle of financial accumulation. An overproduction crisis that does not hit all the countries in the same way. Indeed, USA, UE and Japan crisis does not prevent spectacular rates of growth in other regions of the world. Unipolar dominion of United States is heavily called into question. A new multi-polarism got back to appear in the international relations. Capitalism has not been asserted like a definitive model. Neo-liberalistic market ideology, after thirty years of hegemony, stops to be perceived as a common sense. The reaction of global capitalism is ferocious. The hope of an emancipation of widest multitudes and peoples all over the world is seized by imperialism; by wars, poverty, violences, antipopular mesures of social massacre, as it is happening by UE and BCE politics. However this reaction cannot avoid that in wide regions, in enormous countries, start to be experienced new and unknown ways of economic and social development, and communists, left and progressive forces are often actors of the transformation in those countries that are designing new equilibriums of the world. An enormous and epoch-making phenomenon, that gives a sense to our national and continental political resistance and that hands us in the historical aim to keep alive the idea of transformation and socialism. This is the communists’ task also in advanced capitalism Europe countries to the dawn of the third millennium. Communists and socialism perpective are not out of history: they represent the real movement that is taking the trouble to demonstrate that nothing is immutable. History is already, unavoidably, in progress. CAPITALISM AND SOCIALISM: FROM 20th TO 21st CENTURY. To face in a serious way

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the issue of socialism in 21th century means to reckon rigorously with the total experience of socialism and of the communist movement of the 20th century. The defeat of the Soviet experience and of the socialist branch in Europe (which had different paths and outcomes than Chinese, Vietnamese or Cuban one: we cannot, simplifying, categorize all under the category of the “collapse” or the “failure”) obligates us to analyze the causes, to try to make a total assessment of a vicissitude which has been main in the experience of the labor movement for decades. The historical revisionism and an incessant cultural campaign - that would have little sense if it were well grounded the thesis of communism death – aims at criminalizing the same idea of class struggle and every hypothesis of society transformation in socialist sense; distorts the entire experience of communist movement showing it like one sequence of violences and failures. We do not have to remove limits, errors and dark pages of this history, but we cannot agree with superficial and simplistic positions. We perceive the need to understand in a better way what did not work and which that determined, at last, the defeat of some great historical experiences. USSR fall does represent neither the history ending, nor the end of the communist movement. And if the formation of more advanced societies is the result of a long historical process lasted centuries, we are not able to understand why the completed construction of socialism on a global scale, and mainly in backward countries, should happen in short times and without contradictions. Indeed, one of the acquisitions (self-critical) that today characterize in wide measure

the theoretical reflection of communist movement relating to 20th century is just the one of having imagined it like the century of general and conclusive crisis of capitalism and the final victory of socialism. The process of advanced transition to socialism on a worldwide scale, instead, revealed to be longer and more tortuous than what the founders of the scientific socialism and the greater exponents of the communist movement of 900’ could presume. They underrated the expansive potentialities and self-regulation ones of capitalistic system and overrated those of the first experiences of transition. Socialism construction and transition to communism has to be read as an historical process, rich in intermediate phases, in advancing and regressions: Communists ‘ability to indicate and build the better solutions to the great contradictions that threaten humanity future, today, in single countries and on a global scale, is the way through which they can reconquer a managing function, able to show to entire humanity new and various frontiers of liberation from capitalist exploitation. The need to submit again, at the dawn of the third millennium, the matter of socialism, does not come from utopia, but from the old and new contradictions that capitalism is unable to solve. There is no national and evolved capitalism separable from the imperialistic form that the system took in its global dimension. And if it is true that capitalist system, under the pressure of peoples struggles and thanks to historical challenge represented by socialism and labor movement of the 20th century, was able to correct and mitigate some of its most acute contradictions during the high points of its development and also to

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produce material well- being for significant population stratums (which represent a small minority, however, and are now largely threatened by the crisis of the system, that hits also developed countries), it proved to be unable to produce development, welfare and social progress for the majority of global population, to preserve the environmental balance of the planet and produce peace, disarmament and cooperation in international relationships among human beings. Socialism could combine, on the contrary, the immense potentials of scientific and technological development (which might already provide decent living conditions to entire population of the planet) with social progress, protection of nature, peace and humanization of the relations among human beings. Capitalism is a system that has to be overcome, proposing the great revolutionary aim of socialism: the property and the social control of production and the programming and planning of economic development, finalized to the satisfaction of humanity needs, to the ending of the exploitation of mankind on mankind and to a balanced development that should be environment- friendly, not subordinated to profit requirements of who own means of production. The re-launch of international communist movement let therefore to emerge some big priorities on political and program plan: - the overcoming of this globalization with a cooperating multilateralism among all the States out from every neo-liberalist, imperialist and warmongering logic; - the formation of productive, technological and financial public poles, subordinated to democratic control, operating in the global market, able to compete, counterbalance and influence multinational private capital;

- the fight for peace and disarmament, the dissolution of NATO, the removal of the foreign military bases, the ban of mass destruction weapons, the fight to war and to war system, the reduction of international supremacy, also military, of USA and euro-atlantic imperialism; - the fight for social justice mesures and public, national, sovereign democratic control over the main choice of economic politic in each country. STATE AND MARKET, CAPITALISM AND SOCIALISM. Marx and Engels taught us that the state is “the official compendium of the antagonism in civil society” is the instrument that bends to the will of the ruling class and that allows it to obtain political power, too. The state thus “is not than a committee that manages the common affairs of the entire bourgeoisie class”; it is “the organ of class dominion”. Moreover it is an instrument of mediation of class conflict, is a place where class struggle takes place and determines the characters of this mediation. Marx also linked the possibility of communism not only to the existence of social ownership, but to a very high level of development of productive forces and automation of labor, too, in which mankind would have participated less and less directly to material production; for this reason the basis of exchange value would have fallen and so the market relations would have depleted. This assumed a transition phase between capitalism and communism, which would have been managed by proletariat under the supervision of the State, and in which market and socialization elements would have coexisted. This is what happened in the Russia of

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Lenin with the NEP. And, in the essence, it’s the same problem posed by Chinese and Vietnamese communists, in the late ‘70s. Their reflection, as it is now clear, has gone much further and, after the last congress of their party, nowadays it concerns also Cuban ones. Socialist-inspired societies survived to Soviet system collapse, are attempting to find adequate ways to introduce elements of strong dynamism in the development of productive forces. SOVIET SOCIALISM CRISIS and peoples democracies in Europe, as well as the revitalization of transition experiences like the Chinese or Vietnamese one (close to the matter of socialist democracy and the different political and institutional forms in which it can incarnate: topic that the Italian communists never removed) highlight the importance of structural issues, of ownership forms and management of production processes. That is the great question of the relationship between plan and market, between public economy and private one, with a presence in the public sector able (for its extension, its quality and its efficiency) to direct strategic development choices, because without them minimum structural requirements to socialist-oriented transition would fail. We have to recognize in this context, the role of market instruments and mechanisms, both domestically and internationally, for a long period of transition, obviously in a context of an overall socialist-oriented economy, just before moving towards advanced forms of socialization. The problem that strongly comes up again to the attention of communists is that real socialism crisis arises primarily from the difficulty to govern the economic and technological competition with the more

developed capitalist countries. And if socialism does not succeed in it, it succumbs. So the socialist-inspired societies that survived Soviet system fall have to find appropriate forms to introduce elements of strong dynamism in the development of productive forces. Even more in developing countries, where the socialism construction involves a long process of transition before reaching a developed socialist society that could credibly propose the realization of the goals of what Marx called “communism”. TOWARDS NEW WORLD AND REGIONAL BALANCES. Twenty years after the end of the USSR, when the ideologues of the bourgeoisie spoke of “end of history”, not only the story is not over, but it started again to run. A global dynamic asserted that prefigures in the coming decades great upheavals of planetary equilibriums and the appearance in world economy and politics of an articulated alignment, not subordinate to the imperialist triad US-EU-Japan and based on BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) and the non-aligned countries converging with them. According to studies of the major investment banks, the GDP of these countries is projected to exceed U.S. EU and Japan one, and China will exceed alone the U.S. economy. The reasoning is schematic, to make the dynamics clear. The picture is much more dialectical because inter-capitalist contradictions among U.S., EU and Japan are very strong (even in the same Europe) and the BRICS countries are different and not comparable in a homogeneous block without contradictions. This does not take off anything to the previous picture; indeed it adds elements to the dynamism of the situation.

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In the Euro-Asian region, where half the world population lives and where the planet economic center of gravity is moving, bilateral cooperation between Russia and China - a strategic partnership that develops on a field not only economic but also political and military - is changing deeply the balance of world power, and outlines the appearance of a new global counterweight against the pole of the Euro-Atlantic countries and the so-called imperialist triad, which institutionally manifest itself in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, too. Even the rise of the international role and of the economic importance of India contributes to strengthen a multilateral dimension of international relationships. African continent has seen a growing role of a new South Africa, characterized in the last years by an important left turning point (matured within the ANC) and by the role ever more fundamental of the communists, of the labor movement and of trade union, which had a positive influence on the entire region. Considering the immense natural and energy reserves available in the African soil, the U.S. and EU concern about China commercial and financial expansion across the continent increased, as if the strengthening of cooperation for development which has already assumed nature and strategic dimensions, not of plundering. A revolution of global balances: 20th century world wars sparked off for much less. A change in the balance of power in favor of revolutionary and progressive forces, was completely determined in Latin America (which situation is well known here), while more complex and contradictory is the situation in the Middle East. IMPERIALIST WARS AS ANSWER TO U.S.A.

AND E.U. DECLINE. The unexpected results (for capitalists) of crisis, instead of bending to the will of the debtors China (the main among creditors), have broken the expropriation mechanism with which the United States were able to charge, from ‘68 onwards, the cost of the Empire and a standard of living beyond their actual capabilities. In the present phase of capitalism we may find all the traits Leninist meaning of imperialism (concentration of capital, financial oligarchy, export of capital, distribution of world monopolies, globe split among the powers). This situation generates conflicts to maintain (or gain) the positions acquired by imperialist powers. This is what is happening today: war is often the preferred option chosen by U.S. to get out of crisis. The extent of this crisis, however, marks the hypothesis of the decline of United States, which, facing the difficulties that threaten their world supremacy, try as ever to win the global competition in the military field, where they are still the strongest. These are the reasons of wars and military aggression that characterized the last twenty years world politics, and that had as a major responsible United States, and with variable geometry, the main capitalist powers of the EU and Israel: Yugoslavia, Iraq, Afghanistan, Lebanon, Palestine, Congo, Sudan, Libya... Military interventions which together have resulted in more than 6 million civilian deaths, and have always been justified by humanitarian hypocrisy of human rights defense. All these wars have basically had two common denominators: ensuring to the United States and their allies the control over economic and geopolitical areas strategic for the supply and the transport of the main sources of energy, but also the installation of essential

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strategic points to contain the international influence of China and Russia. The transition from Bush to Obama does not constitute a change in strategy as for the attainment of these two essential objectives: it underlines, in case, the choice of a different tactic in relation to the forces to involve and the tools to use. While Bush pursued that line with uni-polarity of preventive war (deepening the rift within the Europe), the line Obama-Clinton tries to involve more EU, UN and NATO (North Atlantic multi-polarity). It does not give up direct military intervention (Afghanistan, Libya), but attempts to regain the influence playing on, with greater flexibility, economic, political and intelligence tools to destabilize antagonist countries and regimes from the inside (such as the cases of “color revolutions” in Eastern Europe, or the ones in Syria, Iran, Sudan, Belarus, Venezuela, Libya... while the pressure on Cuba continues); or even with the attempt to strengthen control over the internal balances of countries deemed most vulnerable to their dominion, encouraging, for this reason, processes of “controlled” modernization, too (as in the case of Egypt). NATO continues to be the main instrument of political domination by the global major military- imperialist powers, under the leadership of United States. As well as the main obstacle to effective sovereignty of peoples and nations of Europe. The struggle for peace and disarmament, for autonomy and sovereignty of peoples, it is confirmed as essential, therefore, not only for the protection of vital human rights, but also in the fight for socialism. Moreover, in the field of peaceful competition and of multi-polarity, spaces are opening for the affirmation in different regions of the world of progressive

forces, peoples and countries which pursue socialist-oriented models of development and society or, however, alternative to neoliberalism. It is our goal to fight for peace and disarmament, for the dissolution of NATO (and in any case for Italy getting out from it), for the withdrawal of our troops from the war theaters and for the full respect for the art. 11 of our Constitution (that reject war) and the principle of International law, enshrined in the UN Charter, that sanctions the prohibition of using or menacing to use force. THE RISE OF CHINA. If we consider the success of China and CPC, how could it be possible to affirm that communism has been defeated by history? We don’t agree with the idea that the powerful rise of China is due to an alleged conversion to neo-liberalism. We consider China a socialist-oriented country with a mixed economy in which plan and market cohabit, and with a public central role in strategic development choices. Chinese Communist Party, which in 2011 turns 90 years, governs an economy in which the command tops, the land, the banks and the major industries are owned and controlled by state. This facilitates macroeconomics direction and has enabled China to avoid collapse during the great global recession of 2007-2009. China planned economy is not responding to the same laws than capitalist countries. Despite the low margins of profit of stateowned enterprises, these allow to make massive medium/long term investments in the interests of the country. Chinese economic miracle data are known. Between 1978 and 2007, poverty in China

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has been eradicated, decreasing from 30.7% to 1.6%. This means that in the 70s in the countryside there were more than 200 million people below the poverty line. Today, Chinese state enterprises employ twice as many workers as ones who work in private factories. Two-thirds of the economy, in particular strategic fields, are public or are under public control. The economy is planned (the twelfth five-year plan is in force). Chinese banking and financial system is armored, the currency is not convertible and capital flows are controlled. China is not indebted; it has instead huge monetary reserves mostly denominated in dollars. In order to avoid recession due to economic crisis, China invested 4,000 million RMB (about n 430 million) in infrastructure and it injected in commercial banks 10,000 million RMB (about n 1.1 billion) to let them give it to companies on loan to sustain production. China is not only world’s factory, it is the country that invests more in innovation, science and technology and it is also the country that has made the most significant progress in reducing polluting emissions. Aware of the enormous contradictions and imbalances that Chinese economy accelerated development has produced in recent decades (and which has, however, guaranteed the autonomy and the international role of the country during the dramatic collapse of the Soviet system), Chinese communists are now committed in reducing the enormous inequalities that plague the country, focusing on creating a robust system of welfare state and on policies aimed at increasing income and right for workers. Nevertheless the leaders of Chinese Communist Party constantly claimed that China is

still a developing country, and that it is in a primordial stage of a long process of socialism building, highlighting the deep contradictions that go across it, which requires a great work of harmonization, growth and progress. It will be important to determine if these efforts will correspond to a higher strength of workers (even after the struggles that the working class is conducting against awful working conditions in large multinational corporations), a crucial fact for socialism development. New economic power achieved by China means, of course, the achievement of the role of great world power that is changing planet balances. The facts and the history of China, as well as the policy expressed by Chinese Communist Party, tell us that all of this did not led to the emergence of a new imperialism (see, for example, the unprecedented role of development that China is playing in Africa). However, China has already led to the birth of a multipolar world, together with the other countries of the Brics. For these reasons, China does not have the favor of Western propaganda. Constant progress on rights field are never shown, on the contrary it is precisely on this ground that United States and Europe are fighting a mighty battle against China. It is sensational, for example, the curtain fell on the complete moratorium on the death penalty decided by Chinese government. Such as the silence on the processes of new forms of participatory and deliberative democracy, which is spreading in the levels of local Chinese administrations. Finally, we have to consider that there are sector of imperialism that not only practice a new cold war against China, but they are also

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preparing the “hot” one. A reflection, this, that we make available without dogmas, with the firm desire to have a debate. It is not our right to give China certificates of communism, nor to tell Chinese people how to build socialism in a country of one billion three hundred million people, or to attribute to China and its Communist Party the role model for the world, also because it is not replicable in Europe and in advanced capitalism West. There are no leading states or parties, and now forms of organization such as those that characterized the experience of 20th century, in other historical contexts, are not conceivable. It is up to us, however, recognizing that China is making a decisive contribution to set off the ground the history dialectic against those who wanted it over. EUROPE AND EU. European Union (EU) fulfills a capitalist dream: subtracting a series of economic decisions to the possibility of conflict, and, therefore, impeding the immediate recognition of a direct interlocutor of national workers’ movement by introducing an external agent able to force the economic choices of single countries in favor of the ruling class. It is obvious that such dialectic leads to the seizing of people democracy, dispossessing them of their sovereignty and putting under cover the places of the decision by any possible conflict of class. In EU the crisis of sovereign debt is exploding with devastating effects. EU plans to respond to this situation with measures which push countries with high debt re-entry maneuvers by a markedly class strategy, that marks the final dismantling of the European welfare state, the compression of wages and

a new wave of privatisations and cuts in public spending, that push to new inequalities and a further depression of economic growth. Another measure that Europe has adopted is the European Stability Mechanism, a sort of European Monetary Fund, with a budget to be lent to countries in debt crisis. Those countries, of course, to have the possibility to have access to the fund, will have to: abolish the escalator (which is still using in several European countries), raise the retirement age and accept automatic penalties (not provided for the Treaty of Maastricht) for those that overrun defined parameters. A measure that is unjust and useless at the same time. Because the loans, by definition, are only useful to solve liquidity crisis and not those of solvency. Lending money to those already in debts, moreover, produces only a worsening of the situation. Intransigent opposition to public spending cuts and unpopular measures that lie ahead is required and responds to the logic summarized with the slogan “we will not pay for the crisis.” It is our duty to oppose the EU capitalist logic, which is imploding under crisis blows, and its own internal contradictions, a different idea of Europe, that can be built first of all in the development of peoples’ struggle, in order to defend the welfare state and widen the sphere of what is public, introducing forms of guidance and social control of production. We should also run a great battle for democracy in Europe to give back to peoples their sovereignty, as well as all the decisions and the powers that, in Europe, are out of any democratic control. First of all the ECB, which is governed by national banks (almost all controlled by private sector) under the aegis of Germany and hiding behind the false dogma of the independence of central banks, impose

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monetary and economic policies that always fall on worker’ shoulders by avoiding any popular control. It is a Europe of strong powers completely non democratic. Our task is to show this kind of neo-imperialist and class European Union nature, both towards weaker peoples of the Union, and towards developing countries. We must conduct a national struggle (and try to extend it to european level together with communists and progressive forces) against anti-people policies of the cuts, the destruction of welfare and the compression of wages, salaries and pensions. Subordinate participation of EU to NATO and U.S. imperialist project in the hope of being able to conquer or control its own colonial or neo-colonial space must be opposed. As well as the consequent presence (and danger) of U.S. and NATO military bases and nuclear ones, under U.S. command, which represent a heavy mortgage on house-state sovereignty and Europe autonomy. The priority, however, is promoting national struggles in each of European states: it is only by changing the policies and the characters of single countries that we can build another Europe. It should be elaborated a structural critique of this EU. All the left forces agree about the need to fight for partial achievements in the current framework of the EU (i.e., there are the basis for a minimum shared program). The EU exists and we cannot alienate the political discourse and program that takes place in the name of a future Europe, all to be built up. The fact is that we cannot fully expect to pursue these objectives within the framework and the compatibility of the EU, and within NATO. We need a radical break with the historical process of European construction. The

fight against EU current configuration must be lead combining a careful critique about structural and strategic framework with battles that go in the direction of a partial escape from present framework and the need for a new alternative to the current structure and architecture. The fight against anti-social policy of the EU may have a strong popular support and cannot be left to the populist right wing forces, which distort the meaning of this battle in a nationalist way. It should be underlined that the peculiar role that Italy could play in building friendly relations and cooperation with the progressive countries of the Mediterranean, North Africa, Middle East, and more generally with BRICS. CONTRIBUTE TO THE RECONSTRUCTION of a revolutionary and communist movement in the 21th century Since its origins communist movement has perceived itself as an entity that could not exist without its international forecast. Even more relevant today in the “globalization” era, no revolutionary or communist movement, no reorganization of national parties process, is thinkable credibly and in long-term way without an own international dimension. From a strictly organizational point of view, nowadays there are approx a hundred communist parties in the world - big and small - with approx one hundred millions of militants, including over 80 million only in the Chinese Communist Party (to which over a hundred millions of activists who are part of the communist youth organizations and affiliates around the world has to be added). Among these parties, most important ones’ impact is significant – in the power, in

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the opposition or in progressive government coalition - on the reality of countries spanning more than half the population of the planet. Some of them (as China, India, Russia, Brazil, South Africa) are imposing itself as the core countries of world balance of the twenty-first century. The experience of the last twenty years belies the argument that USSR and the socialist camp ending in Europe marks the end of communist movement and the irreversible decline of communist parties. The Italian case (crisis, break down and divisions of communist movement), in actual european context is a particular case, not the rule, and principally depend from subjective reason connected with the leadership of the italian communist movement in the last three decades, maybe even more. Following the important and strategic initiative of the KKE in 1998, the international meetings of “communist and workers parties” started. These meetings are held annually, each time on a different theme: political, trade union, economic analysis, theoretical debate, exchange of points of view about initiatives and experiences. Thanks to the joint efforts of some communist and revolutionary parties has been produced a revitalization of some international organizations engaged in an anti-imperialist mobilization, such as the World Federation of Democratic Youth, which has demonstrated its vitality in the last two World Festival (in 2005 in Venezuela and South Africa in 2010). In Latin America, on another plane, the Forum of Sao Paulo brought together progressive leftist and communist forces, and has made a major contribution to the revolutionary processes in many countries of the continent.

It is in a global context of these attempts to reorganize communist movement that has to be valued the choice of some forces to give life to European Left Party-SE, which is configured from the beginning as a division factor of communist movement, because during the definition of its identity profile has been introduced ideological formulations (in relation to the history of communist movement) and programmatic ones (in relation to European Union), knowing that they would be unacceptable for major european communist parties. It remains the need to build a coordination of all communist forces and other left, anticapitalistic and antimperialist forces on a continental scale. And this is still our project aimed at creating an entity that holds together all the forces and that is able to assume a size that could be a sort of pan-European Forum of Sao Paulo (which does not exclude, but is complementary, to autonomous forms of contact and special european communists’ coordination). In the European context the experience of recent years has demolished the argument that in this part of the world a communist revolutionary force, on leninist base, that rejects any suggestion of social-democracy and adaptive one is inevitably destined to decline and marginalization. It shows, instead, that the opposite thesis is true, that the politicalideological party profile should always be accompanied by his ability in social setting, primarily in the workplaces and among young people. It is what, for instance, AKEL of Cyprus, KKE and PCP results show us, despite their differences, which in recent years were able to reach some of the best election results throughout their history, that are principally the product of their social presence in society:

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AKEL is the first party of Cyprus and expressed the President of the Republic, while the other two parties achieve results at around 8-10% and are leading forces of important struggles and trade unions. In Italy we are engaged in a process of unitary reconstruction of the Communist Party, a party that - after the defeat and disunity in recent decades - could reunite italian communists around leninist, internationalist and class foundations, in a constructive relationship, independent and united with the whole international communist movement. We have dedicated the title and the fundamental meaning of our last congress to this issue (“Rebuilding the communist party in Italy”), held in late October 2011, attended by many of the parties present at this international meeting in Athens, as well as many others. Our contribution to this meeting is the result of our last congress elaboration. We believe that, at the stage we are, and given the depth of capitalist and imperialist system crisis, as well as war dangers it brings, the real problem of our international meetings is not only that - even essential - to strengthen the political and ideological profile of communist movement on a global scale, but also and above all to be able, as communists, - in a context of broad social and political alliances and democratic and progressive convergences - to be promoters of large struggle movements, with mass bases and not merely testimonial, from the respective national contexts and internationally coordinated, able to affect reality and change the balance of power. Able to raise awareness among the people that only socialism, the conquest of positions that allow to move towards socialism, the

weakening of imperialist positions in the world, can advance peoples and all humanity towards accomplished and enduring solutions to capitalism contradictions of our time. MONTI’S ITALIAN NEW GOVERNMENT: The bourgeoisie takes the field directly with its technocrats and divest of auth its own elected representatives. Hyper-liberal, anti-workers and anti-social requests of the EU and the European Central Bank produce everywhere - especially in weak countries like Italy, studded by a deep crisis - a “state of exception” that tends to suspend democracies, to invalidate constitutions, to divest authority to parliaments, to weaken the states, and to erase their autonomy and sovereignty. Suddenly peoples find themselves to be governed by new and external powers, and ECB appears to be more and more, at this stage, as a sort of absolute monarchy - with a German Queen - extending its supremacy over the entire European population. The “state of exception” marks dramatically our country and Monti’s government represents the coherent development and the accomplishment of this process. THE CONCLUSION OF BERLUSCONI GOVERNMENT has not taken place on the basis of a parliamentary vote, as well as it should be constitutionally. But it happened by a decision of the President of the Italian Republic, who became an interpreter of the strategic interests of the great italian and european bourgeoisie, and in full and agreed harmony with national and supranational powers (EU, NATO, the U.S. president, Vatican, Confindustria...), has effectively deprived of their authority the Parliament, the outgoing government and all

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the center-right and center-left political parties, considered inadequate to represent, in this period of deep crisis, the lucid and coherent business committee of the bourgeoisie. And has entrusted this task a former EU commissioner, Mario Monti, asking him to form a government of technocrats in the service of policy determined by dominant groups in the EU, and by requiring that the two sides of Center right and Center Left to support it. There is no need to enter here into the details of economic and social measures announced in recent days by Monti government, that constitute a sort of greek solution in Italian sauce, a line of social massacre that fundamentally drop in working class, pensioners, employees back, shifting on the poorest and most exploited of the country the cost of the system crisis, and calls instead for mid-high social classes sacrifices proportionately insignificant compared to those that are charged to the lower classes. Therefore this requires a popular struggle response with the communists, the left and progressive forces, the most advanced components of the trade unions as protagonists and promoters, and that know how to interpret the interests of the vast majority of our people and mobilize them. WHILE THE ANTI-POPULAR ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL GUIDELINES of Monti government appear, in line with the ECB letter sent to the Italian government on last 5th August, foreign policy guideline expressed by the Ministries of Defense and Foreign Affairs are confirmed to be very clear, severe and unequivocal. The newly appointed Minister of Defense Giampaolo Di Paola, among the most important exponents of the NATO headquarters, who actively participated in military operation

in Libya, affirmed he would provide continuity, by strengthening them, the bonds of loyalty to NATO, and to align our country without hesitation to the “new strategic concept” of Western military alliance that extends the sphere of activity of this block to all the corners of the planet, intensifying a political practice of aggression and violation of sovereignty and selfdetermination of other countries. Confirming also all the commitments that bind Italy to participate in the ongoing military missions (from Libya and Afghanistan). In terms of military spending in 2011 there is a final increase of 3 billion euros compared to 2010 (due mostly to the Italian participation in aggression wars in Afghanistan and Libya). About this, the position of the Foreign Affairs Minister, Giulio Terzi, expressed in recent days in Istanbul at a meeting with his Turkish counterpart Davudoglu, on developments of the situation in Syria, appears to be very serious and disturbing. Syria has in place an armed coup attempt against the Assad regime; while Israel, equipped with nuclear weapons, does not hide his line that intensifies the possibility of a military attack against Iran. In this context, Italian neo-minister of foreign affairs issued a statement based on a strict alignment with the most extreme positions on the Atlanticism grid that is pressing on the “international community” for repeating in Syria exactly the same script that led to the war outbreak of the Western coalition against Libya. Reaffirming his commitment to fully support Syrian “democratic forces” and ‘“organized opposition” - significantly in the same day that Turkey, backed by Gulf monarchies, launches its “ultimatum” to Syria - Terzi refers

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to the “ responsibility to protect all the innocent people “, with a formula almost identical to that which gave the green light to the outbreak of the aggression against Libya. And he expresses his “disappointment” towards those countries (Russia and China in particular) that in the UN headquarters, with their “resistances” have prevented the implementation of the resolutions presented by Western powers. The first moves of the two ministers, therefore, seem to confirm the rumors reported by the newspaper “Il Sole 24 Ore” (the daily of Confindustria, the capitalists’ organization) according to which “Defense assignment to Admiral Di Paola, as well as Foreign Ministry one to Ambassador Terzi, has been supported warmly by Washington thanks to the close relationships between the Quirinal and the White House, that has been consolidated during Libyan conflict and confirmed recently by telephone conversations between Napolitano and Obama, too”. It indicates also a worrying Italian Government approach to the most extreme positions about NATO relations with Syria. It is very serious that up to now no critical voice in Parliament has risen in the heterogeneous grid that supports the current government, about positions that set up the possibility of Italian involvement in new military adventures in the explosive arena of the Middle East.

seem to us the priorities in the European context: - boosting and developing national struggles against the line of EU social savagery; - linking these fights to the theme of the struggle against war, imperialism, NATO; introducing in this platforms of struggle, for example, the theme of a reduction in public debt starting from a reduction in military spending and, in particular, in some countries like Italy, from the costs for military missions abroad. Peace movement today is in serious crisis in Europe, and it can reborn, at this stage, only if it results in a mixture of anti-war and social struggles on the issues most felt by the masses; - co-coordinating these struggles on a regional scale, resulting in a sort of contagion of the more advanced than those more backward, for example by inviting representatives to attend and speak of the struggle movement of other countries with their national mobilizations; - constituting, for this purpose, some kind of European coordination committee of our parties, very slender and operational, whose members are in permanent contact with very agile circular mailing list (for internal use), to facilitate exchanges of information and experiences, even day by day, about struggles that are going on.

A FEW CONCRETE PROPOSALS. What should we do in this situation, in the peculiar national and regional European context? What is the contribution, also operational, that can come from our international meeting? We should sum up in this way those that

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Jordanian Communist Party

On behalf of the Jordanian Communist Party, allow me to salute KKE for the convening this important meeting at a very crucial time. We have been following with pride the active participation of KKE and the working class in Greece in defending the achievements of the working class. KKE has been singled out as the one of the pillars that lead the class struggle in Europe by raising a meaning full slogan over the Acropolis saying: “Rise Up Europe”. Thus a clear message has been passed to mobilize the European peoples to defend their rights at the time of severe attack on century-long achievements.

LAYLA ISSA NAFFA ALONGSIDE, THE ARAB PEOPLES have suddenly taken the scene in the struggle for “Social Justice”. What links both movements together with the worldwide movement “Occupy Wall Street”? The answer is definitely: Moving towards socialism. This comes as a result of the practices of brutal capitalism, in the last 20 years. Worldwide, the imperialists got aback and quickly started to arrange for beating the peoples revolting against capitalism and calling for “social justice”. The struggle is around two new features: ñ Impact of the Arab uprisings ñ Militarization and Wars as an outlet for the current deep capitalist crisis. A year elapsed on the beginning of the Tunisian uprising that successfully ended a long period of dictatorship backed by the imperialists. It was like an earthquake that shocked the Arab peoples, especially the youth, who took up the torch and took to the streets in Egypt, Yemen, Bahrain, Oman, Jordan, and in almost all the Arab countries calling for “Social Justice”. At every house and in every platform people were disclosing the brutality of capitalism and discussing socialism.

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STARTING JANUARY 25, and in less than a month, Egypt succeeded also. The millions in Tahrir square gave the world an example of the power of the masses. But the imperialists urgently moved to ensure the rule of the Army and the control of the country by allying with the Islamists or what is called “Political Islam”. No other country would be allowed to revolt and demand for Social Justice. The NATO was ready to move. France and Britain jumped to overthrow their old friend Gadafi to ensure control over oil and energy. The rest of the story is known. The Moslem brothers are ready to serve the imperialist with the guarantee of Turkey. IN JORDAN, the mass movement concentrated on “Social Justice”. The regime responded by offering a bunch of political and legislative reforms. The 1952 Constitution was opened for revision. A series of liberties were assured such as the rights for demonstrations. The election law and political parties’ laws were discussed with the opposition. In this way, the regime caved and bowed, but for a while. The result was mediocre. No real changes. The imperialist method that was initiated and blessed by the US Administration, was followed, which is based on creating an alliance with the Islamists and even the fundamentalists. Right now, the conflict has been diverted into accepting the foreign intervention. This is quite obvious in Syria. The imperialist would like to see the New and Greater Middle East with Syria under the rule of the Islamists. Freedom-loving forces are cornered to accept a theocratic regime instead of the dictator. In the new era, the rights of the Palestinians to establish their own State is aborted by

the US veto. As to the second feature related to the capitalist crisis, which is a structural and a deep crisis, it is finding the outlet through militarization and launching wars, foreign intervention and arms race. The Arab Gulf countries are backing the capitalists through purchase of weapons, building and using military bases, strengthen the conservative and the Islamists, and replace NATO by allying with Turkey. This is how the Arab League imposed sanctions on Syria. THE IMPERIALISTS ARE TRYING HARD to divert the Arab uprisings that demanded “Social Justice” and ending corruption, privatization and the continuous Israeli threats into a conflict within each country with sectarian and ethnic conflicts, if they can. We, the communist and workers parties are called upon more than any other time to get indulged in the class struggle. There is a golden opportunity to declare our messages to the peoples and to be ready to march on towards socialism.

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Workers’ Party of Korea RI YONG CHOL

ESTEEMED COMRADE Chairman distinguished comrade delegates, I would like to begin by extending my warm congratulations to the 13th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties now under way in the Greek capital-city of Athens, amid evergrowing aspiration of the humankind for socialism. I would also like to express my heartfelt gratitude to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Greece for its kind invitation extended to the delegation of the Workers’ Party of Korea and for its tremendous efforts towards the preparations of this international meeting. My warm comradely greetings also go to the delegations and delegates of Communist and Workers’ Parties from other countries present at this meeting. Today, delegates of the Communist and Workers’ Parties around the world have converged here for this significant meeting to make our unanimous voice heard loud and clear as an expression of our unwavering determination to defend and strengthen socialism, which is the ideal and future of the humankind. It is our belief that this meeting cannot be a more noteworthy event for its timing, as we are witnessing a groundswell worldwide of vehement protests against capitalism, with its recent worst crisis staring capitalism in the face. THE FINANCIAL CRISIS that started in the United States in late 2007 had dragged on so long that it eventually triggered off a wider debt crisis in Europe, with capitalism finding itself now wriggling in a bottomless slough. In starting a “war on terrorism” worldwide in the early 21sl century, the United States has splurged an astronomical sum of money to the tune of 4 trillion US dollars on the war, only to be caught disgracefully in a vicious circle of terror, with the capitalist world, con-

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taminated by the present-day contagious “economic and financial crisis,” stepping into that circle. The phenomenon of “the rich getting richer and the poor getting poorer,” an inevitable outcome of the oligarchy by a handful minority of politicians and of the exploitation-oriented economy run by monopoly capitalism, has brought immeasurable disaster and chaos to the capitalist societies throughout the world, and the capitalist world is now plunging into an abysmal Abaddon, due to its reactionary nature and to its structural contradiction. Inexhaustible is the strength of the popular masses, who have awakened themselves to their own dignity, position and role as the propelling force of history and the master of society. THE DETERMINATION OF THE PROGRESSIVE HUMANKIND to eradicate the filth of history has eventually touched off fierce demonstrations like “Occupy Wall Street,” rapidly expanding into a global chain of action, and leading to the birth of the largest stream of action against capitalism, never seen before in the 300-year-long history of capitalism. With capitalism floundering in its fullblown crisis and chaos, today’s reality speaks volumes for the truth that days are numbered for a handful minority dominating and oppressing the majority at will and for a small minority of capitalist powers exploiting and riding roughshod over the majority of nations and peoples in the world. Undoubtedly, this is an explicit indication that capitalism is on its deathbed whereas socialism is enjoying an ever-growing confidence among the world peoples. With this viewpoint in mind, my delegation would like to declare its full support for this

Meeting’s theme: “Socialism is the future!”, which we believe has rightly reflected the desire of the world’s progressive humankind for socialism. The great leader of the Workers’ Party of Korea and the Korean people Comrade Kim Jong II has enunciated a valuable proposition that “socialism is bound to win for its scientific accuracy and truthfulness”. SOCIALISM IS A SCIENCE and, as such, socialism as a science is the future humankind. The old is sure to go, and the new is bound to win. This is an unalterable law and truth, in terms of the development of history. The old and decadent capitalism has no future at all. A glorious future is in store for socialism only, which is the aspiration and desire of the humankind. Despite its temporary heartbreaking setbacks and tribulations at the hands of the imperialists and opportunists, socialism as a science has weathered through severe stages of history thanks to its truthfulness, gaining rich experiences and lessons in this course, and now, under much broader and stronger popular support, and with greater vitality and vigour, socialism is now back on track, carving out the ideal and future of the humankind. IN THE FACE OF AN INTENSE SHOWDOWN between socialism and capitalism, the Workers’ Party of Korea has stood face-to-face with the US imperialists, while vigorously accelerating its socialist construction, and today opening up a epoch-making phase of the grand march towards a powerful and prosperous socialist Korea. It is already a matter of the universal knowledge that, in the wake of the breakup of

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socialism in Eastern Europe in the 1990s, the US-led imperialist allies have left no stoned unturned in their frantic but futile attempts to isolate and squeeze to death the socialist system in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). However, these ridiculous attempts have never succeeded in changing the course of advance followed by the history of humankind, and the ill-fated attempts by those forces swimming against the steam of the times to turn the clock back are nothing but a quixotic daydream. The triumphant marching song coming from the socialist Korea in its efforts to build up a great, powerful and prosperous nation has overwhelmingly defeated the imperialists’ vociferous PR campaign about what they called North Korea’s “collapse.” This is a practical verification of the historical truth that even if capitalism tries by hook or by crook to discredit socialism, it will never succeed in concealing the truth and that socialism is bound to win as the ideal and future of humankind. Socialism has already stricken its roots deep down into the life of the Korean people, who have confirmed their conviction through their own real life experience that only socialism is the genuinely people’s social system that provides them with the human dignity and true life befitting to the independent human beings. The DPRK enjoys social and political stability, firmly supported by the highest-level single-hearted unity of the Workers’ Party of Korea, the Korean People’s Army and the Korean people, free from any fluctuation in international developments, and the country’s economy as a whole is firmly on a steady upturn track, despite the hostile forces’ persis-

tent economic sanctions and blockade. The Workers’ Party of Korea feels great pride in its own course of movement, guided by its own conviction and determination to which the Party has held fast in its efforts to pioneer and defend the pathway towards the people-centered socialism of the Korean style, and remains boundlessly confident of the great victory of the Korean-style socialism. THE KOREAN PEOPLE TODAY, upholding the outstanding Songun (military-first) revolutionary leadership by the great leader Comrade Kim Jong II and rallying closely around the Workers’ Party of Korea, are dynamically advancing forward on the homestretch of their all-out drive to open the gate to a great, powerful and prosperous socialist Korea definitely in 2012, marking the birth centenary of the great leader Comrade Kim II Sung. I would like to avail myself of this opportunity to reiterate our sincere gratitude to the Communist Party of Greece and Communist and Workers’ Parties from other countries for their consistent support for and solidarity with the Workers’ Party of Korea and the Korean people in the struggle for a great, powerful and prosperous socialist state and Korea’s reunification. The Workers’ Party of Korea will, in the future, too, as before, fulfill its sacred historic mission and duty throughout the course of its just struggle to defend and safeguard the Korean style people-centered socialism and to promote the victory of the humankind’s cause of independence and of the socialist cause. At the same time, my delegation would like to firmly assure you that the Workers’ Party of Korea will always stand shoulder to shoulder together with other Communist and

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Workers’ Parties in the joint struggle to bring earlier the victory of the socialist cause, the future of humankind. Thank you.

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Lebanese Communist Party MARIE NASSIF DEBS

THE PEOPLE OF COUNTRIES WORLDWIDE have decided that the time to confront imperialism has arrive, despite attempts by Capitalist ideologists to convince the people, for a period of more than two decades, partly by terrorizing them and partly by offering them pittance, that historical developments of societies has ended with the capitalist system, and that socialism is but a utopia which is too unrealistic and cannot be achieved or realized. The people of the world have broken down the iron bars of the big prison in which they were living, and took to the streets to call for change, and as such the squares, streets and piazzas from Athens to Paris, Rome, Madrid and Lisbon were filled with the masses and the people; to be soon followed by the squares and streets in Tunisia and the Cairo only to spread again to Wall Street bin New York and St Paul in London. Millions of People, from varying cultural, ideological and class backgrounds, are taking to the streets every day, each in their own way, demanding change and demanding an end for the exploitation of man to his fellow man. The prevalent element in all these movements is that the working class in all its diversity including those referred to wrongly as “middle classes”, in conjunction with the rural poor especially in developing countries, is at the forefront of these movements. We are living today a new era, an era of uprisings and revolutions which are emanating from factories and fields, but equally from other production and education institutions. These movements are meeting half way other forms of resistance, resistance by the people to their occupiers, at the beginning of which is the armed struggle in Palestine, Lebanon and Iraq which still form the bright side of such struggles. It is also the era of victories, where bare fists are raised high to confront the tools of destruction - the cry emanating from these

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bare fists emanates and resonates throughout the world: the people want to bring down the capitalist system. Finally, it is the era of the marginalized, from those dying from hunger in Africa to the unemployed everywhere; the majority of which are young people recently arrived to the job market. It is also the era of women who are still subjected to the worst forms of exploitation including violence and discrimination on all fronts. This vision is not simply based on what we used to refer to as historical optimism, on the inevitable fall of communist. This picture indeed is not outside the realm of reality. We all recognize that imperialism will not give up easily, without a fight. We all recognize that imperialism will resort to wars and strife and preventative war. We all recognize that imperialism will take the battle to the proletariat and to the people who aim to liberate themselves – in other words imperialism will continue its strategy of creative chaos, and will continue in its attempts to build up hatreds and irrational fear towards communist and communists, in their aim to divert the attention of the people away from them – away from capitalism the true root and cause of the human suffering. THE ARAB SITUATION provides an indication for such policies. After the success of the revolt of the workers and the poor in Tunisia, and the fall of the dictatorship there; and in the wake of the fall of the pharaoh of Egypt, Imperialism, under the leadership of the American administration, tried to quickly retake the initiative in order to stifle these two young revolutions and prevent them from achieving their progress towards change. Imperialism first benefited from the atroc-

ities perpetuated by the Gaddafi regime, and from the revolt in Libya, in order to invade this country and destroy the state, only to put in [place of leadership a mixture of the old regime and reactionary Islamic forces. It is such a mixture, imperialism believes, that will secure its interests especially along two important fronts as part of its plan to exert full control on the African continent: 1. Control existing oil wells and production fields, and lead operations for drilling for new fields in the Libyan desert, 2. Continue its efforts in the redivision of the African continent (starting with North Africa) under the leadership of AFRCOM thus scoring a second victory in this regard after the division of Sudan. Imperialism also benefited from its complete control of the official Arab regime and the GCC countries, in order to direct them along different fronts including 1. Preventing the fall of Yemen and the victory of the revolt there. 2. Encourage and orient developments in Tunisia and Egypt in the direction of an alliance between Islamic powers and the military. 3. Suppress the revolt in Bahrain. 4. Inflame sectarian strife in various Arab countries starting with Iraq where there is an attempt to create sectarian ghettos and regions, and in Syria where it is benefiting from the grave mistakes of the regime to push for civil war in cooperation and collusion of the Turkish and Jordanian regimes. In this context the new task assigned to Turkey should be recognized. Turkey is now spearheading the imperialist efforts in the Arab world and the Middle East and is being maneuvered by Imperialism to come to the rescue of the “New Middle East” Project. A project which we all know aims to acquire the natural oil and gas resources in the region (including the triangle of waters between Pales-

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tine, Lebanon and Cyprus), the waters and the waterways and geostrategic locations in the Arab world. THE STUDY COMPLETED BY THE FOREIGN AFFAIRS committee of the Lebanese communist party has pointed attention to this emerging roles, few years ago; based on the book published by Shimon Perez in 1993, where he refers to this military role for turkey, based o the book of Daoud Oglu the Turkish foreign minister which in turn is also based on the plan first put forward by Brzezinski about the crucial role of Eurasia and the importance of controlling it or preventing it from uniting. While some Arabs naively rejoiced at the Turkish position regarding the Israeli massacre of the Freedom Fleet and considered it shifts turkey to a position in confrontation with the American-Israeli Project, events today confirms the following: Shifting the headquarters of the NATO to Izmir in turkey aims at tightening control over our region, and aims at reaching the boundaries of Russia to complete its blockade, as well as rearranging the situation in Pakistan. American Imperialism still relies on its brute force to ensure its interests. Now its seems its is augmenting its brute force with “political Islam” which it is referring to as moderate Islam and which has embedded within it forces which played a role in the dismantling of the soviet union and its defeat in Afghanistan (where the US now has a military base). All this shows that American imperialism will not give up easily, especially if we take into account that it has not reached the deal it wanted regarding signing a peace treaty with Iraq, and that it has not succeeded (through attempts by the Egyptian military command) to put an end to the Egyptian revo-

lution which two months ago almost put an end to the Camp David treaty. One must also recognize in this context the progress which the Palestinian cause and the Palestinian people have achieved not only in UNESCO, but more importantly in the increased worldwide support to this people and their just cause, in their right of return to their country and on creating an independent country with Jerusalem as its capital. All the above leads us to conclude that the future of our region may undergo more radical change than that arising from the military coups which took place in the region in the middle of the last century, in the wake of the surrender of the official Arab regime to the rape and sacking of Palestine. If this radical change materializes, it will undoubtedly lead to a repossession of our national decisions regarding our national wealth and the process of accumulation of this wealth (and its location), which in turn will allow for a radical change in the issue of development in the Arab world along the lines of breaking away from dependency modes of production and dependency on imperialism. Along these lines, we see that the Arab Left Forum, which we launched more than a year ago, and three months before the breakout of the Tunisian revolution, constitutes a beginning for creating the necessary conditions in order to effect real change, and to create the conditions for the internal forces of change through the inevitable formation of fronts by the revolutionary powers. However, we also recognize the challenges ahead mainly the internal problems between the forces of change in each individual country, and also the challenge of drawing a common program of change and identifying and developing the tools and the platform to carry it. We in the

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Lebanese communist party have stressed since our third congress in 1972 on the dialectic relationship between the subjective conditions for change and the regional conditions and requirements for this change. We have also stressed on the importance of the regional factor (especially the regional Arab factor) in 1975 which led to a defeat of the program of the Lebanese National movement for change, the national movement which exerted control on most of the Lebanese territory and which had the support of the majority of the Lebanese people then. We equally recognize the importance of the struggle to defeat once and for all the Project of the New Middle East, whether through the defeating of its plans for sectarian strife and divisions or whether through achieving progress in the Palestinian cause which we still see as the central cause for struggle and for mobilization for the struggle for Arab liberation and we still see as the platform through which we can effect real change and victory in our region. These two roles, the national and the regional, which the forces of change must always account for through the permanent adoption of a program with both national and social agendas for change, form the two sides of the class struggle cause of the working class and communist parties. These two roles can only become complete through similar movements throughout our planet. It is in this context that we call for the revisiting of the important slogan that we once put forward, namely the important integration between the worldwide working class and trade union movement and the national liberation movements in the world (including the anti capitalist globalization movement today). We should not be satisfied with what we suggested during our twelfth meeting in Tijuana regarding

giving due attention to the roles of internationalist organization (in the fields of trade union, youth and women in addition to the international peace congress). Indeed we should be investigating available forms and new forms which we should develop in order to take advantage of both organized and spur-of-the-moment movements taking place in the world in order to make it adopt more radical demands for change, in order to make it more capable of confronting the attacks against it, and finally in order to develop the ideological struggle to go hand in hand with other forms of the struggle. THE SLOGAN WE PUT FORWARD TODAY is Socialism is the Future, such a slogan cannot be realized ideologically and politically without the development of new forms of cooperation which should eventually lead to a chain reaction, with the ultimate result of putting an end once and for all to imperialism, its continuous crises, and its very aggressive nature.

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‘ УВАЖАЕМЫЕ ТОВАРИЩИ! Прежде всего, от

Socialist People’s Front, Lithuania Karlis Bilans

имени Социалистического народного Фронта Литвы хотел бы поблагодарить организаторам и Коммунистической партии Греции за приглашение на эту важную международную встречу и возможность выступить здесь в Афинах вместе с представителями других братских партий из многих стран мира. Хотел бы начать своё выступление с оценки ситуации в Литве. В условиях нынешнего глобального кризиса и в условиях современного политического контекста положение рабочего класса Литвы, как и многих других стран, ухудшается. Однако в отличие от других стран Западной Европы это ухудшение связано не только с кризисом. Оно начало происходить сразу после антисоциалистического контрреволюционного переворота и распада СССР. После этого события рабочее население Литвы медленно, но неуклонно стало попадать в зависимость не только и не столько местного, сколько крупного иностранного капитала и иностранных банков. Буржуазное литовское правительство открыло для них свои национальные рынки в ответ на кредиты, которые позволили избежать или отсрочить дефолт и банкротство их бездарной и продажной политики. Сегодня официальная задолженность Литовского государства составляет 12 млрд. евро. Это по существу половина государственного бюджета Литвы. Под воздействием кризиса правящие круги пошли на беспрецедентное обрезание социальных выплат. Литва стала первой страной Евросоюза, где власть пошла на сокращение пенсий. Большая часть пенсионеров сегодня не получает и 200 евро в месяц. Цены постоянно растут и уже по некоторым товарным категориям превышают средние по Западной Европе, хотя уровень зарплаты просто несравним. Официально зарегистрированных безработных в стране насчитывается около 15% (почти 300000 человек). Это огромная цифра для страны с населением в 3 млн. человек. В стране массовая эмиграция, которую у нас уже окрестили эвакуацией. Уезжают в

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основном молодые люди в поисках работы или качественного и доступного образования. В общем и целом можно сказать, что Литва с точки зрения социально-экономического положения превратилась в заурядную колонию ЕС и особенно зависима от скандинавских банков, которые в условиях современного финансово-спекулятивного капитализма чувствуют себя на литовской земле подлинными хозяевами. В политическом же плане – Литва-это марионетка США и нередко в ЕС выступает в роли «троянского коня» американского империализма. ПРАВЯЩИЙ КЛАСС ЛИТВЫ прилагает немало пропагандистских усилий для отвлечения внимания людей от социально-экономических проблем спекулируя на некоторых исторических, геополитических и национальных вопросах. В этих целях широко используются так называемые «независимые» средства массовой информации, которыми умело дирижируют с целью создания иллюзии «демократии» как главной и в длительной борьбе завоёванной общественной ценности. Политическое содержание этой литовской «демократии» заключается в том, что две партии – националистические консерваторы и социал- демократы со своими сателитными организациями постоянно меняют друг друга у кормушки власти. Это все способствует росту разочарованности и апатии значительной части населения. На выборы всех уровней не приходит как правило около 60% избирателей. Другая значимая проблема, с которой вероятно сталкиваются и наши друзья во многих странах Европы – это растущий национализм. В Литве помимо прочего поднимает голову и неонацизм. Фашиствующая молодёжь с разрешения властей марширует по центральным улицам крупнейших городов с лозунгом «Литва для литовцев». Литовские суды поста-

новили, что свастика – это символ древних балтов и таким образом легитимизировали его использование. Здесь уместно напомнить, что в период с 1926 по 1940 годы Литва была по существу профашистким государством. В годы же войны и после войны в так называемые «партизаны» лесные братья) уходили люди сотрудничавшие с фашистами и участвовавшие в истреблении еврейского населения Литвы. Ныне они героизируются как «борцы за свободу и независимость». Всё это создаёт значительные трудности для деятельности нашей партии. В 1994 году была учреждена Социалистическая партия Литвы, в 2008 году – левая партия «Фронтас». В 2009 году обе эти партии объединились и теперь возрождающееся левое движение Литвы имеет активную и боеспособную организацию - Социалистический Народный Фронт. В последнее время кое-что стало получаться в плане возрождение классового профсоюзного движения, чему мы придаём большое значение и в этом русле ведём работу. Представители крупного капитала сейчас проталкивают поправки к трудовому кодексу с целью его дальнейшей либерализации. Наша задача - вместе с профсоюзами воспротивится этому социальному вандализму. Наша деятельность вызывает раздражение правящего класса. Против нас используются классические приёмы классовой борьбы буржуазии: замалчивание и клевета. А сравнительно недавно был включен и механизм судебного преследования нашего лидера, председателя Социалистического Народного Фронта Альгирдаса Палецкиса, которого, кстати объявили временно невыездным и по решению судьи не отпустили на эту важную международную встречу левых партий. А, ПАЛЕЦКИСА ПЫТАЮТСЯ ЗАСУДИТЬ по печально знаменитой статье Ст. 1702 Уголов-

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ного кодекса Литовской республики «Публичное одобрение международных приступлений, преступлений совершённых СССР или нацистской Германией против Литовской Республики или её жителей, их отрицание или грубое умаление». Завершающее заседание суда, на котором должен быть объявлен приговор нашему лидеру, состоится 14 декабря 2011 года. Мы выражаем глубокую благодарность всем партиям и их представителям, которые выразили и выражают солидарность и поддержку Альгирдасу Палецкису. В заключение несколько комментариев о международном движении Коммунистических и Рабочих партий, частью которого является и наша партия. Представляется, что наше движение нуждается сегодня в более глубокой координации своих действий, особенно по таким вопросам как ЕС, НАТО, другие региональные организации (например Шанхайская организация или Лига арабских стран), возникновение новых экономически быстро растущих стран, империалистическая агрессия и др. Вместе с тем необходим фундаментальный анализ истории и практики классовой борьбы в 20 веке, со всеми его приобретениями и утратами.

тельствует о том, что все эти задачи постепенно решаются, и будут решаться в дальнейшем в духе классовой солидарности и материалистической диалектики. Спасибо за внимание!

ОСТАЮТСЯ ОПРЕДЕЛЁННЫЕ различия и между партиями входящими в наше движение. Мы, возможно, по разному относимся к таким новым социальным движениям как «Оккупируй Уолл-стрит», «Настоящая демократия сегодня» и другие. Как нам относится к Китаю, Венесуэле, даже к ЕС? Всё это следует проанализировать с марксистских позиций и дать соответствующие оценки. В тоже время наша сила в нашем разнообразии на базе единой идеологии. Мы действуем в различных условиях и на базе разного исторического опыта. Наша международная конференция свиде-

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Communist Party of Luxembourg (KPL) ULI BROCKMEYER

Today we are facing a capitalist crisis, and this is not only the ongoing crisis of the financial and economic instruments of monopoly capitalism, but the deepest crisis of the capitalist system itself since the Second World War. THE CONTRADICTIONS BETWEEN the biggest imperialist powers are becoming sharper day by day. This becomes more and more visible in the diverging positions of the leading imperialist powers concerning the most burning question of international policy, concerning the questions of war and peace, and also with a view to the European Union, its internal development, its international relations and the crisis of the Euro. The economically powerful countries are using all their possibilities to expand their dominance over the financial and economic means – not only at the costs of the so-called «Third World» but also at the costs of less powerful countries within their own system. They are forcing practically all member states of the European Union – first of all countries like Greece, Ireland, Portugal, Italy and Spain – to adopt austerity programmes which are nothing else than a strategy to destruct step by step all the social achievements the working class had been struggling for over many decades. The ruling political parties and practically all bourgeois parties are supporting this policy. THE RULING FORCES OF GERMANY AND FRANCE are about to construct a European Union on the basis if their ideas. 66 years after its military defeat in World War II the German imperialism is again on the way to dominate other countries. With the aim to maximize the profits of German capitalists, the German government is imposing its model of ruling the society and the economy to other countries. ALSO IN LUXEMBOURG the gap between

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rich and poor is growing, as well as the number of unemployed and people living in a situation of precarity. «Working poor» becomes a well known status for those who are still employed. More and more elder people are living with the danger of poverty in old age. Growing prices and taxes are resulting in a loss of living standard. Education and health care are becoming more expensive for the majority of the people. As a result of the austerity policy of our government all the working people in Luxembourg have lost 12.5 per cent of one monthly salary in the period from the month of May till October. One week ago, the Minister of Finance announced openly that the government is going to continue this strategy. They are loading the costs of the crisis of the capitalist system on the shoulders of the working people, of the youth, the unemployed and the pensioners – while the so-called «upper ten thousand» continue to enlarge their assets. In Luxembourg just 10 per cent of the households are possessing 80 percent of all assets in the country. In this situation the policy of so-called «social partnership» in our country has led to the result wanted by the ruling class. An analysis of the situation in Luxembourg by the KPL came to the conclusion that the consciousness of the working class in our country is on the lowest level since the end of the Second World War. The total number of the working class has been reduced in an unprecedented manner. While at the end of the 60ies there were still 30,000 People working in the Luxembourg steel industry, this number was reduced to less than 4,000 nowadays. The working class in our country has been split. 80,000 of the 500,000 inhabitants of Luxembourg are im-

migrants from Portugal. Only one third of the workers is of Luxembourg nationality. About 150,000 workers are commuters, coming from the neighbouring countries France, Belgium and Germany. Many of the workers are of Portuguese origin living in our country. All of them speak different languages, and the solidarity among the workers is very low. But facing the ongoing destruction of the steel industry there are first signs of resistance. Together with their colleagues from Belgium, Germany and France the steelworkers organised a 24 hours strike on Wednesday this week – this was the first strike in Luxembourg since the year 1982. TOGETHER WITH OUR COMRADES from the Worker’s Party of Belgium we have published a statement on the recent developments in the steel industry, and we hold a press conference one day before the strike where we have reiterated our position that the expropriation of the Indian billionaire Lakshmi Mittal and the nationalisation of the steel factories is the only possible solution to prevent the complete breakdown of the industry and to save the working places in our countries. The KPL has adopted several programmes for the struggle against the ongoing social destruction. Using the possibilities of our daily newspaper, with press statements, leaflets, posters and other means we are informing the people about the reasons for the ongoing social destructions. Our party has managed to continue its political line on the basis of Marxism-Leninism and is permanently analysing the situation in Luxembourg. We are aware of the fact that a strong communist party is of urgent necessity to re-organise the class struggle in our coun-

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try. We are strengthening our efforts to construct our contacts with trade unions and with social organisations. We have participated with open lists under the name of Communist Party of Luxembourg in five of the biggest cities in the municipal elections in October this year, and we are proud to say that thanks to the support from many people we could celebrate our first electoral success after more than 15 years. Three of our comrades have been elected member of the municipal councils in the workers’ cities Esch/Alzette, Differdingen and Rfimelingen. CAPITALISM TODAY has reached its historical limits. The sources of capitalist profit are not unlimited any more. This is the reason why the capitalist system is in a deep crisis and is breaking the still existing limits for beginning new wars for oil, natural resources, territory and markets. Inside the capitalist countries the contradiction between capital und labour is becoming more and more sharper. The times of the so called «social partnership» are over. Unfortunately there are still many political forces who believe in the possibility of «reforming» the existing system. Most of the trade unions in Europe – with the exception of those where communists have leading positions like in Greece or in Portugal – are co-operating with the governments, mainly because social democratic parties in several countries are part of the government or are dreaming about taking over governing functions. New parties claiming to be left wing oriented are refusing to act against the mainstream and are finally playing that role, which social democratic parties have played 20 years ago. As a small party in a small country we are

aware of the fact that we are not able to deal with all problems of today’s developments, to work out the necessary analysis of the changing situation and to draw the conclusion for our activities, if we work alone. For this reason the Worker’s Party of Belgium, the German Communist Party, the New Communist Party of the Netherlands and the Communist Party of Luxembourg initiated a Four-Party-Cooperation in 2005. Representative of our four parties are meeting regularly every three months to consult current issues and to organize common activities, like for example a campaign of the four parties against the liberalisation and forthcoming privatisation of the post service in our countries. In this context we published a brochure with articles about the situation in Belgium, Germany, Luxembourg and the Netherlands in Dutch, French and German. Once a year we organise a For-PartyConference in one of our countries where delegation of about ten comrades from each party meet for one weekend to exchange views and experiences. Comrades from Belgium and from Germany supported our successful election campaign this year in Luxembourg. This kind of cooperation among communists has proved to be a very effective way of improving our activities on national and multilateral level. BASING OURSELVES ON THIS POSITIVE EXPERIENCE, the KPL once again underlines its conviction that it is urgently necessary to develop new ways of international and regional cooperation between all parties which are struggling on the common basis of MarxismLeninism, against the exploitation of men by men, for the abolishment of capitalism and for the construction of a new socialist society.

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Almost all political forces today are co-operating in structured and well organised forms on regional or worldwide level – why should the communists further hesitate to create their own international organisation? Communist and Workers parties all over the world are possessing a common programme, the Manifesto of the Communist Party, which is the basis of our common ideology and is our common guideline in the struggle for a better society, which can only be socialism. Let us take the slogan from 1848 serious: «Workers of all countries - unite!» The communists of Luxembourg are ready to contribute with all possible means for the creation of a new level of international cooperation.

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Communist Party of Malta VICTOR DEGIOVANNI

HISTORY CONTINUES. I must start by first thanking The Communist Party of Greece for hosting this 13th Meeting of Communist and Workers Parties here in Athens, and giving us the facility to air our views on matters that concern all of us gathered here. These past 20 years since the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Socialist Community in Eastern of Europe, Great changes have taken Place. Initially, this was a setback for Communist and workers party, as the bourgeoisie cried out that communism was dead. Fukuyama declared the “End of History”. All this was triumphalism over the great betrayal by Gorbachev and Company back 1989. Communism did not die, and history today still continues. Today we are witnessing a resurgence of communist parties and other left wing parties almost everywhere. Communist parties together with other progressive forces are making great advances. In some countries namely Cyprus, South Africa, Nepal are in government or form part of a coalition that is in power. In Latin America, the United States has lost its influence, and can longer install puppet fascist regimes. Thanks to the Cuban Revolution which served as an inspiration to leaders namely Chavez, Ortega, Morales and others. CAPITALISM DURING THIS PAST 20 YEARS has finally, entered into a deep crises, with there are no effective solutions, for this system to recover as Karl Marx had very ably forecasted. Austerity measures on the working classes are not viable solutions, these measures will put the system into a more deeper crises, according to the now abandoned Keynesian theories to Milton Friedman and Monetarism. According to Keynes the workers are the motor of capitalist economy, if they do not have money to spend, the system fails. However, we are not concerned about the salvation of Capitalist system; on the contrary

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we would like to see its demise. Neo Liberal concepts of maximum profit and free unregulated market economy has put capitalism on the path towards its final oblivion, and now we are on the threshold of a new beginning, a new dawn, which will usher an era of socialism, which is within our grasps. THE STRUGGLE FOR SOCIALISM will not be an easy one, there will be a large number of setbacks. There are also dangers that we must face, as the bourgeoisie are once again reverting to fascist tactics as they had done back in the 1930’s. The bourgeoisie do not want to loose their hegemony over the masses. With their absolute control of the media, they manage to put believable lies across, and this deceitful propaganda is believed by a large cross section of the masses. This can be seen in how, what the EU and the other financial institutions have done here in Greece and in Italy is being described. It is not being described as fascism, as it really is, but as a measure to save the Euro from its impending doom. The bourgeoisie media manages to convince a proportion of the masses to jump from the frying pan into the fire. A clear example of this is the last election in Spain, although the united left made progress. A large number of voters in order to avoid austerity measures were deceived into voting for an oligarchy which will impose harsher measures. THE UNIFICATION OF COMMUNIST and other progressive forces is what is mostly needed today. We must consolidate our forces, to give Capitalism its coup de grace, and bring about the socialist transformation of society. This unity can only be achieved between Communist or Left wing progressive

parties, and must not include pseudo leftists who adhere to the bourgeoisie creed of a democracy dependent on a free market. Free Market Democracy which is a Neo Liberal Concept, has enslaved the working people, reduced their working conditions, and rendered them jobless. Any Party calling itself a left wing party, and supports neo liberal concepts is in fact a disguised rightist party, and merely imitating Hitler’s Nazi Party a fascist party, calling itself socialist (National Socialism) After the Collapse of the Soviet Union we have seen great upheavals. US imperialism in its bid for global hegemony has overstretched itself in order to globalize the world, wanting absolute control over world markets, with the dire consequences of impoverishing third world countries, and also, after the natural resources in third world countries, unleashing imperialist wars, in order to grab these recources. THE WARS IN IRAQ AND AFGHANISTAN are such an example. These wars have proven to be unwinnable, have brought about large scale miseries to the population of these countries; they have also resulted in large civilian casualties, and badly deteriorated the living conditions in these countries as the existing infrastructure was completely destroyed. The recent criminal colonial war against Libya by the U.S. and its NATO allies namely Britain and France, and the threats directed against Syria and Iran, is a continuation of imperialist aggressive policy of war and destruction to obtain by the use of force the right to control natural resources, especially oil. US BANKS AND OTHER FINANCIAL INSTI-

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TUTIONS brought about the capitalist crises. This crises, in turn caused the collapse of the whole western capitalist system, bringing down the Dollar and also the Euro, with grave consequences for the working classes in the western capitalist countries, especially in Europe. Here in Greece, like elsewhere in Europe, we are witnessing the working class struggling to keep the gains won by hard struggle in the past. Here, my only comments will be, is that the EU is exposing its undemocratic credentials, and also to express the Solidarity and support of the Communist Party of Malta to the Greek working class, to its Union PAME and to KKE. I will leave this subject to our Greek Comrades who are more able to give us a true picture about the events taking place here. Same events are happening also in Italy where the Berlusconi Government was put to the side and a new cabinet installed with again another unelected Banker to head it, again here, all was done at the behest of the European Union. Similar situation are in store for Portugal, Ireland, and France if we do not manage to halt this fascist encroachment on the liberal democratic institutions. The only way to stop these bandits is by the establishment of Socialist society.

imposition of the austerity measures proposed? If so then, what should be our next steps? We know all that the EU do not see eye to public referendums, general elections, and considers them to be a threat to its hegemony, and it is no surprise, if the right to strike, will be next on the agenda of their current dislikes. We must not allow fascism to reign once again in Europe. We must resist these attempts, and keep struggling till Socialism triumphs. Long Live Socialism Long Live, Marxism Leninism.

IN MALTA the centre right administration, had imposed measures of austerity, to come out of the recession in Maltese economy, is now encroaching on the right to strike. A few days ago the Maltese Government amended the Industrial relations bill without consulting anyone. Was this done with tacit agreement of the bureaucrats in Brussels? Or at their behest. Is this part of the EU plan to ensure the

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Communist Party of Mexico Pável Blanco caBrera

El Socialismo es el futuro. Por la ruptura y el derrocamiento del capitalismo, sin etapas intermedias, poder de la clase obrera y socialismocomunismo. Expresamos nuestro reconocimiento, en nombre del Comité Central del Partido Comunista de México, al Comité Central del Partido Comunista de Grecia, por crear las condiciones para este 13 Encuentro Internacional, por la iniciativa para convocar a estos Encuentros, por las importantes luchas obreras y populares aquí en Grecia en los últimos tiempos de las que es cerebro y vanguardia, y sobre todo, por contribuir con ello a la reorganización del movimiento comunista internacional, la fuerza que puede generar la alternativa que el género humano precisa. EN EL VIGÉSIMO ANIVERSARIO de la victoria temporal de la contrarrevolución en la URSS y el campo socialista, es posible y necesario un balance. Desde el punto de vista histórico ningún modo de producción se impuso sobre el anterior linealmente y sin retrocesos temporales; la concepción materialista de la Historia ilustra los zigzagueos, las vicisitudes, la lucha entre lo que agoniza y lo que emerge, la dialéctica de la revolución y la contrarrevolución. El mismo régimen burgués fracasó en sus tentativas frente a la reacción feudal y conoció numerosas derrotas que le demoraron varios siglos antes de su consolidación. LA OLEADA REVOLUCIONARIA DE 1848, la Comuna de Paris en 1871, el ciclo de asaltos revolucionarios iniciado con la toma del poder por el proletariado en Rusia en Octubre de 1917, forman parte del tránsito del capitalismo al socialismo-comunismo. El triunfo temporal de la contrarrevolución en el último caso no anuló este carácter de la época. Ninguna clase dominante cedió voluntariamente el poder, y en tanto existan las condiciones para su existencia y

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reproducción, la posibilidad de que lo reconquiste es latente. La lucha entre explotados y explotadores, independientemente de la naturaleza de clase del Estado, se desarrollará hasta que definitivamente se extingan las bases económicas de la apropiación privada. En el frenesí de la contrarrevolución, el capital se empeñó ideológicamente en presentar la derrota temporal del socialismo como permanente, como la inviabilidad de la emancipación, la inviabilidad de liquidar la explotación del trabajo asalariado. Con su tesis del fin de la historia y de las ideologías apostó por colocar una camisa de fuerza sobre la lucha de clases, declarando la muerte del marxismoleninismo, pretendiendo la inmunización frente a la necesidad de la revolución social. No hay precedente de tan feroz campaña ideológica como la efectuada en los 90’s contra la filosofía, la concepción del mundo, la política, la organización, y en general todas las posiciones de la clase obrera. Desde las baratijas desechables sobre la falibilidad de los seres humanos, colocando que no es el carácter de clase de la sociedad el problema a resolver, sino que cualquier sistema es bueno o malo y depende estrictamente de lo negativo o positivo de los gobernantes; “ni capitalismo ni socialismo son negativos en sí”, se decía, sino que es la corruptibilidad de los hombres lo que lleva al fracaso. En la misma dirección se argumentaba que la ausencia de la libertad de mercado sofocaba a los seres humanos que finalmente emergían contra el autoritarismo. La contrarrevolución presentó como espontáneas las movilizaciones que fueron promovidas y auspiciadas por alianzas reaccionarias del imperialismo con fuerzas religiosas o fascistas. Sin embargo el núcleo duro del ataque se centró contra la teoría de Marx, Engels y Lenin, contra los partidos comunistas y contra la historia del

movimiento obrero y comunista. La evidencia principal era tanto el llamado fracaso del socialismo, como la potencialidad del capitalismo. UN MUNDO DE PAZ Y PROGRESO PROMETIERON, un nuevo orden mundial. Ya conoce la clase obrera y los pueblos lo que eso significó. Guerras, desde Panamá hasta Irak, desde Somalia a Yugoslavia, una imparable oleada de intervenciones militares a favor de los intereses de los monopolios, una simple y descarada repartición de las áreas de influencia, de los mercados. El retroceso temporal en la construcción socialista no fue una derrota exclusiva del movimiento comunista y obrero, sino del conjunto de los pueblos, una tragedia para la humanidad. El equilibrio internacional, favorable a los pueblos, el marco de la descolonización de Asía y África, el derecho internacional que se conquistó con la correlación de fuerzas obtenida por la URSS y el campo socialista en la Segunda Guerra Mundial cedió paso a una ONU que avala cualquier interés de los monopolios en contra del derecho de los pueblos. La contrarrevolución inclinó el derecho internacional, al alterarse la correlación de fuerzas, a favor de los intereses del capital. EL IMPERIALISMO Y LAS GUERRAS que le son inherentes colocan a la paz en inestabilidad permanente, se cometen crímenes contra la humanidad con los bombardeos de la OTAN y los EEUU, en el marco de una escalada agresiva contra los pueblos del Medio Oriente, África y de América Latina. La utilización del terrorismo como pretexto para intervenir contra las naciones que no se someten. Prometieron paz, y sólo hay barbarie. La contrarrevolución también tuvo como objetivo atacar los derechos sindicales, laborales y sociales que conquistaron los

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trabajadores en el marco del avance del socialismo, cuando el capital se vio forzado a adoptar gestiones como elwelfare state para contener las posibilidades revolucionarias. Es un hecho que la contrarrevolución no sólo se puede concebir por sus efectos contrarios a la construcción socialista, a los partidos comunistas, sino que afectó al conjunto del movimiento obrero internacional, a todos los pueblos del mundo. El capital utilizó el impulso dado por la contrarrevolución para avanzar sus posiciones lo más posible. Nuevos mercados y pueblos fueron abiertos para su salvaje expolio, la clase obrera, desarmada de su partido en la mayor parte del globo, sufrió un grado de explotación que crecía a ritmos vertiginosos. No es difícil imaginarse cómo esto se tradujo en enormes flujos de capital, en acumulación que pasó a fortalecer directamente la tendencia a la concentración y la centralización, a los grupos monopólicos. Al capital imperialista, saturado ya de contradicciones, bien pronto se le acabó el impulso de estos nuevos mercados y hubo de buscar medidas bárbaras para mantenerse en medio de la crisis. Y he aquí que de su triunfo hizo brotar con la mayor rapidez posible las condiciones para su derrocamiento, como quien ahogándose en el mar abre la boca desesperado solo para tragar más agua. El carácter temporal de la contrarrevolución fue determinado por las leyes objetivas del capitalismo, por la contradicción entre el carácter social de la producción y la apropiación privada, por el ciclo mismo del capital con la crisis que tiene un carácter insalvable, más también por la resistencia clasista y popular, por la acción de las fuerzas revolucionarias, por la actividad del movimiento comunista. La crisis de sobreproducción y sobreacumulación de los últimos años impacta profundamente al capital. Para salvar a bancos e industrias de la quiebra utilizó recursos

públicos, cargando agresivamente los costos sobre los trabajadores: el desempleo, la reducción de salarios, el aumento de la edad para las jubilaciones, el aumento de la jornada laboral, y otras medidas constantes contra el trabajo, a favor de los monopolios. LA CRISIS MUESTRA A LA CONTRADICCIÓN capital/trabajo como el antagonismo sobre el cual se condensa la posibilidad de una alternativa. El conflicto socioclasista tiene su centro en la producción capitalista. Es en los centros de trabajo donde las clases chocan, y donde la estrategia de los comunistas tiene que precisarse. Hay ejemplares luchas de contraataque, como la oleada de huelgas sectoriales y generales en Grecia dirigidas por el PAME, con la intervención de otras fuerzas de orientación de clase. Es opinión del Partido Comunista de México, que ése debe ser el camino común del movimiento comunista frente a la actual crisis, y que nuevamente se muestran retrasados nuestros esfuerzos comunes por la coordinación de acciones. El llamado desde la Acrópolis al levantamiento de los pueblos debe tener una respuesta favorable. Somos los Partidos Comunistas, los destacamentos de vanguardia los responsables de hacer resonar el llamado de la Acrópolis y de organizar la respuesta. Es dable y sucede ya que la clase obrera y sus aliados se levanten espontáneamente contra aspectos del dominio burgués y contra sus medidas. Pero no es dable y rebasa a los límites del movimiento espontáneo el derrocamiento de la clase burguesa y el paso al socialismo-comunismo. Sobre esto debemos tener claridad, no sostener posiciones uniformes frente a los movimientos impedirá hablar en éste u otro momento de una intervención o una estrategia comunista mundial frente a nuestros opresores.

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LOS PARTIDOS COMUNISTAS Y OBREROS tenemos entre los componentes de identidad el carácter de clase. Ésa es nuestra razón de ser. En los periodos de crisis nuestras responsabilidades crecen, pues son el marco para las transformaciones revolucionarias, si una serie de prerrequisitos son cumplidos. La organización de un fuerte movimiento obrero y sindical de claras definiciones clasistas es un deber elemental, y una tarea que afrontar conjuntamente, conquistando cada centro de trabajo. Consideramos que hay que apoyar las iniciativas que se desprenden del último Congreso de la Federación Sindical Mundial. Pero también pensamos que de manera específica nuestros partidos tienen que abordar tal cuestión en lo regional e internacional. Con la crisis capitalista, es creciente entre los trabajadores y las capas medias el debate sobre la salida, el rumbo. Es verdad que entre las capas medias predominan posiciones pequeñoburguesas que buscan sólo reformas cosméticas, mecanismos de gestión que no las lleven a la ruina, y son la plataforma para atacar a las posiciones clasistas que buscan una salida radical; tal es el caso del llamado movimiento de ocupación de las plazas. En la línea de la confrontación nos encontramos quienes estamos por la ruptura radical, por el derrocamiento del poder de los monopolios, a través de una alianza anticapitalista, antimonopolista y antiimperialista. Para los comunistas éste es el tema cardinal hoy, conectar las luchas presentes contra el capital con la lucha por el socialismocomunismo, y es indispensable extraer las conclusiones de la construcción socialista, del poder de los trabajadores. Para nosotros hoy es muy claro que tenemos que defender la experiencia de la construcción socialista en la URSS en tanto que demostración palpable de la superioridad del socialismo sobre el capitalismo, puesto que las investigaciones

comprueban que un mejor nivel de vida fue alcanzado por la clase obrera y las naciones antes oprimidas, en lo económico, lo cultural, la vivienda, la salud, la educación, los derechos políticos para las mujeres, las minorías étnicas, los niños, los jóvenes. LAS LECCIONES DE LA CONSTRUCCIÓN SOCIALISTA nos muestran la importancia del poder obrero, la dictadura del proletariado, la expropiación de los monopolios y todos los medios de producción concentrados, así como su socialización, de la planificación central de la economía. Cuando uno de estos elementos está ausente es imposible hablar de la nueva sociedad. Es evidente que discrepamos de aquellas posiciones que encuentran compatible socialismo y mercado, ya sea “socialismo de mercado”, o “socialismo con mercado”. La construcción del socialismo-comunismo desde el primer momento debe combatir las relaciones mercantiles sin que ello implique que desaparezcan el primer día. La existencia de las relaciones mercantiles engendra a la b urguesía y al capital, y con ello las posibilidades de la contrarrevolución que detenga las conquistas de la clase obrera en el poder. Es nuestra opinión que en ello tuvo su base el retroceso temporal en la URSS. Tampoco compartimos la visión de que sin la destrucción de la maquinaria del Estado burgués pueda construirse el socialismo. Es sobre el derrocamiento del viejo Estado que es posible la construcción del poder obrero y popular, el nuevo Estado. EL PARTIDO COMUNISTA DE MÉXICO, adoptó en su IV Congreso, efectuado hace ya casi un año, la Resolución sobre el Socialismo del XVIII Congreso del KKE, la que consideramos es nuestro balance y conclusiones de la experiencia de la construcción socialista en el

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Siglo XX. Entre otras muchas lecciones que extraer, éstas son necesarias para la estrategia de los comunistas para el derrocamiento del capitalismo y la revolución socialista. Contribuyen a determinar una política de alianzas con criterios clasistas. En América Latina, por ejemplo, hay debates contemporáneos sobre estos asuntos. Nos preguntamos ¿La defensa de la autonomía del partido comunista, la lucha por la independencia de clase y la organización con perspectiva de lucha del movimiento obrero y sindical pueden ser considerados una actitud sectaria? ¿Negarnos a colaborar en gestiones burguesas, en la administración capitalista, en un ministerialismo a toda costa, puede ser considerado sectario? ¿Es acaso un deber de los comunistas ser los garantes de la estabilidad gubernamental de las llamadas “burguesías nacionales”?, ¿Hasta qué punto podemos sostener como progresistas a gobiernos que colaboran en la persecución y represión a un partido comunista, como la desatada contra las FARC-EP? ¿Estamos por la reforma o por la revolución? ¿Podemos considerar como positivos aquéllos procesos de integración donde objetivamente los componentes económicos se basan en el capitalismo? ¿No es acaso un gran atentado a la subjetividad y capacidad de movilización de la clase obrera y las masas llamarlos a defender una gestión capitalista de “izquierda”? Con base en la teoría marxista-leninista, en la experiencia de 92 años, desde que en 1919 iniciara sus actividades la Sección Mexicana de la Internacional Comunista, el Partido Comunista de México trabaja por la ruptura con el capitalismo y para que sin etapas intermedias la clase obrera tome el poder para construir el futuro, el socialismo. Mantenemos el criterio de la solidaridad frente

a la agresividad hegemonista del imperialismo, pero no circunscrito al antinorteamericanismo, sino a cualquier monopolio, independientemente de si éste es de los EEUU, la Unión Europea, o inclusive de México. La cuestión de la revolución socialista en América Latina y el mundo no está determinada por las especificidades o particularidades nacionales, sino por leyes generales. Que la clase obrera conquiste su independencia de clase, ideológica y política, de las llamadas burguesías nacionales, hoy con el eufemismo de “gobiernos progresistas”, y de las capas medias, es una necesidad vital. EXPRESAMOS NUESTRA SOLIDARIDAD FRENTE AL ANTICOMUNISMO, en cualquiera de sus manifestaciones, que limita o prohíb e la actividad de varios partidos comunistas en Europa. El anticomunismo en Latinoamérica tiene la particularidad de encubrirse en un ropaje “antiterrorista” para criminalizar a las FARC-EP, a las que refrendamos por igual nuestra solidaridad. Compartimos que el tema del Anticomunismo es un tema de nuestra política como integrantes del Movimiento Comunista Internacional que no se encuentra limitado al terreno de la solidaridad. Articular una respuesta global frente a cualquier persecución anticomunista sucedida en cualquier parte del mundo, señala ante los pueblos al verdadero adversario del capitalismo; es decir, no involucra sólo una connotación defensiva sino que suma a nuestra política. Con respuestas militantes las campañas del enemigo son tornadas en campañas nuestras. Nuestro partido saluda las luchas de los pueblos árabes y del norte de África contra los regímenes opresivos; ateniéndonos a criterios clasistas, simultáneamente consideramos que es a los propios pueblos a quienes corresponde el derecho de liberarse, sin la intervención del

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imperialismo, por ello condenamos la agresión de la OTAN y los EEUU, en Libia, así como la que se gesta contra Siria e Irán. Nuestra total e incondicional solidaridad al PAME, al MAS, PASEVE, PASY y OGI, a las luchas de la clase obrera en Grecia, y por supuesto a nuestro hermano Partido Comunista de Grecia. ¡Proletarios de todos los países, uníos!

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Popular Socialist Party of Mexico Written contriBution

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EN MÉXICO COMO EN EL MUNDO, HOY MÁS QUE NUNCA, ¡EL SOCIALISMOES EL FUTURO! VIVIMOS LOS ESTERTORES del sistema capitalista mundial. La crisis del sistema capitalista mundial preside la actual situación internacional. No es una crisis que pueda resolverse con medidas de ajuste dentro del sistema, sino que es el sistema de la propiedad privada de los medios de producción y cambio el que ha llegado a la fase de su agotamiento, prevista por Marx, como resultado de la agudización de la contradicción principal del capitalismo entre el carácter social de la producción y la apropiación capitalista privada, como ya lo hemos examinado en anteriores encuentros. La crisis del sistema es la causa de las guerras que el imperialismo ha venido desatando e imponiendo en diversos lugares del mundo, y es asimismo la fuerza que impele a los capitalistas a agudizar su brutal agresión contra todos los derechos de la clase obrera y los pueblos, sus ingresos y su derecho a la vida, ya no sólo de los países capitalistas dependientes, sino ahora de las propias metrópolis imperialistas. Todo esto no es otra cosa que los estertores de un sistema decrépito y sin perspectivas de revitalización. Pero la crisis insalvable del sistema de la explotación del hombre por el hombre, y de los pueblos por las potencias imperialistas, abre ante la humanidad el amplio horizonte de avanzar hacia la liberación, el socialismo y el comunismo. La lucha de clases, cuyo lugar más destacado corresponde a la clase obrera y, sobre todo, a su partido, está siendo una vez más y habrá de serlo con mayor fuerza y profundidad en el porvenir inmediato, el motor de la historia, ésa es nuestra responsabilidad. MÉXICO Y SU CONTEXTO, Latinoamericano y “tercermundista”. México, desde los puntos de vista geográfico, histórico y cultural forma parte de América Latina y constituye la frontera -de 3,000 kilómetros de largo- de esta vasta región, con Estados Unidos, la potencia

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imperialista más poderosa y agresiva de la historia.El hecho de ocupar ese lugar, al extremo norte de entre todos los pueblos latinoamericanos, le ha permitido a nuestro puebloconocer muy de cerca las “entrañas del monstruo”, como lo expresara José Martí¸ y por tanto desarrollar una conciencia popular antiyanqui y antiimperialista, de manera temprana. Ese nivel de conciencia asimismo le ha permitido desempeñar la función de trinchera adelantada y primer destacamento de combate de Nuestra América frente a la otra América, la intervencionista y saqueadora, la del capital imperialista, en momentos históricos cruciales. Pero ser la primera trinchera de los pueblos latinoamericanos y estar en la primera fila de combate, también nos ha costado sufrir duros embates y padecer derrotas, así sean temporales. En este año en que se cumplen 20 de la caída de la gloriosa Unión Soviética frente a la contrarrevolución y el imperialismo, de igual manera se consuman 30 años, en elpaís de Juárez, Villa y Zapata, del momento en que la globalización neoliberal impusiera gobernantes sumisos a los dictados del capital financiero mundial -plasmados en el Consenso de Washington- que nos han traído gravísimos retrocesos en todos los órdenes. El primer gobierno proyanqui y neoliberal de esta etapa, en efecto, fue el de Miguel de la Madrid,de 1982 a 1988, y de manera más profunda cada vez, todos los que han seguido: el de Carlos Salinas de Gortari, de 1988 a 1994; Ernesto Zedillo, de 1994 a 2000; Vicente Fox, de 2000 a 2006, y el actual y peor de todos, hasta hoy, de Felipe Calderón. Como ya lo hemos reseñado, estos gobiernos, no obstante que provienen de partidos políticos distintos y en otro tiempo muy enfrentados, desde entonces siguen, en los hechos, un programa único: el del capital financiero y corporativo mundial. Empezaron por modificar

la Constitución para que los gobiernos tuvieran la facultad de privatizar las empresas públicas, lo que no podían hacer de manera legal, y en el primer sexenio redujeron la participación del Estado en la economía de 45 ramas a 23, y de 1155 empresas, a sólo 412. En el segundo sexenio se firmó el Tratado de Libre Comercio de América del Norte, con Estados Unidos y Canadá, (NAFTA, por sus siglas en inglés) que ha sido un instrumento muy eficaz hacia la anexión de México en condiciones de subordinación a la potencia imperialista. Se profundizó la apertura a capitales y mercancías que se había iniciado en el sexenio anterior; las privatizaciones avanzaron cualitativamente, con empresas estratégicas y de alta rentabilidad, como los bancos, la telefonía y la siderurgia. Se crearon las condiciones jurídicas para dar paso a lo que se llama la privatización furtiva de la industria eléctrica, al establecer la figura de los productores independientes en la Ley de Energía. Se dio muerte a la Reforma Agraria, al modificar el artículo 27 de la Constitución, dando paso al proceso de privatización de la tierra, a la pérdida de toda posibilidad de soberanía alimentaria y al brutal empobrecimiento de los campesinos mexicanos que, desde entonces, sólo han tenido, como perspectiva de sobrevivencia, la salida hacia el otro lado de la frontera como emigrantes indocumentados con todos los peligros a la vida y los múltiples atropellos a su dignidad, que conlleva, y se incorporó a nuestro país a la OCDE -el club de los ricos- sin que lo sea en modo alguno. Con la suscripción del NAFTA y el ingreso a la OCDE, se quiso desnaturalizar y descontextualizar a México, alejándolo de modo artificial de sus hermanos latinoamericanos y pretendiendo manipular la conciencia popular con la versión falaz de que la nuestra sería ya una economí a “del primer mundo”.

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En el tercer sexenio, se privatizó la comunicación satelital, los ferrocarriles, los puertos y aeropuertos y la aeronáutica; se entregó la banca al capital extranjero, español y yanqui, sobre todo; se crearon las Afores, mecanismo por el cual la seguridad social perdió su carácter solidario y pasó al régimen individualista, generando un rubro de alto lucro para el capital financiero internacional. El gobernante en turno, lacayo del imperialismo como todos los de esta época, Ernesto Zedillo, propuso modificar la Constitución para privatizar la industria eléctrica, pero fue derrotado en este frente por la movilización popular encabezada por el combativo sindicato de electricistas, pero en la que nuestro partido desempeñó una función muy activa. Además, ése fue el primer gobierno que asumió una política injere ncista contra Cuba, plegada a Washington, que fuera llevado a posiciones extremas por Vicente Fox. Éste, cuarto de la época de los entreguistas desembozados, tan pronto llegó a la presidencia, retomó con toda la fuerza que pudo la propuesta de la privatización de la industria eléctrica en el texto de la Constitución (intento en el que igual que Zedillo, también fue derrotado),junto con otras iniciativas de línea neoliberal, que pasaron a ser llamadas “reformas estructurales”; continuó con las privatizaciones, apoyó a los gobiernos y fuerzas más reaccionarias de América Latina y el mundo, y dio paso a una corrupción escandalosa, cuyos principales beneficiarios fueron su mujer, Martha Sahagún, y los hijos de ésta. Dos partidos distintos: un programa único, idéntico, en ambos casos, que no es de ellos, sino de la OCDE, del FMI, del Banco Mundial y que, en sus lineamientos fundamentales, está plasmado en el Consenso de Washington. MÉXICO Y SU REALIDAD ACTUAL: condiciones objetivas para la revolución de liberación

nacional que lo ponga en sintonía con los países del ALBA. Felipe Calderón ha continuado por la misma ruta pero ha ido más allá:quiso imponer reformas jurídicas para privatizar el petróleo (pretensión que fue derrotada por el movimiento popular), militarizó el país con el pretexto de una “guerra contra el narcotráfico” irregular e ilegal, que acató por exigencia del gobierno yanqui, al mismo tiempo en que ha sido acusado de manera pública de estar aliado, en los hechos, con alguna de las más poderosas bandas criminales, a la que favorece, en tanto persigue a las bandas rivales, e incorporó elementos fascistizantes al trato gubernamental con las fuerzas populares; se ha ensañado contra los trabajadores y sus derechos, en especial contra el Sindicato Mexicano de Electricistas, dejando a todos los trabajadores de este gremio en el desempleo por la vía de declarar “extinguida” su fuente de empleo, la paraestatal Compañía Mexicana de Luz y Fuerza, y contra el Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores Mineros, Metalúrgicos y Similares de la República Mexicana al que ha perseguido con saña. Se ha convertido en un pertinaz violador de la soberanía nacional al permitir la injerencia abierta de las policías y servicios de inteligencia de Estados Unidos en el territorio mexicano. Por cuanto al modo de producción, nuestro paísha sido durante décadas y sigue siendo capitalista dependiente. Las fuerzas productivas materiales son similares a las de toda la economía capitalista globalizada, pero las relaciones de producción no son idénticas a las de un país capitalista-imperialista, sino más injustas todavía. Las deformaciones del capitalismo subordinado agudizan las contradicciones entre la clase trabajadora y la propietaria, por ejemplo, por el hecho de que un trabajador en México obtiene un salario por jornada de trabajo equivalente apenas a la décima parte de lo que obtiene uno en Estados

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Unidos o en la Zona Euro por un trabajo igual. Además, el abismo se va profundizando en la medida en que el saqueo económico imperialista hace que la acumulación capitalista se dé en su mayor parte en los países metropolitanos y en proporción mínima en los que están subordinados. Pero todo el proceso de los últimos 30, ha profundizado nuestra dependencia y ha causado que en nuestro modo de producción capitalista-dependiente se cumpla de manera cabal la ley develada por Marx: las fuerzas productivas materiales de nuestra sociedad llegaron a una fase de desenvolvimiento en que entraron en aguda contradicción con las relaciones de producción existentes -y con su expresión jurídica, las relaciones de propiedad monopólico-imperialistas-, y se ha abierto una época de revolución social, proceso que también se agudi zó como resultado de la reciente profundización de la crisis del sistema capitalista mundial. En ese marco, el XX Congreso del Partido Popular socialista de México, celebrado en marzo de 2009, resolvió: “el partido todo tiene el deber insoslayable de empeñar todo su esfuerzo en la tarea urgente de contribuir a la construcción de las condiciones subjetivas para la revolución victoriosa de liberación nacional en México. Para tal fin, sus organismos de dirección y de base deben dedicarse con firmeza a la atención de los tres ejes enunciados: a) la creación del bloque político y social antiimperialista, a partir del movimiento de masas; b) el fortalecimiento de nuestro partido en todos sus aspectos, c) la insistencia en el camino de la unidad de todos los partidarios de una sociedad socialista y comunista.” De esta manera, nuestro país podrá vencer el rezago en que ha sido sumido en estas tres décadas y podrá ponerse en sintonía con el proceso de liberación que, en nuestro continente, llevan adelante los países de la

Alternativa Bolivariana de los Pueblos, ALBA, con Cuba Socialista y Venezuela Bolivariana, haciendo cabeza.Se trata de una posición plenamente coincidente con la tesis, que compartimos, de que “La liberación... puede venir solamente con el establecimiento de una alternativa real, el socialismoEllo requiere el fortalecimiento de las luchas antiimperialistas y antimonopólicas”, a la que se llegó en el 12o Encuentro, de Nueva Delhi. AVANCES EN LA CONSTRUCCIÓN de las condiciones subjetivas y perspectivas. En la tarea de fortalecer las luchas antiimperialista y antimonopólicas con rumbo a la liberación nacional y el socialismo, los comunistas mexicanos agrupados en el PPS de México hemos logrado avances alentadores, desde 1999, cuando el Frente Nacional de Resistencia contra la Privatización de la Industria Eléctrica logró impedir que el gobierno de Zedillo alterara la Constitución para privatizar la industria eléctrica, hasta hoy. El movimiento antiimperialista y antimonopólico de masas se ha ido desarrollando, aunque este proceso no ha sido lineal, sino que ha registrado altibajos. En lo cuantitativo, los brotes de resistencia estallan en todas partes del país de manera explosiva, teniendo como protagonistas a combativos sindicatos de la clase obrera, como los electricistas y los mineros, a maestros de escuela, campesinos y pueblos indígenas, entre otros diversos segmentos de la población. Y en lo cualitativo se registran dos pasos valiosos: uno consiste en que diversos núcleos de la lucha popular van llegando a la conclusión correcta de que es necesario combatir ya no sólo a los enemigos particulares de tal o cual sector, de una u otra región del país, sino a toda la dupla burguesíaimperialismo, lo que va permitiendo articular a todos esos brotes para que golpeen al enemigo de manera conjunta; movilizar a todos

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de manera solidaria en apoyo a los que en cada momento van teniendo la guillotina del gobierno sobre su cuello. El otro paso valioso consiste en que los más importantes y combativos núcleos de trabajadores electricistas, mineros y docentes, entre otros, al fin van llegando a la conclusión justa de que la lucha economista no basta, sino que es indispensable la lucha política para echar del poder a la dupla burguesíaimperialismo, y que el instrumento adecuado de ésta no es otro que un partido político, que no puede ser ninguno de los partidos burgueses desembozados, ni los socialdemócratas. En este contexto, nuestro partido ha venido apoyando e impulsando, sin sectarismos, el proceso de organización de un partido obrero y popular, por la liberación nacional y la emancipación social que está llamado a ser nuestro aliado natural en la actual etapa de lucha. Este partido, cuyo nombre por hoy es el de Organización Política del Pueblo y los Trabajadores, OPT, tuvo su Congreso Constitutivo en agosto pasado, y tiene como núcleo a los trabajadores electricistas, mineros y maestros, los más combativos y enfrentados a los gobiernos proimperialistas. Por otra parte, se ha consolidado la perspectiva que hemos venido impulsando, de desplegar la lucha electoral con una fuerza antiimperialista y antimonopólica muy importante, cosa que, como ya hemos apuntado, no había sido posible en los procesos de 2000 ni 2006, ya que la destrucción causada por la ofensiva neoliberal nos había dejado sin poder utilizar ese frente de lucha, pues a nuestro partido se le canceló el derecho a participar en las elecciones nacionales y regionales, al arrebatarle de manera arbitraria el registro electoral, y al no existir en toda esa etapa otras fuerzas que pudieran merecer una alianza con un partido de clase, como el nuestro; tampoco un candidato con prestigio

y con definiciones que lo pusieran más allá de la complicidad de los socialdemócratas, en un plano equiparable al que se da en Venezuela o Bolivia, por ejemplo. Pero hoy existe un candidato con ese perfil, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, AMLO, quien ya aspiró a la presidencia de México en 2006, logrando una muy alta votación, tanto que la diferencia entre el oficialmente ganador, Felipe Calderón, y AMLO fue de menos de medio punto porcentual, y esto luego de graves irregularidades.Lo más importante, desde el punto de vista de la lucha por la liberación nacional respecto del imperialismo y con vista al socialismo, es que López Obrador ya no es el mismo personaje que fue entonces. Evolucionó para bien, convirtiéndose en enemigo de los instrumentos que el imperialismoimpone a los pueblos del mundo. Su notable cambio se debe a que durante estos cinco años recorrió el país palmo a palmo, fue a todos los barrios, incluso los más humildes, habló de manera directa con los campesinos y los obreros, con los indígenas y con todos los sectores de la población, y ese intercambio, con un pueblo que a su vez ha ido desarrollando su conciencia antineoliberal, causó sus efectos, los ya señalados. De esta manera, AMLO pasó de ser un socialdemócrata como hay muchos, a un individuo convencido de la necesidad de luchar contra los principales instrumentos del imperialismo hoy, que lo son la ideología y las políticas neoliberales. Con ese cambio, perdió clientela electoral entre la pequeña burguesía, pero acrecentó sus vínculos con los sectores más populares y combativos, y sigue disfrutando de un enorme poder de convocatoria, lo que lo hace un candidato que podrá reunir una copiosa votación y disputar la victoria. Dado ese valioso cambio cualitativo, nuestro partido, que no lo apoyó en 2006 y que explicó al pueblo que si bien era el candidato

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menos malo, tampoco merecía el voto popular, ahora lo apoya la estimar su actual cercanía a los intereses de la clase trabajadora y el pueblo; sin embargo conscientes de que no es un comunista ni mucho menos, al apoyar su candidatura, lo hacemos con un programa distinto al suyo, con coincidencias importantes, pero con reivindicaciones muchos más avanzadas. Resumiendo, podemos afirmar que las luchas antiimperialistas y antimonopólicas en México han avanzado de manera substancial y todo indica que seguirán por ese camino victorioso, por la Segunda y Definitiva Independencia de México, por nuestro enlace firme con los procesos revolucionarios que se vienen dando en América Latina, y con rumbo al socialismo.

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New Communist Party of the Netherlands WIL VAN DER KLIFT

AFTER SIX YEARS we are again in Athens, the city where it all started. Therefore we salute the KKE, especially now Capitalism tries to let the working class pay for their crisis. All over the world, in Europe and extremely hard in Greece. EVER SINCE THE COLLAPSE OF LEHMAN BROTHERS IN 2008, the crisis of the capitalist system that had been lingering since the early seventies could not be covered up anymore. The extent and the depth of the crisis have surprised friend and foe. Therefore the developments of the past three years required a thorough political economic reorientation from both the capitalist and the socialist side. This also required a lot of time and energy from the leadership of a small party like ours, the NCPN. Other daily tasks and activities like a solid preparation for the 6th Congress suffered under this pressure. The leadership of the Party will organize a conference later in December to discuss many recent developments with the party. How and by which means we can get in touch with the vanguard of the organized working class will be the central focus of this conference. We will have in mind the experiences of the KKE and PAME. AT A GLOBAL LEVEL we see a general crisis of the capitalist system, caused by overproduction and a lack of purchasing power. This crisis emerged already in the early seventies of the last century. The direct consequences for the population could be covered up because they were spread over several decades. At a very large scale all kinds of financial constructions were invented that created several forms of purchasing power, not based on real productivity but on loans and mortgages. In this artificial way the purchasing power of the western working class could be upheld for a reasonable part. This was done in favour of the producers of consumer goods

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and services - the capitalist class - and to contain and postpone the social and economic consequences of the crisis. Especially the populations of the richer western countries with their borrowed purchasing power were kept quiet politically and socially. More and more running into debt became a normal phenomenon. If you did not play along you were robbing your own purse. THE DUTCH TRADE UNION MOVEMENT joined this policy of “borrowed purchasing power” by not claiming the rise of the production for a rise of the purchasing power but, in contradiction with this, by agreeing with the largescale speculation on the stock markets with pension money. In the collective labour agreements mainly secondary and for a large part specific sector demands were made. No political and general social and economic demands but demands that were in harmony with the system. This was and still is the domain of social democracy, where capitalism itself was and never is a subject for debate. The policy of purchasing power based on consumptive credit went hand in hand with a serious dissolution of the social cohesion and the mutual solidarity in society. The Dutch trade union movement linked up with this, providing more and more individual services at the expense of taking care of the collective interests. The collective struggle was replaced by social partnership and a role as acting manager. Class struggle was replaced by class peace and consultation. In the Netherlands already since the Second World War there was a tendency to sort things out together and to resolve conflicts in harmony. Politics, employers’ and workers’ organisations wanted to take the wind out of communist sails, because communism had gained

great prestige during the war. Numerous consultative bodies were established. With the “Agreement of Wassenaar” that was reached in 1982 between employers and employees this so-called “polderen” became a purpose in itself. Now the big capital groups in the Netherlands saw great opportunities to implement fundamental changes in the socio-economic order, with the approval of the trade union movement. WITH THE DECLINE of really existing socialism in the eighties the global balance of power changed. This opportunity was seized with both hands and efforts were made to consign the conflict model of class struggle to the history books. During this period several communist parties among which the CPN reconciled themselves to the situation and threw the towel. For us it is very instructive and meaningful that this happened at a time when “Capital” prepared itself to implement major changes in the socio-economic order. To revitalise capitalism that was stagnating at the time there was a need for new impulses and fundamental interventions: ñ The ‘liberation’ of large parts of the until then public sector, aiming at capitalist selfexpansion of the advanced value: the privatisation of energy companies, public transport, the telecommunications industry, the mail, national banks etc. ñ The reducing of many favourable working conditions that hindered the production increase (i.e. the degree of exploitation): the relaxation of dismissal rules; a shift from steady jobs to flexible and temporary contracts; cutting benefits for the disabled; years of wage diminution while also the benefits remain low; the introduction of the own contri-

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butions and cutting down on social services; cutting the length of unemployment benefits; the abolishment of most early retirement rules. In short: the introduction of neo-liberal politics, in the US by Reagan and in Europe by Thatcher. Since the Treaty of Lisbon in 2000 this has become the official policy of the European Union. This policy depoliticises the responsibility for life and welfare by turning it into a personal problem instead of a collective and therefore political issue. The majority of the political parties and the bourgeois media are obedient to the ruling class. Since the introduction of neo-liberal politics they proclaim enthusiastically that solidarity, cooperation, planning and unity in action and the collective ownership of important means of production like the energy sector are old fashioned and out of date. THE CONSEQUENCE OF THIS MASSIVE and continuous ideological campaign was, and is that large parts of the working class went to believe that capitalism was the only possible economic and social system. They swallow the ideological attacks on the possibility of a different social model, socialism, a society that is based on equality, solidarity and planning. Large parts of the working class also were susceptible to anticommunist propaganda. They considered the bourgeois parliamentary democracy as the only acceptable social system. Efforts to equate communism with fascism caused, and still cause much confusion. The actual political relations in Europe developed, and still develop to the detriment of the left-wing, progressive and communist forces. The past thirty years brought little to cheer for many of the communist parties in the western countries.

This was not the case in Latin America where based on its history with military dictatorships and the prevailing conditions a shift to the left was made. Also in the European countries where the populations recently fought for their freedom like Greece, Portugal and Cyprus, communist parties maintained and strengthened their relatively strong positions. Most communist parties however had, and have to deal with stagnation and decline. This is caused by the real social and economic developments and the ceaseless offensive of the ruling class. As a result of wrong political assumptions and decisions of these parties like not conducting a serious study on the problems that go along with the construction of a socialist society - it was impossible to find an antidote to the twisting of and the sometimes justified criticism on the really existing socialism. In many countries the bourgeoisie and the collaborating media successfully overemphasize national issues. Therefore right-wing populist and nationalist parties like the Dutch Freedom Party get the wind behind them. THE CAPITALIST IDEOLOGISTS pretend that the crisis is caused by a few capitalist looters and failing supervisors. The media, however, cannot prevent that the crisis exposes new contradictions and that it sharpens old discrepancies which force the labour movement to a new position and a renewed struggle. In the Netherlands this is manifested by growing contradictions between the leadership of the trade union movement the cadres that are increasingly concerned and are of the opinion that now the formation of power is imperative, in order to defend and expand their interests successfully. These days we see a real crisis in Dutch trade unions. It

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takes too much time to analyse all aspects of this crisis, but again at the time we need strong organisations to fight back the working class in the Netherlands becomes weakened. The communist party is still maintaining but very weak. Anyhow we will find ways to organize as many parts of the working class. THE BUDGET DEFICITS of the countries that were caused by the “banking crisis” but that was partially manipulated have accelerated the systematic breakdown of the social services that had been going on for a long time already (healthcare, even for the elderly and the disabled, pensions, unemployment benefits etc. and the privatisation of public services like public transport, energy, telecommunication, education, day care centres etc.) This leads to a sharpening of old contradictions, the emerging of new ones and growing resistance. This is extremely visible in Greece. The remaining social services in Western Europe slow down the continuous spread of the crisis especially in comparison with the United States, something that is acknowledged by friend and foe. Nevertheless the capitalist policy makers consider a further breakdown of these social services as the only remedy. The fact that the leading capitalist circles lack the power and the will to find an alternative for the accelerated implementation of a bankrupt policy constitutes a serious threat for mankind. Not only will large parts of the population be struck by unemployment, a sharp decrease of income, the disappearance of provisions and services; the capitalist class and its ideologists are less and less able to organize the developed capitalist societies and to solve the problems that confront the populations. In contrary: capital only increases

these problems by destabilizing societies, by stimulating the contradictions between countries and by shifting the global balance of power. THE THREAT OF A VIOLENT CATASTROPHE as the result of the crisis is imminent. The invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan and the intervention in Libya are only a few examples of capitalism’s cruel nature. The threat of attacks against Syria and Iran are very dangerous. As a consequence of the enormous military potential of the capitalist groups a new war would again be devastating for the population and its social and cultural richness. But all these developments also leads to new and great opportunities for the communist parties to develop its positions and to propagate these positions in an offensive way; positions that are based on the interest of the working people. Now is the time that notions such as peace, solidarity, cooperation, planning, unity in actions and the collective ownership of the essential means of production can and must be rendered, in a positive way. These notions fit the uncontrollable socialization of the production and the service providing. The parties have the duty to seize these opportunities and to reinforce themselves with cadres from the new and old movements. But more than ever we also need cooperation and unity in our ranks.

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Communist Party of Norway SVEND HAAKON JACOBSEN

Many thanks to KKE the Communist Party of Greece for hosting this 13th International Meeting of Communist and Workers Parties once again back in Athens, Europe, In the midst of a hard class fight with KKE and PAME in the leading role for orienting the struggle for the blocking of the anti-people measures, so that the plutocracy pays for the crisis. TWENTY YEARS AFTER THE COUNTERREVOLUTION in the Soviet Union the plutocracy, big capital, and the bourgeois and socialdemocratic politicians show their true intensions. In the midst of capitalisms overproduction crises, they are using every opportunity for privatization of state and community services, laying off and leaving the service staffs unemployed , lowering wages and pensions, leaving the workers with unsecure part time jobs, unfavorable shifts and working hours. Trade union tariffs and workers rights are undermined, and attacks are launched on the trade unions, and their member shipsare dropping. In the situation of the crisis it seems every attack on the workers wages and the peoples social welfare is excused to reduce cost and increase profits for monopoly capital. EU was created by monopoly capital, and for monopoly capital. EU serves the monopolies, as does the IMF, the World Bank etc. These institutions are created to serve monopoly capital, as NATO serves as the military tool of imperialism, where all the western imperialist and former colonialist powers are members under the leadership of the strongest military power USA. These institutions are created to serve monopoly capital and imperialism, and cannot be corrected from within. The only positive prospect for the working people is the disengagement of the countries from the EU, with the establishment of peoples power that will lead to the socialization of the basic means of production, to the central

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planning and the workers control. Only this power can relieve the people from the immense public debt for which it bears no responsibility. Communist Party of Norway support Solidarity Resolution of the 13th International Meeting of Communist and Workers Parties with the struggles of the working class in Greece, proposed by the KKE. USA STILL IS THE LARGEST ECONOMY, with a large consumer market, but with a stagnating economy. The unemployment rate is increasing every month, workers receive lower salaries, and from 2010/2011 they had to start to pay down on their mortgages. In all this means sinking demands, lower production and investments. USA is losing ground to the rapidly growing economies in Asia, Latin-America and Africa. But USA still has the worlds strongest military machine, is a huge weapon producer, has military bases around Russia, in the Mediterranean, in Columbia, in North Africa and in many other regions and countries of the world. They pose a threatening attitude against China creating a new military base of initially 2500 troops on the Northern coast of Australia, to challenge the Asian countries in the control of the energy and mineral resources in the Asian waters and the Pacific. USA and NATO initiated and started the imperialist wars on Yugoslavia, Iraq Afghanistan and Libya. Now USA and her NATO allies are systematically through lies and control of the big international media networks building up sufficient support from the public majority in the imperialist states, and their followers to attack Syria and Iran. Obama today talks openly of Israel as a necessary strong military ally for

the US imperialist interest and control in the Middle East. This shows the importance of the Palestinian initiative to become a full member of the UN. They learn today the hard lesson of pure imperialist interests of the USA, which leaves little hopes of support to gain from that corner for the Palestinians. The Israeli government has decided to give prime minister Netanyahu the right to attack Iran, even with atomic rockets. This could easily escalate into a large conflict of a global magnitude, World War III. USA and the old colonial powers like Great Britain, France, Germany and Italy needs support from many smaller NATO member, and not member states internationally to obtain necessary alliances and support for such a risky bourgeois adventure. It is therefore a task of utmost importance to strengthen the fight for peace in this dangerous situation. WE, THE INTERNATIONAL MEETING of Communist and Workers Parties must initiate a global initiative against the planned wars in the Middle East against Syria, possibly Lebanon, and Iran. We think that The World Peace Council would be the right body to coordinate this fight for peace against escalation of wars in the Middle East. Such a fight for peace will potentially reach far beyond our own networks. We support the resolutions proposed by the Syrian Communist Party, by the Tudeh Party of Iran and Communist Party of Britain, by the Palestinian Peoples Party, and the proposal of the axes of the joint actions for the coming year from KKE. Finance capital has since the start of the overproduction crises in the 1970’s developed very strong. By the end of 1980’s fi-

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nance services was about 55% of the GNP in the OECD countries. By 2009 derivates and instruments of debt in the unregulated international finance markets amounted to 1500 billion US dollars, which was 30 times larger than the GNPs of all the countries in the world together. Today large finance capital is at the top of State Monopoly Capitalism. The finance oligarchs are fighting in between them, as all do in capitalism to maximize profits on invested capital. With the rapid development of productivity, a much smaller amount of workers of all kinds produce much more than before. The tendency of falling profit rates has given expectations of low profits in material production. To maximize profits the big finance oligarchs constructed finance products without real value, and sold them on the unregulated international finance marked for big profits, and gambled investing in instruments of debt and derivates. Many finance brokers and banks have gone bankrupt. IN THE CAPITALIST OVERPRODUCTION CRISES, also called the finance crises of 2008 the big banks of the finance oligarchs was saved by the State Monopoly Capitalism, as the government saved the big banks and finance institutions from their losses from speculation in the unregulated international finance markets, by paying them of the working peoples tax money. In such a way the finance oligarchs that are in control in the State Monopoly apparatus survive their risky investments, gain large profits, and lose a lot of big and small finance competitors and investors. The capitalist crises also helps enormously the central monopoly capital with support from the Monopoly State apparatus to get rid of a lot of big and small monopolis-

tic competitors, and take over their eventual assets for free, which also enhance profits. This really shows that todays capitalism, both before, and in the midst of the overproduction crises is not productive, but speculative, and as Lenin already concluded just before the great October revolution, capitalism is rotten and overripe to be exchanged by the working class and the peoples power with socialism and central planning and workers control. The capitalist crises, and the anti-people policy of State monopoly capitalism both in each country and in the EU are creating anger and unrest. After 11th of September 2001, USA started the “War on terror”. New laws were decided in all NATO member countries, that drastically reduced your rights as a citizen of the state, and both central and military intelligence, police and military got new and stronger possibilities to spy on you, and detain you without a proper case against you, and without bringing your case to the court of law. We know that two military brigades were brought back from Iraq to be put in to control and stop popular unrest because of the capitalist crises in the US. In Norway NATO have been training with troops from both member states and Finnish and Swedish personnel, where military troops were trained to stop and control peaceful, not armed demonstrations. We can only guess for which purpose. Primo October this year we learned from truthful sources that the Greek government in concealment had asked the US for 300 used tanks. One can only guess what this is meant for, and in which way our citizens may be treated according to the US inspired so called “anti-terror” laws. IN NORWAY we also have anti-communist

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laws decided in the 1950’s, were communists can be arrested and even killed without sentence. These laws still exist, and may be brought into practice over night by a so called international board in our parliament, if they decide that our country is in a difficult situation, or at war. All the representatives in our parliament support NATO and the war in Afghanistan, and Libya. The media in the western world are working to forgive the Nazis under World War II. At the same time they constantly send untrue and negative programs on the television about the achievements of real socialism of the 20th century, and lies about killing of millions of people in the Soviet Union. Violent Neo-Nazi activists have active networks both on the net, and in meetings and training. We have seen examples from Germany with killings of Turkish workers over a long period of time, and from 22nd of July 2011 bombing of the Norwegian government offices, and mass murders of young people from the Social Democratic Youth, where 77 people in all were killed by one Neo-Nazi mass murderer in one day. In both cases the central intelligence was not properly watching the violent Nazi network, only Islamic activists and communists. The Neo-Nazi people and their networks may be of good use for monopoly capital to threaten and split the people, and terrorize the militant working class activists and communists when the unrest of the people is getting stronger, and better organized.

thanks on behalf of the Norwegian people and Communist Party of Norway. Thank you for your patience!

COMMUNIST PARTY OF NORWAY will convey our deepest thanks to all of you who sent us your condolences and support in connection with the bombing and mass murders in Oslo Norway on the 22nd of July 2011.Deeply

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Communist Party of Pakistan IMDAD QAZI

PASSED TWO DECADES. A very relevant and important subject has been chosen for the deliberations for this years’ conference. The success of counter revolution in USSR has some special relevance for Pakistani communists. In a way an important act of the whole drama was played in the vicinity of Pakistan i.e. Afghanistan. Soviet forces entered Afghanistan on the initiative of Afghan government who invoked the bilateral agreement of 1919 agreed upon between comrade Lenin and Ameer Amaan Ullah Khan. Entire right wing of Pakistan, political parties, media, government headed by General Zia-ul-Haq and powerful secret agencies of Pakistani establishment started a campaign against so called occupation of brethren Afghanistan by soviet forces. A deal was struck between general Zia-ul-Haq and then American establishment. Entire pro American camp of Muslim countries became a part of a proxy war between imperialism and USSR. The mounting pressure on soviet economy due to the protracted war, probably made the task of counter revolutionary forces easier and USSR ceased to exist. The world became unipolar and balance of power tilted in favor of capitalist world. The unchallenged imperialism started wars one after the other in the regions of its interests. Millions of people were killed in attacks on Afghanistan and Iraq. During this war Pakistani left and especially Communist Party of Pakistan was targeted both ideologically and physically. In a meeting of core commanders of Pakistan armed forces in 1980, elimination of Communist Party of Pakistan was decided. The in-charge of this operation disclosed this secret in a television program in 2010. We had to face worst repression during this period. SOVIET FORCES withdrew from Afghanistan according to Geneva Accord and Gorbacheve and company succeeded in its designs. The right wing of Pakistan claimed

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credit for defeating socialism and started beating the drums of triumph. Communist Party of Pakistan had started to work over ground in 1991 when we found ourselves defeated and condemned. I don’t want to waste the valuable time of conference by narrating the predicament of Communist Party of Pakistan in those days but I will do like to share with honorable delegates, the reactions generally expressed during those unforgettable days. The supporters of capitalism were overflowing with the feelings of victory. For them, this was the end of the story. Left was badly demoralized. The damage was much, much more than what was caused by Sino Russian conflict of 60s. Weaker minds and souls started searching elemental defects in Marxism and Leninism. Some of them went to the extreme position that classic Marxism Leninism has become irrelevant and it has to be tailored afresh according to the requirements of new phase of history. Social democrats came out with dilution theories and achieving the goal through an evolutionary process. Trotsky tic minds denounced the 1917 revolution as premature and attacked Lenin’s vision and practice. Not only the cadre but top leadership of Communist Party got confused. There were debates on extensive level but Marxism Leninism prevailed in the final round. Retractors, including some heavy weights, were defeated in the party congress of 1990. Party emerged victorious, but of course we had to start afresh with a narrow base. We might have lost somewhat numerically, but we stood victorious as far as ideological basis and our resolve are concerned. POST COUNTER REVOLUTION SCENARIO. The past two decades were eventful from some other angels also. Analysis and identifications of factors contributing in success of

counter revolution was taken as a task by Marxist Leninist parties, the world over. Initial depressive phase was overcome by analyzing the debacle from Marxist perspective and reorganizing the dispersed forces on sound theoretical basis. The contribution of our hosts, Communist Party of Greece is immense in this field and it will be an important part of our future history. While the communist forces were reorganizing themselves, capitalism was heading towards new mishaps. This was the period when end of the history was proclaimed by boasting capitalist world. It was taken for granted by capitalist world and its leader that now no force is present to counter their evil designs. People are helpless. Entire world resources and their transportation routes belong to them. We heard the terminology of New World Order. Energy reservoirs of Middle-East and Central-Asia were the main focus. War was chosen as an easy way for attaining the goals. Militants produced in their own laboratories to defeat Soviet Union in Afghanistan were declared enemies. Then came the war on terror. Afghanistan was attackedin a hope that it will prove an easy prey and after minimum of resistance the oil and gas reservoirs of Central-Asia will be within their reach. Greater Middle-East plan was visualized to consolidate their presence in the area. Iraq was attacked on the false pretext of possessing weapons of mass destruction. Contrary to their belief, massive resistance had to be faced on all fronts. Another phenomenon was surfacing in the meantime. Absence of a common enemy i.e. socialist block paved the way for raising voice of dissent among the capitalist giants. Political aims are subservient to interests of capital. Why one would be ready to surrender its pound of flesh. Although, leadership of United

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States of America was never challenged, but different centers of capital started asserting themselves. In this way, diversity in unity can be seen. Unchallenged capitalist world also started opening new fronts on ideological and economic frontiers. Attempts were started to eliminate all barriers for capital. Liberalization, globalization and world trade organization were invented to facilitate the unrestricted flow of capital. This period also saw the emergence of the monster called finance capital. CAPITALIST CRISIS. Nature of capital has been beautifully described Karl Marx «Capital comes dripping from head to foot, from every pore, with blood and dirt. With adequate profit, capital is very bold. A certain 10% will ensure its employment anywhere; 20% will produce eagerness; 50% positive audacity; 100% will make it ready to trample on all human laws; 300% and there is not a crime at which it will scruple, nor a risk it will run, even to the chance of its owner being hanged». This Inherent defect of the system, continue to plunge it into crisis after crisis. It is not at all any individuals greed or management defect which cause these episodes. The present crisis of capitalism is neither the result of any fault of policies of international monetary institutions nor that of failure of any regulatory mechanism. It is the crisis of system itself and its roots are in the pathological nature of capitalism. The capitalist world tried to overcome the crisis on the Kanes’s principal of state intervention. This not only proved to be a failure but was rejected by new liberal capitalism and speculative financial crisis ultimately led to the real crisis, the worst after great depression of 1929.

PRESENT SCENARIO. Capitalism is struggling to wriggle out of the crisis by one way or the other. Attempts are underway to shift the burden of crisis to developing economies. Peoples’ resistance and contradictions within the capitalist centers have forced leader of capitalist world to seek ways and means for safe exit from Afghanistan. The desire is good but not an easy one to be fulfilled. The stakes are high and stake holders are multiple. The bargain will be a difficult job. Pakistan, Iran, India, China, Russia and Europe will not retreat an inch easily. The region is the most volatile spot at the moment. Total collapse of capitalism and complete defeat of imperialism, although destiny of humanity, will not be possible, however in near future. Communist and workers parties have to learn much and have to work very hard. They have hurdles after hurdle in their way. Economical and political maneuvering may give another lease of life to imperialism. Many forces are on its side. Political movements, until recently known as banner bearers of Islamic renascence and claiming to be anti-imperialist have been, perhaps, learning to live under imperialism’s umbrella. Retreat of army in Turkey and entrance by right of center forces into corridors of power was first such successful experiment. The scene is being repeated in Middle-East. Success has been achieved in Tunis and will be achieved in Egypt in near future. The change was forced by use of power in Libya. Syria might meet the same fate. History’s lesson, however, is clear. Its verdict is quiet louder. People cannot be defeated and ultimate triumph is theirs’. Imperialism has been avoiding to read the writing on the wall. Communist and workers parties are most important catalyst for that end to reach. They have to play their role prudently.

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CONSTRUCTING SOCIALISM. Capitalism stands fully exposed. Objective conditions are favorable for progressive forces. Capitalism could not fulfill the promises made to its followers. Concepts of social security and welfare are becoming hazy day by day in advanced countries. Even upper layers of society have become disillusioned what to speak of lower strata. Very thin elite is satisfied with the state of affairs. We’re 99% and Occupy the Wall Street movement speaks of this disillusionment. Why communist and workers parties are unable to lead the peoples’ popular movements in spite of much favorable objective conditions?We’re here to seek answers to such questions. Much can be learned fromLatin American experience. Unification of patriotism and class struggle has produced positive results. Imperialism is now finding it difficult to re-penetrate the battlefields won by peoples’ long struggle. We must refer, once again, to Marx and Lenin to find the most suitable strategy to reach our destination. We’ve to give-up uncalled for political expediency. We’ve to decide how far we can go to be a part of parliamentary system of a particular country. We’ve to strike a balance between our struggle for democracy and revolution. Main stream politics, remaining within the constitutional boundaries, limits our options and dilutes our revolutionary zeal. We’ve to sacrifice many cows up till now considered sacred. Up Up Socialism Down Down Imperialism Long Live Communist Unity

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Palestinian People’s Party HANNA AFEEF HANNA AMIREH

Please allow me on behalf of the Central Committee of the PPP to extend our appreciation and gratitude to the Greek Communist Party in hosting this important international meeting of the communist and workers parties. We believe that convening such meetings among our fraternal Parties, will deepen and expand the scope of discussions and exchanges, to seek the best means to consolidate cooperation and coordination among us and to promote our joint struggle to serve the interests of the working peoples of the world in dealing with the threats and challenges facing them. Our meeting in these days in Athens becomes more significant under the current difficult and complicated conditions in Greece, in our region and all over the world. A DEEP CAPITALIST CRISIS continues to prevail in the international situation. A crises within the Capitalist system itself and not simple defects and bad management that could be solved as the leaders of the capitalist countries declare. A crisis that led and will continue to breed the policies of exploitation, oppression, aggression and wars. Such situation necessitates full mobilization by the communists and workers parties and continuous struggle in order to defeat them. Our meetings today and the coming days should draw the appropriate conclusions on how to achieve our goals and make socialism a realistic future for all the humanity. On other hand it seems until now that developments in the Middle East and North Africa are still unfolding. The changes taking place has still not settled. The rise of the Muslim fundamentalist current after the last elections in Tunis, Morocco, Egypt (others are on the line), is an extreme back lash against the former situation. For the moment it is symptoms of history rather than a real reflection of the situation on the ground. One thing that’s

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obvious is that the kind of forces that organized the revolution does not have the skills to run in elections. And so it’s not surprising that the Muslim current has done well. It’s perfectly fine to come in with a slogan that “Islam is the solution”, but this slogan will not be applied when they will try to solve a housing crisis, or infrastructure, or unemployment. They do not have the proper answers to solve the hardships that exist on the social level. This rising process of the Muslim current sooner or later is going to come to an end. As it is stated in the draft of the final declaration that is going to be released after our meetings, these “developments confirm the necessity of strengthening the Communist and Workers’ Parties in order to play their historical leading role, to further strengthening the workers and people struggle in defence of their rights and aspirations”. IN SPITE OF EVERYTHING our party salutes the wide spread Arab people’s struggles and uprisings for profound change, deep reforms, democracy and social justice, at the same time we condemn the Imperialist intervention that aims to contain these uprisings and derail them into a wrong path. “The US is known for its support of all dictatorships that collapse and for disowning these dictatorships immediately after their fall. We fully agree that what is going on now in the Arab states constitutes a significant experience that the communist movement should study and utilise. But what concern us in the time being are the direct effects of these uprisings and changes on the Palestinian problem. The so called Arab spring relay a big question: Until when the Arab regimes will remain locked into their former distorted policies towards Israel

and the US? As a fresh example of such policies, all the Arab states have advised the PLO not to go to the Security Council for the recognition of the Palestinian state on the borders of June 4, 1967. Thanks for the popular support in Palestine and the Arab states that make this bid possible. The proposal to go to UN for recognition has been initiated by our party long time before it was adopted by the leader ship of the PLO. In addition to that this initiative was recommended in a several meetings of the Communist and Workers parties in Syria, Athens Cyprus, and also by the Left block in the EU Parliament in the international meeting that was held recently in Jerusalem. From our point of view the UN initiative should be a beginning step in a wider Palestinian new strategy, which situates the Palestinian problem again on the international agenda. It is a clear proof on the failure of the past negotiation. This initiative should depend on three main elements: 1) Reconciliation and ending the internal division. The longer Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza lead separate lives under separate leaders, the greater the chance of permanent division creating two separate “Palestine” 2) Mobilizing a popular resistance in all kinds. 3) Stopping the negotiations with Israel until halting completely its settlement activities and recognizing the terms of reference of negotiations. Settlements and a two-state solution were mutually exclusive. THE MOVE TOWARDS THE UN should not be a tactical one but a strategically path. We are certain that the main lesson from the change in the Arab world and the triumph of the popular revolution mainly in Egypt teaches us that mass resistance can brought the

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conflict and the occupation to an end much faster than anyone imagines. Tahrir Square will liberate us too. The US and EU, should draw the proper conclusions from the popular revolutions in Egypt and Tunis. The sweeping, victory of these revolutions will eventually influence the Palestinians. And that is bad news for “Israel” which believes that maintaining the occupation, and the control over millions of Palestinians by means of superior military and intelligence, is a viable option. A popular mass resistance is likely to render Israel’s military strength impotent. We think that the communist and workers parties and civil movements have a main task now, by leading and supporting an international movement to recognize plainly and strongly the state of Palestine and adopt more political initiatives that put emphasis on the borders of the Palestinian state on the lines of June 4, 1967. Such initiatives should establish connection between dismantling settlements and statehood. More over we call upon Parliamentarians, Social figures, Political Parties, Civil Organizations, Trade Unions to lead and support the campaign to file “Law fare” cases against Israeli criminal officials. Israel itself is one of the world’s big boycotters. It has imposed a cultural, academic, political, economic and military boycott on the Palestinian people in the west bank and Gaza. It is time to boycott the boycotters, and to support the victims of boycott. We think that tremendous efforts should be made in order to exercise these demands into practical international measures.

East without the involvement and support from the international community and from the real friends of the Palestinian people mainly the Communist, workers and leftist parties. The PPP seizes the opportunity and this important event to express our deepest gratitude to our international friends and partners, and encourage you all to take a leading role in the struggle, for justice and peace in the Middle East, and the entire world.

OUR PARTY recognizes that there can be no just and sustainable peace in the Middle

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‘ Ante

Peruvian Communist Party Renan Raffo Muñoz

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todo quiero agradecerle a los organizadores de este trascendental encuentro y de manera muy especial al Partido Comunista Griego por su cordial invitación y por todas sus atenciones. Camaradas, realizamos eí encuentro en momentos que exigen de nosotros ef máximo de esfuerzo y solidaridad para explorar y encontrar caminos que nos permitan, no sólo resistir, sino enfrentar y derrotar la devastadora ofensiva capitalista dirigida a liquidar las más elementales conquistas y derechos de los trabajadores del mundo. Y, es muy bueno que se realice aquí, en la cuna de la civilización occidental, porque Grecia se ha convertido hoy en un gran laboratorio, donde el poder capitalista de la Europa globalizada, ha puesto a prueba los más salvajes programas de ajuste estructural, o de salvataje, como se llaman ahora, para descargar en las espaldas de los trabajadores, los efectos devastadores de la crisis que ellos mismos provocaron. Pero también porque aquí la clase trabajadora y el pueblo en general encabezados por el Partico Comunista Griego y otras fuerzas progresistas están dando al mundo una gran lección de coraje y tenacidad que debemos conocer y asimilar para enfrentar los desafíos de la hora actual. En ese sentido reciban camaradas, el saludo solidario y el aliento de vuestros hermanos, los comunistas peruanos. Como todos ustedes saben, a veinte años de la desintegración de la unión soviética y del colapso del "socialismo real", el modelo de acumulación capitalista, y el sistema institucional que gobierna al.mundo desde la post guerra, no han resuelto los problemas de la humanidad, por el contrario, se han agudizado las contradicciones, entre el capital y el trabajo, entre el capital y la naturaleza, entre el Estado y la sociedad y entre la ética y la política, colocando al mundo en la difícil situación en la que hoy se encuentra. No obstante, podemos afirmar, por lo que

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viene ocurriendo, que las ideas de Marx, respecto a la centralidad de la relación capital-trabajo continúan plenamente vigentes. LA ACTUAL CRISIS CAPITALISTA no es nueva, es parte de una crisis crónica inherente a ía propia naturaleza del capitalismo. Sus consecuencias más sensibles son la caída de la tasa de crecimiento productivo global, principalmente en los países centrales y ia inviabilidad de la económica de amplias zonas de la periferia, algunas de las cuales, ya han colapsado o están a punto de colapsar. Asimismo la crisis ha significado ia destrucción de importantes fuerzas productivas nacionales, la pérdida de millones de puestos de trabajo y la aniquilación y empobrecimiento de vastos sectores de la producción mundial. Un rasgo novedoso del modelo neoliberal que ha fracasado, es sin duda ia multiplicación a niveles exponenciales, de una nueva generación de gente proletaria entregada a la sobreexplotación, directa o indirecta de las grandes corporaciones multinacionales. Es decir un inmenso ejército de trabajadores informales, compuesto en su gran mayoría, por jóvenes y mujeres de las grandes metrópolis que se ha incorporado a la producción en condiciones extremadamente precarias; una mayoría de explotados que ya no tienen la experiencia histórica de las grandes luchas proletarias y que viven en la precariedad, sin organización, sin identidad política, sin experiencia colectiva y en gran medida influenciados por los anti valores de la ideología neoliberal. ¿Cómo organizar esa masa de trabajadores explotados?, ¿Cómo ayudarlos a forjar su conciencia de clase y constituirla en una fuerza capaz de enfrentar resueltamente

lucha anti capitalista?, son cuestiones que tenemos que abordar de manera creadora y abierta. Las luchas de "los indignados", de los migrantes, de los campesinos sin tierra, de las minorías étnicas, de las mujeres y los jóvenes, etc. son parte de ese conjunto de actores sociales que tenemos que tomar en cuenta en nuestra política de alianzas. Es decir tenemos que rescatar la verdadera esencia de los principios del frente único de Jorge Dimitrov y José Carlos Mariátegui. En el contexto de esta crisis las ideas del socialismo, que habían perdido fuerza, luego del hundimiento del socialismo soviético, empiezan a recuperar una fuerza inusitada, no como una idea nostálgica de lo que fue la Unión Soviética, sino a partir de la constatación concreta y palpable, del estancamiento y decadencia del capitalismo contemporáneo. AHORA QUE EL SISTEMA CAPITALISTA empieza a resquebrajarse mostrando enormes debilidades, cuando desde los países en desarrollo, especialmente de América Latina y el Caribe empiezan a producirse rupturas, muy significativas, buscando identidades propias, opuestas a la lógica imperialista, las preguntas que nos asaltan insistentemente son, cómo encarar el porvenir, desde la perspectiva de los pueblos, cómo construir el futuro, y cómo articular las fuerzas del cambio. Una hipótesis triunfalista podría llevarnos a sostener erróneamente que el capitalismo como sistema mundial estaría agotado. Ello significaría subestimar el inmenso poderío económico y militar que aún conserva ei imperialismo, sobre todo el imperialismo norteamericano que a pesar de ser uno de los países más endeudados del mundo y tener un déficit fiscal cuatro veces superior a su PBI anual, sigue siendo la primera

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potencia económica del mundo, y de lejos, la primera potencia militar, además de su enorme potencial científico y tecnológico. Es cierto que después del fracaso militar de las fuerzas.invasoras en Irak y Afganistán las posiciones guerreristas se han debilitado, no por eilo dejan de ser un factor amenazante, del cual podrían echar mano las fuerzas más reaccionarias para imponer una salida militar a la crisi s, sobre todo, cuando las rebeliones sociales, en el mismo corazón de los países imperialistas empiezas a acrecentarse, y cuando en el medio oriente se propagan las rebeliones sociales. Lo ocurrido recientemente en Libia, a través de la abierta y descarada intervención de la OTAN, mientras se hacen de la vista gorda frente a la criminal masacre del pueblo sirio, es una clara muestra que el imperialismo sigue manejando importantes mecanismos de poder a los que no dudará en echará mano para defender sus intereses EL IMPERIALISMO CUENTA aún con los mecanismos necesarios para remodelar el poder mundial de acuerdo a sus interés, para desactivar o aislar los focos de resistencia, además de contar con fuerzas nacionales colaboracionistas, que saben explotar perfectamente las contradicciones internas, las rivalidades étnicas, religiosas, regionales y de otra índole que pueden ser exacerbadas para impedir la unidad de los pueblos y el eslabonamiento de un proyecto alternativo. Otro escenario es el que viene configurándose en Europa, através de la radicalización de las políticas neoliberales y el desmantelamiento del estado de bienestar que fue una conquista del siglo pasado. Esas políticas significan redoblar las condiciones de explotación y precarización del trabajo y someter a las naciones a una política de extrema

austeridad para salvar de la crisis a los grandes banqueros y cumplir estrictamente con el pago de la Deuda Externa. Como sabemos la Unión Europea bajo la hegemonía capitalista ha significado abdicar de políticas monetarias y fiscales para salvar la crisis. En tal sentido la salida de los gobernante viene por el lado del ajusta social, es decir haciendo que la crisis descanse sobre los hombros de los trabajadores Precisamente, hace unos días el director del diario conservador "El País" de España, Juan Luis Cebrian, sostenía en Lima, que "lo que Europa necesita para salir de su crisis, es marchar a la unidad política io que le permitiría que ios presupuestos nacionales tengan que ser acordados por la Comisión Europea y las instituciones supranacionales" es decir más absoluta pérdida de soberanía nacional No voy a profundizar sobre este tema, pues ustedes conocen su realidad más de cerca, solo quiero expresar que la Europa que otrora fuera paradigma de los valores, de libertad, igualdad y fraternidad, se encuentra hoy en un franco proceso de retroceso amenazada por las fuerzas más reaccionarias, que pretenden hacer retroceder la rueda de la historia para mantener las ganancias de los capitalistas. EN ARAS DEL TIEMPO quiero referirme brevemente a América Latina y más concretamente al Perú. Ciertamente nuestra región se encuentra mejor preparada para enfrentar la crisis y no es precisamente por las bondades de las políticas neoliberales que se aplicaron en la región a sangre y fuego, a partir de los años 70, sino, porque las luchas sociales obligaron a los gobiernos de América Latina, a distanciarse de las políticas emanadas del Consenso de

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Washington. Lo que ha ocurrido en AL es el surgimiento de diversos movimientos de masas radicalmente democráticos, descentralistas e igualitarios, que han avanzado a través del auto aprendizaje y de la coexistencia de una amplia gama de actores y de expresiones culturales. Es importante mencionar las formas de cómo hemos ido articulando en el Perú diversas fuerzas, en torno a una agenda muy amplia que incluye problemas transversales, que involucran a amplios sectores sociales no necesariamente proletarios. Sin duda que la clase obrera ha tenido un papel de vanguardia particularmente en nuestro país. Sin embargo no ha sido la única fuerza que ha contribuido al ascenso del nuevo gobierno progresista que tenemos en el Perú dirigido por el Presidente Ollanta Húmala Tasso, a ello han contribuido un conjunto de fuerzas políticas nacionalistas, de izquierda, comunistas, socialistas, y progresistas, y junto a ellos el conjunto del movimiento social más diverso, que tuvo a la CGTP base de la FSM como el eje articuladory movilizador más importante. LOS COMUNISTAS, las fuerzas progresistas y el movimiento social contribuimos a forjar ese gran frente programático, político y social, que se denominó, Gana Perú, basado en un programa de cambios que recogía la demandas de la inmensa mayoría de nuestro pueblo. Todo ello fue posible gracias al íiderazgo y capacidad de convocatoria del Presidente Ollanta Húmala, que supo recoger y articular en un programa el conjunto de demandas populares y transmitirlas con un lenguaje claro y compresible. No podemos decir que el actual gobierno peruano es de izquierda, mucho menos,

comunista o soc ialista. Se trata de un gobierno progresista que se ha propuesto desarrollar un programa de transformaciones económicas y sociales que contribuya a rescatar nuestra soberanía sobre los recursos estratégicos del país, mantener el actual crecimiento económico y distribuir la riqueza de manera más justa. Todo ello bajo ei compromiso de gobernar el país de manera honesta, luchando frontalmente contra la corrupción que se generalizó durante el gobierno anterior. Ciertamente esa no será una tarea fácil sobre todo por ei difícil contexto internacional que enfrenta el actual gobierno, sino también porque la derecha más recalcitrante maniobra en todas las formas para cercar al gobierno, neutralizarlo y evitar que cumpla con sus compromisos. Ei querer gobernar aplicando programas sociales de alivio a la pobreza, mientras se pretende mantener intactas las relaciones con el poder transnacional sobre todo en el sector extractivo le ha costado las primeras confrontaciones con el movimiento popular, como ha ocurrido en estos días en la región de Cajamarca ubicada en el noreste del país, que tiene precisamente un gobierno regional de izquierda. NUESTRO PARTIDO que ha tenido en su historia una posición coherente.y que ha hecho múltiples esfuerzos por construir la unidad más amplia de las fuerzas anti liberales tiene frente al actual gobierno una posición de respaldo, y compartimos algunas responsabilidades en el sector laboral donde procuramos restituir los derechos de los trabajadores y desarrollar una política de diálogo con resultados y al mismo tiempo terminar con la legislación laboral que criminalizó la protesta y pretendió liquidar al movimiento sindical clasista.

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En esa dirección seguiremos brindando nuestro respaldo a los cambios, consientes que la transformación del país no puede ser calco ni copia sino transformación heroica, como señaló José Carlos Mariátegui, el primer marxista latinoamericano y fundador de nuestro Partido y de la CGTP. Muchas gracias.

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Philippine Communist Party (PKP1930) WRITTEN CONTRIBUTION

THE PARTIDO KOMUNISTA NG PILIPINAS (PKP-1930, the Philippine Communist Party) sends warmest fraternal greetings to all the participants of the 13th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties which will be held in Athens, Greece, on December 9-11, 2011. The PKP-1930 salutes the Communist Party of Greece for hosting this meeting, and further hails the Communist Party of Greece for initiating this series of annual meetings and for its sacrifices in hosting most of the past annual meetings. We regret the inability of our Party to participate in this very important and historic event. However, we wish to express our support for the draft Final Statement which was prepared by the Working Group of Parties, and which is to be issued at the closing of this international meeting. The draft Final Statement is laudable for its stress on the multifaceted aspects of the general crisis of capitalism, on the superiority of socialism over capitalism, and on the need for the overthrow of capitalism and the construction of socialism. ALTHOUGH OUR PARTY’S immediate aim is the building of a national-democratic system in our country, given the particular conditions of neo-colonial under-development of the objective conditions and the subjective forces (the low level of industrialization, the widespread role of informal sectors in the economy, the prevalence of small-scale farming in agriculture, the remaining pre-capitalist relations in tribal areas, and the need to forge the unity of all patriotic sectors in the struggle for national liberation from imperialist control), we share the common view that socialism is the future. We view our national-democratic goals as our road to socialism. We therefore request that our Party be included among the signatories to the Final Statement. Further, we support the proposal of the Communist Party of Greece for joint actions in

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2012 —- for workers’ internationalist solidarity, for the struggle against NATO and other imperialist military alliances, for an end to anti-communism and the falsification of history, for solidarity with the Palestinian people, for the release and return to Cuba of the 5 Cuban anti-terrorist heroes, and for support for international anti-imperialist mass organizations. FINALLY, we shall be communicating to proponent Parties our support for their proposed solidarity motions and resolutions. Despite our inability to send a representative to this international meeting, please rest assured that our Party will continue to exert every effort to help avert war, and to help strengthen proletarian internationalism and the worldwide anti-imperialist front.

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Portuguese Communist Party MANUELA BERNARDINO

OUR FIRST WORDS are in solidarity with the Communists and the workers of Greece, with their persistent and courageous struggle. Their struggle is our struggle. We wish them the greatest success. We also greet the Parties that are present here and to confirm to them the PCP’s profound commitment to help strengthen the process of the International Meetings of Communist and Workers’ Parties, highlighting the many things that unite us in the struggle against capital, for social progress, peace and socialism, despite the variety of situations and experiences and despite differences of opinion. The development of the struggle in each of our countries, which is on the rise, must necessarily be associated with a more intense joint or converging action, with stronger international cooperation and class solidarity. Our Meetings have become precious, and even irreplaceable, milestones for this goal. THE PORTUGUESE SITUATION In Portugal, we face the most fierce offensive against the workers, the people and the country, since the fascist period in Portugal, which the April 1974 revolution put term. It is an offensive that severely affects all anti-monopoly classes and strata, but which has the working class and all workers in general, as its main target. It seeks to aggravate the exploitation, to destroy achievements and rights that were won through many decades of harsh struggles; to reduce the unit costs of labour; to deal very serious blows against the National Health Service, the Public Education, the Social Security System; to dismantle the State’s social functions and destroy what is left of the State entrepreneurial sector. It is an offensive that is dramatically impoverishing the people and bankrupting the country, subverting the constitutional democratic regime and dangerously jeopardizing national independence and sovereignty.

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Portugal is a small country of little more than 10 million inhabitants and is now the European Union’s most unequal country. There are about 1 million unemployed (30% of which are young people between the ages of 15 and 30), 1.2 million workers with precarious jobs, over 2 million people living below the poverty line. And the situation is getting worse. On an economic level, it has a productive apparatus that has been weakened to an extraordinary degree, as a result of the country’s participation in the European Union and the euro. There is a recessionary situation, with a forecast drop in GDP of 3% next year. The country’s serious situation has become worse with the outbreak of capitalism’s cyclical crisis and its expression in the socalled debt crisis, and with the brutal impositions of the so-called “aggression pact” (as we call it in our struggle) which was signed by the Socialist Party (PS), Social Democratic Party (PSD) and Social Democratic Center (CDS), with the European Union and the IMF, and which is today the target of very strong popular opposition. Taking advantage of the crisis, and in close liaison with foreign capital, the ruling class seeks to liquidate the state social functions and to fully reconfigure the State to serve its own interests. To this end, it does not hesitate – just as during the fascist period – to submit Portugal to imperialism’s economic, political and military domination, in particular that of the EU imperialist bloc, of the US and NATO. This raises once again the national question as a fundamental issue for the Portuguese people’s emancipation process. The patriotic and left-wing policy which the PCP identifies as the more immediate political goal of our struggle, is based on this reality dialectically associating the class and the na-

tional questions. Defending the Constitution of the Republic, which actually still enshrines in its preamble the goal of socialism, and which defends anti-monopolist and anti-capitalist policies and national sovereignty, and continues to be able to unite, besides the working class, broad sectors of Portuguese society. MEANWHILE, the determining factor for building the necessary social alliances and political convergences which can break with 35 years of right-wing policies lies in the unity of the working class and of all workers, the people’s mass struggle, as a tested driving force of the resistance and of progressive and revolutionary transformation. Besides a permanent attention to strengthening the Party itself and its roots among the masses, it is to this end that the PCP devotes most of its activity. The success of the November 24 General Strike results of the undeniable influence and force of the CGTP-IN - the class trade union confederation of the Portuguese workers - which counted with the Communists’ active contribution, was preceded by many small and big struggles - amongst which we highlight the large demonstrations by public employees, farmers, users of public services, professionals of the security forces and the military – and has already been followed by various demonstrations by students, pensioners and in defense of public services. THE CRISIS IN, and of, the European Union. Our domestic situation is inseparable from recent developments in the European Union, which have proved right those who – like the PCP – always characterized the European Economic Community, and later the European Union, as a capitalist process of inte-

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gration which was profoundly contrary to the interests of the workers and the peoples of Europe, and who always stood against their country’s association with that process. Much has been said about the crisis in the European Union. But a correct assessment of this issue requires that we also speak of a crisis of the European Union. It is a crisis of the European Union’s foundations and of its economic, political and ideological pillars, that is, a crisis of the capitalist integration process as a whole. This assessment is essential in defining the paths, methods and stages of the struggle, as well as the alternatives and the overall alternative. In the same way that the system as a whole is reacting to its crisis by enhancing its exploitative, oppressive and criminal nature, so too the European Union is reacting to its crisis by enhancing its neo-liberal, militarist, federalist and reactionary nature. As the system is reacting to its own crisis with the deepening of its exploitating, oppressing, aggressive and predator character, also the European Union, as a central piece of the imperialism strategy, reacts to its own crisis with the deepening of its neoliberal, militarist, federalist and reactionary character. THE RECENT EVENTS ON GREECE, Italy and Portugal, as well as the results of recent European Summits, very clearly show that the process of European capitalist integration does not serve the interests of the workers and the peoples. What is occurring in the socalled European response to the crisis is an increased jump in the capitalist centralization and concentration and a dangerous leap forward, in the face of the very real risk of an implosion of the European Union’s current configuration. However, this is further aggravat-

ing its contradictions and its own foundations and exposing its limits. But none of this is detached from the will of the big domestic bourgeoisies. There is a coincidence of class interests between those that unleash the attacks against the States and the peoples, and those who, in each country, support and implement these attacks, and who see the crisis as an opportunity for a profoundly reactionary anti-social, political and ideological offensive, which can ensure them greater profits and more power, and which can pave the road to a reconfiguration of the States – as is the case in Portugal – and of the European Union itself. The situation in the European continent reflects much of the complexity of the struggle that Communists are confronted with. There are many axes of struggle which are dialectically inter-related, among which: strong resistance against anti-social and anti-people policies; defence of national sovereignty and democracy; concrete proposals for each nation’s sovereign economic development; cooperation and solidarity in the resistance against the supranational measures; the exposure of the nature of the European Union and promoting a break with the process of capitalist integration; the construction of unity around the defense of social, labour and sovereignty rights. At the same time, the situation requires an intense ideological struggle and the alternative affirmation, because an acute class struggle is always necessarily associated with a very intense ideological struggle. A struggle of ideas which, in the PCP’s opinion, is based on the fundamental premise that the European Union is not reformable and that a different Europe, a workers’ and peoples’ Europe, must necessarily be built through their strug-

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gle, defeating a process of a capitalist integration which has run its course and which profoundly counters workers’ and peoples’ interests. This basic premise requires the wholesale rejection of a set of measures of a federalist nature, as the ones appointed by the European Council of 8th and 9th December, which assumed by the right wing and by the social democracy, deepen the imperialist nature of the European Union. IMPERIALISM’S CRISIS and offensive in a changing world. The situation in the European Union is but one of the expressions of capitalism’s profound structural crisis that equally affects the others two poles of the triad. The attempt to focus attention on Europe, dramatising the so-called “sovereign debt crisis” is, in itself, an expression of the fact that inter-imperialist contradictions are growing at a breakneck speed, and seeks to achieve two central goals: to draw attention away from the serious situation in the USA and from the crisis’ systemic nature; and to test in Europe new forms of anti-social and antidemocratic aggression and of attack against the peoples’ sovereignty. But the facts show that the tendency is towards a very quick worsening of the entire capitalist system’s structural crisis, with synchronized expressions of the crisis. A crisis which, as we have stated in the International Meetings of the past three years is, in its essence and above all, an over-production and over-accumulation crisis, which results from capitalism’s main contradiction – between the social nature of production and its private capitalist appropriation – and not from any mistake in the management of capitalism or any regional problem. It is in this framework that imperialism’s

multi-faceted offensive is quickly being stepped up: n Through an even greater concentration of power in the hands of big capital and the main imperialist powers, of new forms of colonial domination and a violent destruction of productive forces – attempting to counter the confirmed downward trend in the rate of profit and the associated decline of the main imperialist powers; n Through the promotion of openly reactionary and even fascist ideologies, attempting to contain and repress social revolt and, above all, the organized struggle which is developing all over the world, and specifically in Europe; n Through the brutal imposition of “austerity policies” and a renewed agenda of interference and war, with incalculable consequences, which raises the struggle for peace to a new threshold of crucial importance. At the same time, this offensive also seeks to contain any expression of the struggle and of the peoples’ sovereign assertion which counter the hegemony of the capitalist triad and which may pave the way for alternatives of social progress. It is in this overall context that the growing contradictions and even clashes between the main imperialist powers and the so-called emerging powers must be viewed. We are facing an important process of realignment of forces that, with its contradictory character, objectively challenges imperialism’s hegemonic domination, and may open up positive prospects for the world balance of forces if the national processes take the path of more advanced anti-monopoly and anti-capitalist transformations, and if the processes of building Socialism are confirmed and furthered.

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RECENT INTERNATIONAL SUMMITS, and specifically the G20 Summit, illustrate this reality, as well as imperialism’s strategy to deal with the emerging powers in a dual way, between confrontation and the attempt to involve them in its strategy of domination. Also inseparable from this reality is the war agenda of the USA, NATO and the European Union in the entire region of North Africa, the Middle East, Central Asia and even the Far East, which entails extremely high risks of generalized military confrontations. It is in this highly complex and demanding framework that we consider it essential to continue paying attention to all aspects of our struggle. If the matureness of objective factors for the developing of the process of revolutionary overcoming of capitalism is patently clear, there are, however, numerous elements and factors which reveal significant delays in the development of the subjective factor of the struggle – an essential element, as History clearly shows, for advancing the revolutionary struggle – and this forces a more rigorous and careful definition of the methods, goals, stages and forms of struggle. THE GOAL OF SOCIALISM. This year, the PCP celebrated 90 years of existence. As a creation of Portugal’s working class movement, the PCP began life under the October Revolution’s international impact. Operating strictly underground under a difficult situation that lasted nearly 50 years, the PCP consolidated its role as the vanguard of the working class, and as a major national force. The Portuguese communists do not forget that the major progressive advances achieved in the 20th century are inseparable from the undertakings to build a new society free of exploitation of man by man. Twenty years after

the destruction of the USSR, it is more than ever obvious that the world needs the Lenin motherland and the socialist camp, and that the communist project is more actual than ever. Of course we need to examine the path traversed until now, to study the causes and consequences of the dramatic defeats that were suffered, to learn from the positive and negative lessons taken from the experience of building socialism. This is an extremely important issue, one that has been and will continue to be studied and reflected upon by each of our parties, and a topic for exchanges of analyses and thoughts. Confronted with the defeats of socialism, and in response to the extremely fierce anticommunist campaign, in May 1990 the PCP held an Extraordinary Congress where it confirmed its communist identity, rejected campaigns about the “death of communism” and the “irreversible decline” of communist parties, and stressed that what failed was not the communist ideal and project, but rather a historically specific “model” that strayed from – and even contradicted – certain fundamental features of a socialist society involving workers’ power, political democracy, social and economic structures, the Party and the way it exercises its vanguard role, and theory. This analysis – further elaborated and developed at the subsequent congresses of our Party – highlights, among others, four fundamental lessons: 1) That the revolutionary undertaking of socialist change must be the work of the masses themselves, and that the masses’ conscious and creative involvement is essential to its victory; 2) That the communist party’s vanguard role – armed with the intrinsically dialectical and anti-dogmatic theory of marxism-leninism, with its project of

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change, with its thoroughly democratic way of operating, with its close ties to the working class – is essential to success in building the new society; 3) That revolutions cannot be exported or copied, and that the universal laws of the social transformation process do not contradict, but rather imply, that socialism has to be built according to the specific conditions of each country; 4) That – and this actually confirms some well-known alerts raised by Lenin – the process of building a new society turned out to be lengthier and more complex than expected, but that this in no way changes the basic direction of events in contemporary times, and the topicality of socialism as the alternative to capitalism. THE PCP’S 18TH CONGRESS highlighted precisely the fact that today, socialism is a real possibility, one that is becoming more necessary and urgent every day. Within the system itself, there is no solution for the deep-seated injustices and inequalities generated by capitalist exploitation. For this reason, the PCP has always set itself as its prime goal the historic mission of building socialism and communism in Portugal – as is spelled out in its Rules. The Portuguese communists have always made a link between their immediate tasks and their programmatic goals. While defining precisely, at each historic moment, the current stage of the revolution, Portugal’s communists have never separated the tasks of one stage from the tasks of the next. Such is what happened with the Programme for a Democratic and National Revolution, to overthrow fascism, and this is what is happening with our current Programme for an Advanced Democracy. Nearly a century ago, the October Revolu-

tion heralded in the historical epoch of transition from capitalism to socialism. Capitalism’s development and current crisis have made it more necessary and urgent than ever to overcome it in a revolutionary way. This does not, however, mean that there are conditions everywhere to place socialism on the agenda as an immediate goal, but our day to day struggle must be waged while keeping this prospect always in mind, without being discouraged by delays or difficulties, and without giving in to the temptation of “skipping stages”. While paying special attention to strengthening the Party and its links to the masses, the PCP considers that its struggle for a patriotic and leftwing policy and for an advanced democracy, is inseparable from its project of building a socialist and communist society in Portugal. THE WORKERS’ AND PEOPLES’ STRUGGLE. It is up to Communist Parties, in a close link with the masses, and with the proper role of the class-based trade union movement and of other mass movements, to contribute toward an understanding of the scale of the huge problems that the working class, working people and peoples are today confronting, and to organise the struggle to resist against capitalism’s fierce offensive. This is inseparable from advances and is essential in building alternatives of social progress, with the prospect of socialism. In the current stage – characterised by great intensification in the exploitation of labour force, with a liquidation of labour, trade-union and social rights, and with imperialism’s increasingly fierce anti-people offensive and aggressiveness – there is growing discontentment among workers and peoples at the harsh living conditions being thrust upon them. Through the development of the

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struggle, there is a growing awareness of the need to fight the dynamic of concentration and centralisation of capital. The attempt to make working people pay for the crisis is spurring the organised working-class struggle in several countries – an acute class struggle – and leading to hugely diverse demonstrations that reveal capitalism’s shrinking support base, and the availability of other anti-monopoly strata to struggle. There is a potential to build broad social alliances that – even if limited and conjunctural – can contribute toward a needed struggle against the dominant big-business policies and toward building democratic, patriotic and anti-monopoly alternatives. We Portuguese communists – while not underestimating the dangers inherent in the crisis – consider that there is real potential for progressive change, based on the multifaceted resistance to imperialism’s offensive and on the development of organised workers’ struggles. The resistance against the social regression measures is an example of this. They are developing through sectoral struggles, demonstrations and general strikes, as in the case of Portugal. These actions are of prime importance in preventing a historic regression of social rights and freedoms that, were it to happen, would mean a retreat of many decades, and would undermine the very continuation of the struggle. The progressive advances that have been achieved in several countries of Latin America, are based on the assertion of national sovereignties, and contain within them antiimperialist content and stances that are highly significant in the current changing world balance of forces. They prove that there are paths that move things away from, and objec-

tively counter, capitalist barbarity. Solidarity with these processes is something that strengthens the anti-imperialist front. Coordination between the struggle for peace, the defence of national sovereignty and democracy, the struggle for jobs with rights, is very necessary right now. Therein lies the possibility of radical, progressive and revolutionary changes. In our view, recent and current popular revolts are a result of the deepening in their respective regimes’ contradictions and crises, of the masses’ yearning for justice and social progress. But without the decisive role of a class-based party and of a class-based trade union movement, these processes can be appropriated by nationalist, religious or populist forces and be reversed by imperialism. While standing in solidarity with the Arab peoples for their democratic and social rights, we strongly condemn all forms of external interference, and in particular all imperialist wars and aggressions such as the one unleashed on Libya. It is with great concern that we denounce all provocations, interference and domestic destabilisation that imperialism has for a long time now been effecting against Syria, as well as the threats that hang over Iran. As our Party’s 18th Congress stated, “imperialism’s fierce offensive exhibits no signs of letting up”, there is a “danger of violent responses”, but it also considered that “imperialism’s hands are not completely free” not only because “it is conditioned by its own difficulties and contradictions”, but also because “resistance and struggle continues everywhere”. It is this resistance and struggle that we salute from here. THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST and revolutionary movement. Great responsibili-

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ties lie on the shoulders of communist parties and of the international communist and revolutionary movement. Together with the weaknesses, difficulties and problems that still exist in our movement, there are undoubtedly unifying issues in the resistance against the big business and imperialist offensive that make it possible – regardless of the very diverse situations – to confidently put forward the prospect of Socialism. Being rooted in the masses, organising and dynamising the struggle, waging the ideological battle to enhance its level of conscience, are all key elements in raising the revolutionary prospect of social change. They contribute to define the working class’s social alliances with other strata in the immediate struggle for alternative policies, against exploitation, oppression, reaction, imperialism and war. Internationalist solidarity is today more necessary than ever to defeat the schemes and attempts to liquidate labour and democratic rights that were gained through hard struggles. It is indispensable to avoid a new imperialist-imposed new world order. Cooperation among communist parties, their convergence and joint action to fight big capital’s offensive and to share experiences in the search for alternative solutions, should take into account equality of rights, respect for differences, non-interference in internal affairs, and tactical flexibility, seeking the widest possible unity, frankness and mutual solidarity. To us, solidarity and joint action and its necessary reinforcement do not mean political homogenization or structuring the communist movement, but rather the gathering of different experiences of social change and the

pooling of efforts toward specific goals. The revolutionary experience of the 20th century, and the times we are now living – times of resistance and accumulation of forces – confirm Marxist-Leninist theses about the laws of social development and the socialist revolution, and show how necessary it is to defend them with conviction when confronting our adversaries’ ideological offensive. Even when they are forced to recognize Marx’s genius and talk about a “return to Marx”, our adversaries seek to oppose him to Lenin and to devoid him of revolutionary content. At the same time, they highlight the growing diversification of paths for the revolutionary process, the fact that there are no “models” for revolution, and the absolute need (greatly highlighted by Lenin) to take each country’s specificities into account. The PCP’s work - both nationally and within the International Communist and Revolutionary Movement – is based on its characteristics as a party of the working class and of the all workers, as a patriotic and internationalist party, because in our view the national factor and the class factor are not contradictory, they reinforce each other. That is why upholding national independence and sovereignty is a key issue for the Portuguese revolution. THE IMPORTANCE OF THE INTERNATIONAL MEETINGS process. In ending, just a few words to reassert our engagement, solidarity and identification with the IMCWPs process. Our characteristics, of non-structured fraternal cooperation, has provided a major thrust to regroup and give a new boost to the communist movement, and has contributed to stabilise this regular forum where we exchange experiences and search for guidelines for joint or convergent action seeking its rein-

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forcement. The frank, open and fraternal discussion that characterizes our Meetings has yielded powerful and significant consensuses, and thus provided expression to the many things that unite us, in spite of the diverse situations under which we work and of the differences or even disagreements that naturally exist. Today, our knowledge of each other and of the diverse realities in which we operate is much greater than it was a decade ago. This has been a major contribution toward strengthening bilateral relations, something which the PCP considers particularly important. However, there are still major shortcomings in our cooperation and solidarity with a view to convergence and joint action, and it is important to see how we can overcome this situation. Our understanding is that this is the result of very diverse levels of organisation, work and influence among parties – these must be taken into account when developing joint or convergent action. 20 YEARS have passed since the counterrevolution in the Soviet Union, in spite the violent anti communist campaign against the ideals of a communist project, what today’s situation highlights is that it is capitalism and not socialism that is on the dock. For communist parties, the crisis of capitalism as a system raises, as a matter of great urgency, the need to strengthen themselves organisationally, politically and ideologically, and to strengthen their links to the masses so as to contain and reverse big business and imperialism’s fierce offensive, and to advance the demand to overcome it in revolutionary fashion: socialism.

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Communist Party of the Russian Federation YURI AFONIN

FIVE DAYS AGO RUSSIA went to the polls to elect a new parliament. The official results will be announced within a few days. However, it can already be said that the CPRF has substantially improved its results compared with the 2007 elections. Our party will hold 92 seats in parliament (it had 57 seats in the previous parliament). I would like to tell you that the campaign was fierce and riddled with gross violations of the law by the authorities, anti-Communist pronouncements and numerous cases of vote-rigging. We were confronted by the state machine of Russia, its bureaucratic apparatus, and not the political party that calls itself the United Russia. Simultaneously elections were held for the legislatures in 27 regions of the Russian Federation, including such major ones as the Volgograd, Leningrad, Moscow, Novgorod Regions and some other cities. There too we have improved our results. We will shortly provide a detailed report on the final results. We are grateful to all those who have supported us during this difficult period. NINETY-FOUR YEARS AGO an era of the transformation of social relations based on the principles of reason and justice began on our planet. The achievements of socialist construction in our country set an example to the whole world and they remain significant to this day. However, apologists for the bourgeoisie have for twenty years been denigrating our past. The same people who destroyed the Soviet system now say that it was not viable and utopian and are deriding the dreams of the Soviet people about a bright future. At the same time they maintain that there can be no alternative to capitalism. In order to justify the grim current realities, those who manipulate public opinion in our country often claim that the ills of the current system are temporary and even attribute them to the “consequences of 70 years of life

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under the Soviets”. They try to conceal the deep-seated flaws of the capitalist system which has outlived its historical relevance. Simultaneously they hush up the fact that world capitalism has become a heavy brake on development and, having wasted the immense potential of science and technology, has led the world into a dead end. THE YOUNG PEOPLE who now have to shoulder the crippling burden of social problems were not there to witness how the destruction of the country had begun. They do not even know the rosy promises of the “capitalist paradise” with which the new elite deceived the people as it went about the business of destroying the USSR. It misled the people knowing in advance that all this would end up in the cheating of millions of people and illegal enrichment of a few individuals. The massive swindles that were triggered by perestroika and swept the ruins of the Soviet country are not a historical episode consigned to the past, to the “wild 1990s”, as the official media would have us believe. We are offered today the same kind of cheating, even more fraud on a global scale, except that the “packaging” has been renewed, but behind it we still see the ideology of “savage” capitalism which has entrenched itself over the past 20 years and is being preached by the ruling elite. The main method of destroying the country is privatization of public property. The key task of instant change of the form of ownership and the entire social and economic system was accomplished. Privatization did not only become a key method of destroying the national economy. It gave rise to entire clans of owners who are incapable of effectively running the enterprises that they bought for a song. All that they can do is to ex-

ploit, to ruin and rob people. This is the most tragic result of the “reform” of Russia. ASSESSING THE COUNTRY’S DEVELOPMENT one can safely claim that the neo-liberal policy the authorities continue to impose upon Russia leads the country to the loss of its independence. The country cannot be rescued from its current situation without implementing the measures on which the CPRF insists. These measures are set forth in our “Anti-Crisis Programme”. Chief of them is nationalization of raw materials production as well as the main manufacturing industries. It will bring back to the Treasury and to the people the incomes that today settle in the accounts of the oligarchs and financial speculators scattered all over the world. Unless nationalization is carried out Russia will remain without the key financial resource for restoring its economy, developing the social sphere and reviving the country. Two decades ago the criminal activities of external and internal forces undermined the security of our country, the Soviet Union. Conditions were created for the government coup which was carried out in two stages in August and December 1991. The USSR was destroyed and its people faced severe trials. These events changed the world map. The situation on the planet became more dangerous and volatile. Our country was forcibly “built into” the so-called global world with all its vices and threats. The present Russian authorities are demonstrating more and more their inability to uphold national security. During the latest G8 Summit in the French town of Deauville the Russian delegation proved helpless in the face of the deployment of the American ballistic missile defense in Europe and joined the

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aggressive Western policy with regard to Libya and other countries. WE COMMUNISTS have an absolutely clear idea of the causes of what is happening in the world: capitalism is failing to address the outstanding problems and is seeking to derive maximum profits from them. All that has happened in our country is the crimes of the authorities with regard to the people. CRIME ONE. The loss of huge territories, destruction of the historically established community of peoples, and Russia’s loss of great power status. CRIME TWO. The destruction of industry and agriculture that turned our country into an appendage providing the world with raw materials. CRIME THREE. Deliberate destruction of the country’s defense capability under the guise of a “military reform”. CRIME FOUR. Conscious destruction of the world’s best education system, renunciation of a great cultural tradition. Plunging the country in the mire of spiritual surrogates, vulgarity and immorality. CRIME FIVE. Liquidation of unique social gains, state plunder of the low-income social strata, and the imposition of one of the most backward, inefficient and cruel social systems of our time. CRIME SIX. The extinction of the Russian population, the loss of 15 million people, creating a situation when the number of sevenyear-old children is half of that of eighteenyear-olds. These crimes have no parallel in the history of mankind. The signs of a national catastrophe are becoming ever more tangible.

THE CONCLUSION is obvious: the preservation of the ruling regime is destructive for the country. Change of regime is the main way towards reviving Russia and liquidating external threats. The question of power becomes the key problem in ensuring our national security and the social progress of society. After they come to power the patriotic forces will transform the country and change the destiny of Russia in the interests of the popular masses. The policy of the CPRF will be geared to solving three main tasks: - Ensuring the country’s security. - Transition from economic decline to accelerated development. - Overcoming poverty and social degradation. The CPRF will prove that the problems facing the country cannot be solved by just increasing budget spending on economic and social policy. They can only be solved through a drastic change of the state approach and the goals of development. IN OUR STRUGGLE we will rely on the working class. The Russian working class is alive and demonstrating more and more that it is a serious political force. The lack of a mature class consciousness among the Russian proletariat is a temporary phenomenon. Capitalism with its merciless exploitation is forced to contribute to the development of the working class struggles. That is reflected in the way that work collectives are upholding their rights and in the activities of independent trade unions. We see our main task in promoting class consciousness among the workers. The Communists will support all the sprouts of proletarian solidarity, workers’ struggle for improving their social position against arbitrary exploiters. The working people must have a firm

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knowledge that the implementation of the CPRF programme will ensure a revision of the Labour Code in their interests, guarantee an eight-hour day and occupational safety, higher wages and social benefits. Our organization and propaganda work must address the concrete needs of the proletariat. Promoting the activity of workers in upholding their economic and social rights are key conditions for their inclusion in political activities, in the struggle for the victory of the left-wing forces. The peoples of Russia have no party other than the CPRF that is capable of defending the interests of the working people, of diverse social strata and multimillion masses of the people. The implementation of the CPRF programme fully meets their interests. It will ensure domestic and foreign policies that meet the interests of the country’s national security. Herein lies the popular character of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. The Communists are ready for the political battles that lie ahead. For Russia again, like in the early 20th century, has turned out to be the weakest link in the chain of leading capitalist states. No matter how hard the current leaders try to put a brave face on it they will no longer be able to secure their position by petrodollars. The people will not permit themselves to be led by the nose and will not tolerate empty promises. Dear comrades, we set great store by the solidarity and support that you are extending to our party.

ings have emerged as the genuine heritage of our movement. We declare that the CPRF is ready for joint actions and all-round cooperation in the fight against imperialism, antiCommunism, for the rights of the working people, for socialism.

UNDER THE CURRENT CONDITIONS proletarian solidarity and joint actions of the Communists of all countries are more necessary than ever before. During the past two decades a new form of international and bilateral cooperation has evolved. International meet-

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Communist Workers’ Party of Russia – Revolutionary Party of the Communists TYULKIN VICTOR

THE FUTURE BEGINS TODAY. Communism is the struggle for workers’ cause. Dear comrades! Let me greet all the participants of the meeting on behalf of the Russian Communist Workers’ Party. Let me express our special gratitude to the Communist Party of Greece that has not organized today’s event only, but initiated also all our regular meetings. THE SUBJECT of our current meeting has been determined by the workgroup as follows: “SOCIALISM IS THE FUTURE!” The international situation and the experience of communists 20 years after the counterrevolution in the USSR took place. The tasks for the development of the class struggle under the conditions of capitalist crisis, imperialist wars, of the current popular struggles and uprisings, for working class-popular rights, the strengthening of proletarian internationalism and the anti-imperialist front, for the overthrow of capitalism and the construction of socialism.” I’m not sure about other languages but when thinking in Russian the name of our meeting’s subject would be much better expressed using a different words’ order: “The Future is Socialism!” It’s not the matter of grammar; it’s a dialectic understanding of task setting and its implementation. The slogan “Socialism is the Future!” presumes that one must wait till socialism is formed somewhere in the future, that this is not a matter of today, perhaps not even the matter of our generation but is rather a matter of the future generations. The XXI Century has only just begun to be followed by the XXII Century. ACCORDING TO V.I. LENIN socialism is the destruction of classes. This means that socialism takes its roots in the class struggle of proletariat and continues in the form of class struggle by working class for the construction of classless communist society, for the total

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destruction of classes by means of development of socialism as an incomplete form of communism into fully developed communism. This means that socialism will not start tomorrow and doesn’t even start today - it means that socialism actually started yesterday in every country where the class struggle against the bourgeoisie was unfolded in the form and to the extent as provided by our parties. IT’S BEEN 50 YEARS since CPSU at their XXII Congress threw away the essence of Marxism - the dictatorship of proletariat from their party’s Program which led in 30 years to the downfall of USSR. It’s been 20 years since Gorbachev’s CPSU discontinued to be a party of working class and gave birth to traitors of the socialist cause in the Gorbachev-Eltsyn’s style. We’ve been all learning lessons from what happened and we make for us conclusions at present that are necessary both for our current and future struggle. The main question direct and simple could be heard first of all from the working class: what are the reasons that the soviet socialism was defeated (I’m sure that the defeat is temporary)? The answer is simple - because CPSU lost its class nature and discontinued to be a party of working class LET ME BACK up my previous statement with some of my personal recollections and thoughts. I was an active participant of the events of 1987-1991, I used to organize the resistance to Gorbachev and to his perverted politics in particular during the XXVIII Congress of CPSU and in the course of the Constituent Assembly of Communist Party of RSFSR. I used to reflect in the past on the reasons of the downfall of such a giant as CPSU.

Now when analyzing the events that followed the ban on CPSU activities by Eltsyn I come to a conclusion that judging by the state of the party by 1991 there couldn’t have been any other outcome. I’m telling this based on the knowledge of the subject after having analyzed the careers of the professional party functionaries (of all levels, beginning from professional secretaries of primary party organizations - i.e. those who were on the party’s payroll) after the counterrevolutionary coup of 1961-1991. Where are they now and what are their occupations? They can be found everywhere: in banks and in stock exchanges, in joint stock corporations and in the administrative bodies of corporations, they can be state officials on federal and local levels, they hold positions in the federal government and are MPs of Russian and regional parliaments, they hold positions in the compromising pro-government Trade Unions. They are everywhere except in the workshops behind machine tools together with workers, or among the organizers of the workers’ movement (with the rarest exception). They had been extremely remote from the workers and the working class remained indifferent to the Eltsyn’s decision to ban CPSU that had betrayed them. BOTH we and the communist parties from other countries have more or less sorted it out with the mistakes of CPSU and its degeneration. Opportunism that hit CPSU after Stalin’s death developed into revisionism that led to the rejection of Marxism’s basic ideas such as the dictatorship of proletariat; the understanding of the State as a class mechanism; the recognition of the class struggle’s existence in socialist society. When Khruschev’s version of the party program was adopted at

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the XXII Congress of CPSU it was stated openly that the dictatorship of proletariat had become outdated. They alleged that “the working class of the Soviet Union has transformed the State of their dictatorship into the State of the whole nation, ail this done on their own initiative and in line with the task of communism’s construction., .it’s for the first time that we have a State that is not a dictatorship of a certain class... the dictatorship of proletariat has discontinued to be necessary”.1 The party was also declared to be not the party of the working class, but a party of the whole nation, as opposed to the Lenin’s concept of the party as a vanguard of the class. In the party program it was stated that allegedly “the dictatorship of proletariat had completed its historical mission and had stopped to be indispensable from the point of view of internal development in USSR. The State that had emerged as a State of proletarian dictatorship turned into the State of the whole nation on a later, modern stage... The party proceeds from the fact that the dictatorship of proletariat stops to be indispensable earlier than the State disappears”1 At the same time they carried out reforms that- hampered the development of the socialist industry as a directly social way of production whereas the market oriented parts of the economy were developed. The economic reform of 1965 had especially negative effect when the principle of work for the society and for ensuring the benefits and development of all members of society was replaced with the principle of obtaining maximum profits for separate industrial enterprises. Thus started the disruption and watering dawn of the socialism’s economic basis. This can be viewed as one of the main reasons for the insignificant scope of active resistance to the demoli-

tion of workers’ rule. This movement to the right was further secured at the XXVIII Party Congress in the form of market orientation, i.e. capitalist orientation, as capitalism means commodity production on the stage when the labour force itself turns into commodity. In the Declaration of Minority that 1 announced at the congress we warned the party and the people that “the transition to market in the form of a universal system encompassing both financial market and labour market would mean inevitable sliding down to the increase of capitalist relations. A forceful “treatment” of socialism with capitalistic measures while neglecting objective processes would not lead to an increase of industry and of the quality of life improvement, but to the quite opposite ~ to their inevitable fall that should lead to wide scale social protests and to grave suffering of people... We believe that this opinion of the minority must be recorded at the congress, so that a discussion of alternative projects could be initiated from the party’s grass roots level and that we should get prepared to possible future disasters and should be able to avoid the total crash of the current economic course. To sum it up I should tell as follows: the main idea of my speech is that the party has no right to carry out a perestroyka that has led to grave deterioration of people’s lives. As far as the communist party is concerned - the party shall not be able to withstand these disasters and there shall be nobody left to defend the final targets of the movement”(1259 delegates voted in favour of this proposal) A COMMUNIST PARTY is the party of working class by definition. This is not yet the only condition, but also an indispensable one to

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turn the future into socialism. This is a task of a great complexity and tremendous historical importance. In his work “Economic content of narodniks’ movement and its criticism in the book of Mr. Struve” dated 1894 Vladimir llyich Lenin (yet Voldya Ulyanov then) wrote about ‘awakening of human being in a “working horse”, the awakening that has so giant significance for the world history that any sacrifices in order to ensure it are justified’. This means that the party helps representatives of workers’ masses to free themselves from the role of the working animal imposed onto them - to become human beings again; helps the working class to become a class for themselves instead of a class within itself, a class that consciously aims at their universal and historical targets. This is one of the orthodox principles of Marxism 7 The task of preserving Marxist orthodoxy includes not only retaining the name “communist” Unfortunately there are many parties that have next to nothing in common with communism but for name. Adherence to Marxism-Leninism, the retaining of communist orthodoxy’ (V.I. Lenin considered this to be especially important task at the times of reaction) means as follows: n theoretical recognition of the universal and historical role of the working class as the grave-digger for bourgeoisie and the creator of communist society; recognition of the necessity of proletarian dictatorship for the entire period that should be ended with the total destruction of classes, recognition of the pursuing the course of social revolution; creation of a classless society and the total destruction of classes; n presence in the party’s program of a clear understanding of ways to implement the dictatorship of proletariat, i.e. the concept of

the organizational form of the working people’s power. Soviets, i.e. the ruling bodies elected at industrial enterprises instead of territorial districts, proved to be the most stable form developed in accordance with the task of Bolsheviks’ program to involve all working people in the process of mastering ways of the public management as well as in the process of public administration. n carrying out current practical political work aimed at organizing workers1 movement, the movement that could give birth to future government bodies during capitalism, thai would turn into the dictatorship of proletariat after socialist revolution. That is the political struggle aimed at achieving power of working class that must be carried out as opposed to limiting themselves only to parliamentary activities on behalf of working people and in their interests. THERE IS only one workers’ party in Russia today - this is RCWP. The party was found in 1991 by the forces that fought within CPSU against Gorbachev and his orientation towards market, i.e. towards capitalism. This was the first communist party registered in Russia and in the former Soviet republics of the USSR (January 1991). We’ve been carrying out the work aimed at organizing workers’ movement using often the experience of KKE and PAME. The joining of forces with Russian Trade Union movement is complicated by the fact that the majority of the so called FNPR Trade Unions is pro-government and even has direct co-operation agreements with the ruling party “United Russia” (the leader of FNPR Trade Unions Mikhail Shmakov has joined the so called “People’s Front” created by V. Putin for the sake of the parliamentary elections to be held this year). Our party helps to create

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and develop class workers’ Trade Unions. As the danger of that type of our activities had been too obvious for Russian bourgeois authorities they cancelled our legal registration as a political party by a special ruling of the Supreme Court in 2007, thus making it impossible for us to take part in parliamentary elections. AFTER THEY HAD DENIED us the legal registration we developed a tactics of setting up a class workers’ Front that we’ve been successfully going on to organize. Apart from our party the following organizations have joined the Russian United Labour Front (ROT FRONT): Komsomol, leaders of a number of workers’ Trade Unions, some left and oppositional organizations of citizens The aim of the Front is as follows: a) organization of the working class as well as the organization of anti-imperialist struggle in general; b) registration of the Front as a political party to get a possibility to take part in parliamentary elections and to use parliamentary forms of struggle to develop a wide scale class movement of working masses. THIS TACTIC was met with a fierce resistance of bourgeois authorities As for today we’ve had 6 rejections of our registration applications (since February 2010) by the Ministry of Justice, as a result our party hasn’t been permitted to take part in the elections of this year as well. We should also mention that the tactic of creating Workers’ Front has met the resistance not only from the authorities but also from political circles that service these authorities, first of all from the successors of Gorbachev. The statement of Zyuganov that the workers’ front is allegedly a project by

Kremlin is a typical example of their intrigues. GORBACHEV’S political trend, i.e. antiworkers’ politics carried out under the guise of communist name could be met both in Russia and in the international communist movement nowadays. In the times of Gorbachev the degenerated functionaries of CPSU used to pay lip service to the idea of serving the working class in their function of the ruling party and did something to give at least some proof to their words; today when being an opposition and having seats in the parliament the Gorbachev’s successors exploit the idea of defending the interests of working class on behalf of the workers. Their current politics both in terms of theory and in terms of the practice is much more a petty-bourgeois politics than a workers’ one. Similar to the critical analysis of different varieties of non-scientific socialism (Utopian, Christian, bourgeois etc) presented by Marx and Engels in their “Manifesto of the Communist Party” we should now analyze and pinpoint the main features of the market (Gorbachev’s) socialism as a modern variety of the petty bourgeois socialism. From our point of view these are the following features: ñ recognition of the bourgeois parliamentarianism as a form of sovereignty of the people and putting main focus of attention on the struggle for the so called honest parliamentary elections and on winning these elections, ñ adherence to the model of market socialism, based on mixed economy that is actually a system of capitalist private property under conditions of political power belonging to bourgeoisie. Most of the parties adhering to this model take as an example the politics of the Communist Party of China. Nevertheless this example of creating socialism combined

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with private and capitalist private property proved to be absolutely not attractive to the striking workers servicing oil wells in Mangystauz region of Kazakhstan, where the reactionary authorities together with the Chinese owners use not only local police, courts and prisons to suppress the strike, but don’t hesitate to resort even to killings of the workers and members of their families. We also believe that this idea is not so much attractive to Chinese workers who came to Russia in search of job and have to toil under hideous conditions for miserable salaries. We’d like to warn our comrades - communists of China that CPC shouldn’t follow the way of Gorbachev who dragged our country into capitalism when brandishing a red banner THE OPPOSITION of communists to the Gorbachev’s trend observed in the left movement of Russia has reached the degree of a direct class confrontation. CPRF for example declared the web sites of our party, sites of ROT FRONT as well as the sites of our allies to be sites belonging to ideological enemy of their party. This year in the course of the election campaign we tried to reach an agreement with CPRF pertaining to the inclusion into their parliamentary candidates’ lists of some workers’ movement’s leaders (nobody from our party leadership among them). The leadership of CPRF rejected our proposal. One can hardly find a worker in their candidates lists (only 20 industrial workers from the total number of 594 candidates, whereas the positioning of the workers in the lists gives no one of them a chance of winning). This is the 6,h convocation of the State Duma (Federal Parliament) in the history of capitalist Russia There have been only two workers elected to the federal parliament from the very begin-

ning: Korsakov and Shandybin, the last one left CPRF right before his death because of his disappointment. At the same time there is more than enough businessmen and officials in the CPRF lists, these are a general of police (a personal friend of Putin), an oil tycoon with the annual income of 14 million USD as well as the leader of Zyganov’s Komsomol Mr. Afomn whose annual income exceeds the joined annual incomes of all 20 CPRF worker candidates. (Even the bourgeois party “Fair Russia” did include into their regional candidates’ lists 3 leaders of workers Trade Unions). Correspondingly the elections’ program of Zyuganov and CPRF is in fact a dream about creation of a Center-Left government that could allegedly realize various good programs and implement good wishes of comrades, whereas this program doesn’t say a word about the development of the working people’s class struggle itself. THE STRUGGLE for socialism goes on and further aggravates under the conditions of crisis. Orthodox parties on the territory of the USSR have been joining their forces in the form of the purified and recreated CPSU. A resolute separation from opportunists and revisionists has been taking place. We see the rehabilitation of the name communist as one of our main tasks as well as the bringing back the confidence of working class in communist party. To conclude my speech I’d like to cite Vladimir llyich Lenin once again who said: «...awakening of human being in a “working horse”, the awakening that has so giant significance for the world history that any sacrifices to ensure it are justified». Let’s stress - any sacrifices are justified.

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We proceed from this principle in our struggle and we shall not come to a stop and shall not falter on our chosen way1

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‘ БЕЗ

ПОСЛЕДОВАТЕЛЬНОЙ классовой борьбе невозможный путь к социализму

New Communist Party of Yugoslavia Branko kitanovic

Дорогие товарищи, Пока существует государство существует и классовая борьба, чей характер зависить от исторической эпохи, от соотношения внутреных сил, от внешнего окружения и от ряда других факторов. Тем не менее, история показываеть что во главе государства и правящей партии может оказатсься группа людей или одинь человек, которые своим решающим влиянием на внутреную и внешную политику могут существенно ускорить или привести в упадок его развите, даже временно развалить его политический строй. Например, когда И.В.Сталин был Ген. секретарь КПСС и фактический руководитель СССР эта Партия из года в год двигалис вперёд. Он лично внёс свой большой вклад в теорию марксизма-ленинизма и в построение социализма. Кроме того, на долгие годи СССР являлся Главним штабом мировой революции. НИКИТА ХРУЩЁВ ИСПОЛЬЗОВАЛ существующий авторитет Партии и огромнние полномочия Генерального (Первого) секретарья что би очернить и диск-редировать Сталина, Партию и почти целую дотагдашную историю СССР. Волонтаризм и серёзное одступление од научного социализма Хрущёва и его команди, между прочим, серёзно подорвана советское хозяство и общественый строй. Михаил Горбачов теперь сам признаёт что в душе никогда не был коммунистом. Он использовал слабость кадровой политики и с групой руководителей фактически совершил государственый переворот и ликвидацию КПСС. Мы считаем, что кроме других факторов, которые могут влиятна судьбу социализма в отдельной стране или в мире (на короткий или более длинный период), очень

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важную роль играет и какая личность (и команда) руководить даной партией или государством. Должность Генсека (или председателя) особенно в эпоху социализма может показаться и очень положительной и роковой. И, конечно, теперь когда коммунис-ти расматривают в теории и в практики пути возрождения социализма и нахождение современых способов борьби за социализм кадри имеют фундаментальное значение, особенно те которые находяться во главе партии и государства. В.И.ЛЕНИН ГОВОРИЛ что разные страны, зависимо от своих исторических особеностях, от сили рабочего класса и от сили буржуазии разными способами будут совершать пролетарские революции и построение социализма. Но это не означает что эта специфика сильнее общих принципов научного социализма. То есть, нет социалистической революции без руководящей роли марксистколенинской партии. Кроме завоевания политической власти, успех социалистической революции невозможен без существеного изменения института собственности и ликвидации всех формах эксплоата-ции. Самое взятие политической власти-это только один из этапов пролетарской революции. Из за ограниченого времени, я не буду перечислять все извесние характеристики социалистического лути развития, то есть начальной дороги к коммунизму: диктатура прлетариата, доминация общенародной собственности, плановое хозяйство, социалистическая демократия, бесплатное прсвеще-ние и здравохранение, ликвидация безработици, постоянно улучшение жизни народа и условия работи, пролетарский интерна-

ционализм и антимпера лизм. Перед страхом от пролетарских революций буржуазия в XX столетии вынуждена была пойти на уступки рабочему классу в сфере процеса работи, длиттельности рабочего дня, заработной плати, профсоюзного объединения, пенсионой системи итд. Конечно, эти достижения в большой мере завова-ни героической борьбой рабочего класса в каждой стране. Но очень быстро после развала социализма в СССР и в Восточной Европе все эти достижения ликвидирани. Углубляеться и ухудшаеться жизнь большинства народа. СИСТЕМНЫЙ И ГЛОБАЛЬНЫЙ кризис капитализма доказиваетего объективную недолговечность. Но все до его сваления в могилу прошлого он не потеряет свои основние харастеристики - эквплоататорскую природу, ограбление, развязание войни, системную лож и лицемерную, такназываемую «гуманитарность», «безграничную свободу» и «борьбу за человеческие права». Существует болшое заблуждение что капитализм в развитих странах может рухнут под ударами протестов анархистких, антиглобалистких, пацифистких и других похожих движеный, как и обездоленных армиях в США и Западной Европи. Тем не менее, эти протести прогрессивное явление. История показала что без организованой классовой борьбе и без объединения всех прогрессивних сил во главе с марксистко-ленинской партии в со* временной эпохе невазможно ликвидировать капитализм. Это потвердили Великая Октябрьская Социалистическая революция и социалистические революции в других странах.

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Товарищи, основная и извечная миссия коммунистов являеться свержение капитализма и построение общества в котором све люди будут сытые хлебом и дарованиями духа. Таким обществом являеться социализм, как первый этап коммунизма. Конечно, ещё далеко до коммунизма. Но коммунистическое движение являеться локомотивой прогресса. Ещё две тысячи лет назад Сенека сказал: «Человечество никогда не достигнет такие высоты что ему не будут нужние новые ещё большие высоты.» НАШАЯ БОРЬБА - это путь к достижении новых больших высотах!

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Party of the Communists of Serbia SVETOZAR MARKANOVIC

IN THE NAME of Communists of Serbia and the Coordinating Committee of the Communist and Workers Parties from Yugoslav territory, I welcome the participants of 13 International meeting of Communist and Workers Parties, the world proletariat and all the fighters against the imperialist world order. Especially I like to greet and express my gratitude to Communist Party of Greece as the host of this important event, the Greek people and the citizens of Athens. COMMUNISTS OF SERBIA came to this important meeting with a separate STATEMENT in which we exposed the main characteristics of the situation in Serbia, which is characterized by: a controlled chaos in the political arena, desolation and despair in the economic and social spheres, as well as various forms of the destruction and social pathology. The STATEMENT is also about the political activities of Communists of Serbia, with a focus on efforts to achieve effective cooperation between the Communist and Workers Parties on Yugoslav territory in order to strengthen the common struggle. For that purpose, a year and a half we formed Coordinating committee. In its activities and work participate: The Yugoslav Communist Party of Montenegro, Socialist Workers Party Croatia, Communist Party of Macedonia, The League of Communists of Bosnia and Herzegovina, two groups of Communists from Slovenia and the Communists of Serbia as chairman of the Coordination Committee with a two years mandate. In the year and the half of common work we already achieved initial positive results. In the third part of STATEMENT of the Communist of Serbia we provide a proposal that, in our view, should take joint political stance. It is about problems of disintegration of communist and workers parties, especially in former socialist countries, about the global economic crisis and its economic, social and

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political consequences, as well as the role of the International communist and workers’ movements in relation to that, respectively the creation of organizational and material conditions for more effective permanent coordination. There are issues of consistent application of the principle of class solidarity and proletarian internationalism, as well as defense against penetration pseudo left ideas in our lines. AS IS KNOWN, in the year 1999. NATO is conducted aggression against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, occupied Kosovo and there installed Albanian marionette NATO state. The Communists of Serbia require from Communist and Workers Parties of the world the solidarity and support in our struggle to defend the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Serbia. We are committed to the autonomy of Kosovo within Serbia. Analogue political stance its need to take to all other countries whose territorial integrity is threatened. Long live the international Communist and Workers Movement!

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South African Communist Party CHRIS MATLHAKO

THE SACP EXPRESSES its appreciation and gratitude to the Greek Communist Party (KKE) for the hosting this important meeting the 13th Meeting of International Communist and Workers Parties. The SACP has, over the last few years, undertaken a fairly comprehensive analysis of the current global capitalist crisis - characterizing it essentially as a three-pronged crisis that is: Cyclical - a typical but particularly grave boom-bust cycle in which capitalist over-accumulation is resulting in the (capitalist) imperative of a massive destruction of value (factory closures, job losses, company liquidations, financial defaults and the “requirement” of government cut-backs). An important question for us is who will carry the burden, which class, and within classes which sectors (eg. finance capital or industrial capital)? Will public resources be used to bail out banks (as in the US), or as Germany and France are seeking to compel Greece, Italy, etc. or will bad lenders be punished and public resources be used to implement (at least) counter-cyclical infrastructure and social spending measures? This is one key struggle that is (fundamentally) a class struggle that is being waged across Europe and North America - with varying degrees of coherence and militancy. Structural - a crisis of capitalist hegemony, in which there is a decisive shift away from the 20th century centres of capitalist accumulation. It is basically a shift of dynamic capitalist activity from North America, Japan and Europe to South East Asia. Again, as hegemony shifts, the old core centres fight back to retain their powers and privileges, and their access to global natural resources (eg. oil) in the face of competition from new centres of dynamic production, especially China. Again, who will “win” and who will “lose” in this global shift? This opens up a whole series of struggles - military conflicts (Libya), trade

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wars, currency wars, the battle for control over the agenda of multinational institutions, etc. IN THE CURRENT GLOBAL REALITY, unlike the earlier period analysed by Lenin (in, for instance, “Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism”), the tendencies towards intraimperialist armed conflict (eg. the First World War) are somewhat (but not entirely) remote, because of the much greater integration of, for instance, the Chinese economy within the accumulation process of the major transnational corporations. In turn, there is increasing Chinese economy’s reliance on consumers in the US, Japan and the EU. The continued robustness of Chinese growth saw a relatively quick resolution of the so-called Asian contagion of 1997 - but China is now both unable (given the sheer scale of the current crisis) and unwilling to shoulder the principal burden of propping up the EU or US. Hence major contradictions between China and the EU and US, on the one hand, and major class contradictions within China (continued cheap labour/export dependency or a greater focus on decent work, higher wages and a greater focus on its local market). Instead, imperialist wars are increasingly being directed to weaker countries that have enormous natural resources, as is the case with the invasion of Iraq, the wars on Libya and Syria, that are supported by some of the major imperialist countries. Civilisational - capitalism relies on incessant growth, and it is systemically incapable of a “steady state” trajectory (i.e. a trajectory in which what is consumed is naturally renewable). The current growth trajectory is leading to the wholesale extinction of natural re-

sources (water, fisheries, arable land), to the destruction of small scale peasant farming in the South (and resulting mass urbanization), and to climate change that will impact most severely on continents like Africa and lowlying island states. Capitalism is a system based on profit and not on social and environmental need is incapable of resolving the climate crisis - as is apparent from the stance of the major capitalist powers in the current COP17 process. The state and tasks of the left globally BROADLY, THE TASKS OF THE LEFT globally in the context of this all-round capitalist crisis, is to have an active presence in all sites of struggle (whether the Occupy Wall Street movement in the US; or the popular struggles in Europe around the deficit reduction and unemployment; or the struggle for climate justice). The task of the left, as the Communist Manifesto eloquently put it, is to be in the midst of these struggles and to always seek to build unity and a deepening awareness of the systemic and structural character of the crises - i.e. an absolute necessity of abolishing capitalism itself. THE NEED FOR NEW STRATEGY and tactics for the left? Whilst all the objective conditions are maturing for an assault on capitalism in one of its worst crises, the subjective forces and the motive forces for an alternative socialist struggle are indeed extremely weak. Instead the right wing in places like Europe has turned the crisis into an offensive against the social democratic policies, and exploiting emotive issues such as immigration, as the main culprits for the current economic crisis

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and not the capitalist system. Some of the lessons to be learnt during this period is the necessity to explore a range of a combination of old and new strategies mainly involving the formation of broad alliances, mass mobilization and mass based electoral campaigning, combined with effective use of state power where the left forces are in, or have access to, government. It is a struggle that for some time to come will have to be waged on a terrain of multi-party electoral politics. It requires new and innovative Marxist strategies. Whilst multi-party democratic elections have on the whole favoured elites and the rich - something that gave imperialism confidence to experiment with elite pacts and negotiated transitions away from dictatorships in the late 80’s into the 90’s in places like Latin America there have now emerged new possibilities for the left to exploit the multi-party electoral terrain, especially if effectively combined with, and butressed by, sustained mass mobilization. Another arena of struggle that the SACP, as well as the whole of the left, needs to take up in earnerst is that of ecological destruction caused by the rampant accumulation of capitalism. This is even more important in the wake of COP 17 in Durban which seems to be headed for another deadlock with serious implications for our planet. In fact failure to ratify and extend the Kyoto Protocol or coming out without another alternative binding agreement in Durban has got very serious implications for our planet and the future of humanity. The current global capitalist crisis will also require that all left forces globally seriously explore the potential to revitalize the communist and workers’ parties, other left, anti-capi-

talist, forces, as well as the necessity to build an alternative global left bloc. AN IMMEDIATE CHALLENGE for the SACP, and in the wake of COP 17 and its immediate aftermath, is that of engaging our cadreship on matters relating to the environment, climate change and generally ecological issues. This will also require that we forge links with both domestic and international progressive ecological movements, also as a crucial component of internationalist working class solidarity. Indeed in taking up these issues, we will have to navigate a contradiction facing many developing countries like ours, the simultaneous necessities to grow our economies and the destruction to the environment brought about by ecologically unsustainable growth paths. Thus, we want to urgent his 13th Meeting of ICWP to consider the proposal of the SACP and endorse the convening of climate justice international conference of communist and workers parties in South Africa in 2012, which will bring together communist and workers parties to debate and engage matters relating to the climate.

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THE PCPE HAS ALWAYS believed that the ‘ advancement of the coordination of the inter-

Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain CARMELO SUAREZ

national revolutionary movement is an essential element of our own political project. That is why it is so important for us to take part in this 13th International Meeting. We consider that the title of this year’s edition is very well chosen, for surely Socialism is the future, the only future that can ensure the dignity of the whole working class and popular sectors in the world. We also believe it is critical that we achieve some agreements and concrete advances in this 13th Meeting, since the situation we face is really serious. 20 years have passed since the triumph of the counterrevolution in the USSR and the European socialist bloc and we are witnessing today that the capitalist system, which then was thought invincible is undergoing a brutal crisis as a result of its internal dynamics and its own laws of development. The general crisis of capitalism did not disappear with the disappearance of the socialist bloc, but has worsened and seriously threatens the very survival of humanity. The parties here who come from the member countries of the European Union, we face a challenge of great importance: the illusion created for years in the working people of our countries, based on a capitalism with a human face hypocritally called “welfare state” is crumbling under the pressure exerted by the capitalists in order to try to keep the profit rate. This “welfare state” which based itself on the role of the social-democratic organizations to convince the working class that it was not necessary to seize power, which served as a brake on the revolutionary aspirations after the victory against Nazi-fascism, was never a negation of the capitalist model, never left the criteria for capitalist development and accumulation, never meant anything but a refined form of the dictatorship of capital. Today, when the capitalist crisis spurs the capitalists

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and makes them aware that the self-limitations agreed with the social-democrats are not useful to resume the cycle of extended reproduction of capital, they advance rapidly towards a more gritty and more violent model, which even questions the mechanism of formal bourgeois democracy. THE QUESTION WE SHOULD ASK IS what is the task of the Communists in this situation? Are we to lead the fight to recover an obsolete model like the welfare state, without questioning the very foundations of capitalism and telling the working class and popular sectors that what we propose is a better management under capitalism? Or rather are we going to lead the fight for the overthrow of dying capitalism, telling the working class and popular sectors that they can not have a decent life under capitalism, since it is capitalism itself, as a system, what has caused the crisis and the impoverishment of large masses of workers and that it will continue to do while existing? That is, the question we ask is: do we want to manage the dictatorship of capital or do we want to exercise the dictatorship of the proletariat? On the answer we give to this question depends our credibility as revolutionary organizations with the masses, not only in our countries but around the world. It is therefore not a subject that has to be discussed only in different regional frames of struggle, but it is a debate that affects the whole International Communist Movement as a whole, because the strategy of the communist and workers’ parties must be coordinated, it must be consensual, but it mainly has to be revolutionary and can never lose sight of the historical task of the working class, which is none other than the construction of Socialism-Communism.

Those of us who characterize the present time as the transition from capitalism to socialism, we do not have any doubts about which is our task. This is the platform from which we should note and remember these important issues. The parties and organizations present here are communists, not anything else. As communist parties, we represent and organize a specific sector which is the majority of society, the working class, and we have to seek alliances with other social sectors, but we must never lose sight of our nature nor the class nature of society and the state. We must never lose sight of that reality, or attempt to camouflage it by resorting to old ideological positions that have damaged so much our movement and the international working class. COMRADES, OUR STRUGGLE IS A POLITICAL STRUGGLE, but it is also an ideological struggle. The situations of relative weakness that we suffer when capitalism attacks us in all areas can not make us doubt about the essential elements that make up the party of the revolution, and our goals as Communists. Latin America, which for many years has been suffering from the looting and pillaging by the imperialist powers of the European Union and the U.S. is now in a situation quite different from Europe: the popular processes advance and the communist parties strengthen, but there is a strong ideological confusion induced by groups that do not want the working class to seize power, that the processes advance as much as possible to put an end to the main contradiction, which remains to be between capital and labour. From a humble position and supporting the processes of liberation in America, we ask the fraternal parties here present and the others who are ab-

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sent to increase the ideological battle in order to not be captured by alien ideological views, to maintain their independent profile in these processes so that when the contradictions explode, the working class and its communist party in front can take the final step towards the seizure of power. THE IMPERIALIST SYSTEM is the enemy of all peoples. The imperialist system is not only represented by the U.S., but also by other structures such as the EU, NATO, the World Bank or International Monetary Fund. Our struggle is not against imperialism in the abstract, but against its mechanisms and tools. The case of Libya, or the current events in Syria, are showing that some communist organizations consistently fail to analyze the nature and modus operandi of the imperialist powers. There are times when an intermediate position cannot be adopted, since this intermediate position does not demonstrate the autonomy of the working class party, but on the contrary, shows the fear of openly contradicting the dominant ideological position, which is none other than the position of the ruling class. The war is part and parcel of the strategy of domination of world imperialism, the struggle against imperialist war requires the coordinated mass action of all the International Communist Movement.

willing to take the necessary steps to advance to that unity. It is a priority to develop coordinated global or regional actions by the International Communist Movement, and the sooner we move in that direction the better. Coordinated actions against the imperialist war, for the abandoning of the EU, against the attacks on the working class by the bourgeoisie governments that approve one labour reform after another. All these actions have to be answered under the leadership of the Communists towards the socialist revolution. LET US START CREATING THE ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURES which will enable this intervention in the immediate reality of the development of international class struggle.

COMRADES, WE HAVE BEFORE US a historical opportunity to take advantage of the structural crisis of capitalism in order to show the working class and broad sectors of society the historical limits of capitalism. It is a task of great responsibility and great importance, which requires us to be as coordinated as possible, but also to be more ideologically united on the basis of Marxism-Leninism. The PCPE is

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‘ EN PRIMER LUGAR, en nombre del Partido Co-

Communist Party of Spain Juan de dios VillanuueVa Generoso

munista de España, queremos expresar nuestra felicitación al Partido Comunista de Grecia por la organización tan eficaz que está realizando en el 13° Encuentro Internacional de Partidos Comunistas y Obreros. Queremos mostrar igualmente nuestra solidaridad y apoyo a la lucha del KKE junto al pueblo y la clase trabajadora griega en esta fase de recrudecimiento de la ofensiva capitalista contra la clase obrera en general: la posición del KKE en la situación de Grecia ha demostrado una vez más que este Partido está a la altura de las circunstancias en cada momento histórico. Ha pasado un año desde el 12° Encuentro, celebrado en Sudáfrica, y todos los problemas, de los que hablábamos, derivados de la crisis capitalista, los peligros que acechan a la Humanidad, no han hecho más que acentuarse. NUESTRO PAÍS, ESPAÑA, está en el ojo del huracán de la ofensiva neoliberal contra la clase trabajadora y contra la propia democracia. Desde Mayo de 2010, se han sucedido los siguientes hechos en España: • Rebaja de salario de los empleados públicos. • Congelación de las pensiones. • Aumento del Impuesto sobre el Valor Añadido (IVA). • Abaratamiento del despido. • Aumento de la edad de jubilación. • Subida del precio de productos y servicios básicos. • Privatización de empresas y sectores públicos. • Reforma constitucional, pactada entre la socialdemocracia y la derechãpõlítica, con la finalidad de limitar el volumen de gasto público y priorizar el pago de la deuda pública a la gran banca internacional. ESTAS AGRESIONES se han desarrollado en un marco social definido por un total de cinco millones de desempleados. Los comunistas somos conscientes de que detrás de estos números hay verdaderos dramas humanos: en

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estos días, 1.200.000 hogares tienen a todos sus miembros en paro, y más de un milión de desempleados carecen de cualquier prestación o ayuda. Todas estas medidas y datos desastrosos son consecuencia de las políticas neoliberales aplicadas por el Partido Socialista (PSOE), unas políticas que continuarán llevándose a cabo, tras las elecciones generales del 20 de noviembre, por la triunfante derecha del Partido Popular, pues el PP y el PSOE comparten el mismo modelo económico, y el mismo proyecto europeo neoliberal, emanado de los acuerdos de Maastricht, y posteriormente concretados en los correspondientes Tratados europeos. EN LAS MENCIONADAS ELECCIONES del 20 de Noviembre, el proyecto político del PCE (Izquierda Unida), ha multiplicado por casi seis el número de diputados en el Parlamento, y aumentado el número de votos de forma importantísima (poniéndose en camino a obtener dos millones de votos). Este resultado es la consecuencia de la apuesta de los comunistas españoles por un proyecto de la izquierda plural, un programa anticapitalista y un discurso alternativo, fruto, entre otros, de la puesta en marcha de la Alternativa Social Anticapitalista, emanada del Partido Comunista de España. Es también consecuencia de los años de resistencia, perseverancia y coherencia, de apuesta por la movilización social, y denuncia de un modelo de crecimiento basado en la especulación y no basado en la producción de bienes y servicios. Tras las elecciones del 20 de Noviembre, el PCE ha renovado su apuesta por redoblar esfuerzos en la lucha económica, social, cultural y solidaria: • El PCE, en su apuesta por la paz, intensiñca su movilización contra la OTAN, las bases

militares norteamericanas, el nuevo escudo antimisiles, y las injerencias y agresiones imperialistas que hemos vivido este año, y que se están preparando contra otros pueblos. • El PCE considera el apoyo a la Revolución Cubana como el elemento central de su política de solidaridad internacional. • El PCE seguirá apoyando la lucha del pueblo saharaui y de su legítimo representante, el Frente POLISARIO, por el reconocimiento pleno y universal de Ia República Árabe Saharaui Democrática. - El PCE continuará exigiendo y luchando por el derecho del pueblo palestino a su propio Estado. Saludamos el proceso que se está viviendo en América Latina de construcción de alternativas al neoliberalismo, de afirmación popular y de reivindicación de la soberanía. EN OTRO ORDEN DE COSAS, el PCE considera que la lucha contra el capitalista debe ir aparejada a la lucha contra el patriarcado; la plena igualdad no se consigue si no se entra también en la lucha por nuevos valores, por la igualdad real en el ámbito de lo privado. El socialismo y la revolución deberán tener también rostro de mujer. CAMARADAS, el PCE seguirá apostando en su participación en foros unitarios (regionales o mundiales), de las fuerzas progresistas, antiimperialistas o antineoliberales). El PCE considera que ello no es contradictorio con la existencia de un foro para la reflexión, coordinación y construcción de la alternativa comunista; para ello, creemos que es necesario seguir fortaleciendo el papel del Encuentro Internacional de Partidos Comunistas y Obreros. Creemos en el comunismo, y en el papel vital de los partidos comunistas como instrumento al servicio de la clase obrera. Hemos ganado

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en estos años importantes debates internos frente a los intentos liquidacionistas. El próximo día 18 de Diciembre conmemoramos en un importante evento en Madrid el 90° Aniversario de la constitución del Partido Comunista de España. Estáis todos invitados.

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Party of the Communists of Cataluna JOAN JOSEP NUET I PUJALS

INTERNATIONAL SITUATION. The crisis has accelerated two interrelated processes at the same time. On the one hand, the trend increasingly irreversible toward multipolarity. Are consolidated regional coordination areas in different regions of the world: South America (Unasur / Mercosur) around Brazil and other countries such as China, India and South Africa, which is also setting up a regional bloc but with slower progress. On the other, place the left wing and grassroots in charge of mobilization, all over the world to face the consequences of the policies imposed by generating a context of worsening class struggle internationally. In the U.S., the Obama administration, conditioned by an unfavorable balance of forces, has taken measures which have not affected the interests of financial and speculative capital. As a result, growth rates are still low, unemployment rises and retracts consumption. Economic hardship and adjustment policies by the Obama government and governments of different states, producing a growing social resistance, combined with accelerated political disappointment with Obama and thus strengthening the right in general and especially the more conservative grouped around the Tea Party. The United States government seeks to face up to the international crisis and the deterioration of their ideological and political hegemony, using its money and military hegemony. On the one hand, promotes a strong devaluation of the dollar against other currencies, with the explicit aim of recovering markets for their products and face competition from China. On the other hand, take up again the practice of proposing military solutions to a several global problems, but with a facade of respect for UN resolutions. For its part, Japan, already lived a tough economy, now suffering the effects of earth-

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quake, tsunami and nuclear catastrophe that reinforce the need for a broader debate on energy issues and public control in strategic areas. China “saved” the Euro from its crisis in late 2010, and does so for years with the U.S. permanently by massive purchases of bonds. This has been transforming the role of this country, becoming the creditor of much of the developed world, with inevitable geopolitical consequences. China’s growing participation in the European, African, Latin and North America economies, is not just an economic phenomenon, it also has political projections, we must look more closely. It would be wrong not to perceive the risks of the possibility of substitution of one power by another in the case of Latin America and Africa, regions rich in natural resources and historically have called the greed of countries colonial or neo-colonial tradition, such as England, France or the United States. In Latin America, overall, there is a certain balance of power between different sectors and strata popular during recent years have supported the changes in Brazil, Venezuela, Bolivia, Argentina and other countries and an oligarchy does not renounce recovery of power and combines different forms of pressure: expansion of U.S. military presence (bases, Fourth Fleet), economic pressure, especially through bilateral agreements; coups (as in Honduras and elsewhere), media and electoral politics, with support for a new regional center-right. However, it have deepened in recent years the processes of change and transformation in different countries, although with different rhythms and characteristics. It is especially important the electoral victory last fall of President Dilma Rousseff in Brazil, which

continues the reforms launched 8 years ago with Lula and ensures the continuity of the regionalization processes in place, (Mercosur, Unasur) by the keystone role played by this country in the region. In this next phase we will be particularly attentive to the process of discussion that follows the Cuban Communist Party and the transformations that are taking place in the country, the electoral process in different countries such as Peru, Argentina and in the scenario drawn in Colombia, especially regarding the possibility of negotiated settlement to the conflict that lasted more than 40 years. We must not neglect either the effects of the global economic situation on the region, while most Latin American countries have remained outside the epicenter of the crisis. South America was able to protect its economy from the crisis of the central countries, confirming that it has the capacity to build a new kind of growth, who manages to make structural changes to overcome dependencies that still exist and avoid the risks of a return to neo-liberal model of decades 80 and 90. THE SITUATION IN THE ARAB WORLD in particular. In all Arab countries were creating the conditions for the occurrence of a process like this. Politically, the regime emerging from decolonization failed attempts at nation building and have been swinging, mostly toward the subordination to the interests of the U.S. and Europe. This is expressed in the inability of both the Arab League and its individual members, to influence any of the conflicts that have resulted in recent years (Palestine, Iraq war,

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Lebanon). Also in the inability to hold together their territories, Lebanon, Sudan, Egypt complementary to the strategy of “creative chaos” that was driven by the U.S. since 2001 and seeks the dismemberment of the states in small countries tribal or faith-based. The consequence is that other Arab countries (Turkey and Iran) have been gaining ground in the international arena and standing on some issues (Palestine) as a reference of the Arab population. Economically, the solution to the crisis of the 70 resulted in the paralysis of the nascent industrialization that had taken place after independence, as a result of policies that were imposed from the IMF and World Bank. As a result, economic development stagnated, unemployment has risen to very high levels and living conditions of most of the population have fallen hard. For years the emigration have been a possible outlet for tens of thousands of people. The bunkerization of Europe and the U.S. after the 11-S, makes this option more difficult. States of Permanent emergency. The Regimes’ answer to social or political needs of the society has been, with a variety of shades, the same. There was a higher level of repression, violations of fundamental rights (political, labor, civil, etc.), and an impressive strength of the State security apparatus. THESE PROCESSES ARE THE RESULT of the accumulation of different struggles. Neither in the case of Egypt and Tunisia, countries that start processes, are isolated explosions of rejection or despair; nor aren’t the result of social networking itself. These countries often have accumulated different struggles in recent years and have served to create

the conditions for what is happening today. In Tunisia, the struggle for democratic freedoms and human rights in Egypt, union struggles, in 2006 in Mahala, in the textile sector that led to the existence of the April 6 Movement in Bahrain, the presence of National Liberation Front of Bahrain as an armed force, in Iraq, a historically PC with great presence, contradictions, is finding its place after the Anglo-American invasion, or Lebanon, with a PC with organizational skills in different productive sectors, and that is the only multiconfessional and secular force that helped oust the Israeli invasion twice. However, there are weaknesses in the Arab left in its political dimension. There is not (still) a space like the Forum of Sao Paulo, nor the Latin American left work accumulated in the 90’s. NATIONAL AND DEMOCRATIC revolutions. The fundamental focus of these processes is the recovery of democratic liberties, national sovereignty and control of natural resources of the countries, the ability to redirect the economy towards less dependent models and a new role in the international arena. The importance of Egypt in this context is very big for being the most populous country in the region, but is dependent on this time of food and military aid from the U.S. and European funds because of the fragility of its economy. The role of political Islam. It has been a secondary force in all processes, especially in Tunisia and Egypt. Although contradictions are displayed, because their presence in society in Egypt is very important and there was no formalized political presence. In a framework of national and democratic revolution, possibly play a role in the future, depending on what your orientation, form part of the rev-

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olution or counterrevolution, as it has in the past. This is a revolutionary process and of long duration, because the situation is not closed. We stand perhaps before the start of a process similar to that which has occurred in recent years in Latin America, but with the difference that while the processes in America predate the onset of the crisis, in the case of the Arab world is the same crisis which has accelerated, with characteristic rhythms and agendas of each of the countries but common denominators of the role resituation it should play the Arab world in the output of the global crisis. There aren’t irreversible processes. Any revolution entails counter-revolution. And the counter and interference have different faces. It is a region of high value to the U.S. and other central powers for its energy resources. Therefore, all instruments will be activated. Persuasion and coaptation of the elites, to make the change lampedusian, the delegitimization and attempts to associate to the political Islam and the force, expressed in different ways of military intervention, since the opened war to the “humanitarian interventions”. In this key we need to understand the interventions on Bahrain and Libya. THE COMMUNISTS, to what is happening in the Arab world. We Intervene in different instruments and have a privileged relationship with the entire Arab world. We have maintained in recent years a close relationship with parties and personalities of the Lebanese, Palestinian, Jordanian, Iraqi, Moroccan left. ñ Helping to understand what is happening, with the importance of bringing some of the actors of what is happening and to know

and make known the reality of these processes. ñ Through the different instruments, enable and extend political, human and material solidarity. ñ The mobilization in defense of peace. EUROPE. The difficulties in European social and political forces of the left have provided the solution to the crisis is expressed in key counter-reform of the process of European Union with measures to protect the financial and speculative capital and generate a situation of greater economic stagnation and political and social crisis. The adoption of these packages, similar in many things that were implemented in Latin America in the 90’s, stop Europe can play an not important nor positive role out of the crisis, undermine its political role in the multipolar world that is taking shape and deepen the militaristic and aggressive role that some EU member states have historically had, both in the Middle East and Africa. In this sense, the solutions to the crisis and structural adjustment packages sharpen the differences between the center (axis Germany-France-Netherlands) and periphery (Mediterranean countries, Ireland, Portugal). Attention must be given also to the worsening of the problems surrounding the nations (Belgium, Italy), which in the context of this crisis is accelerating and put some countries at the prospect of institutional blockage or rupture. Every time a story comes to us from Europe and the EU started to shake. The model imposes the EU, in line with the IMF, WTO, or World Bank, is to consolidate the demolition machine from what we knew as the welfare state and the rapid collapse of what was preached as a European social model, at the

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hands ultra neoliberal policies. Just a few days comes the news of a price increase of money with a rate rise by the ECB from 1 to 1.25%, with the consequences in terms of rising consumer prices, mortgage cost, and added new difficulty. THE SITUATION HAS PAN-EUROPEAN dimension. In each country the crisis is expressed in a concrete and topical but public awareness is global. It increases the distance between debtor countries, or deficit on the rich and those with surplus thanks to the same situation. Although it must be considered among the poor if this debt has been generated from the public sector (fewer cases) or private in origin and it should be dried with public resources (such as Spain). The crisis has dragged ‘weak’ countries as Greece and Ireland, and now asking Portugal to give bailouts to mean a new waiver, larger and more explicit, the respective governments to develop policies and deliver their own national markets and banking and financial oligarchies control of their decisions. Spain is now the state waiting for the next turn of this black list of bankruptcies. Despite the marked differences between the various countries of the EU-27, is common a dynamic: attack on public services, bulk privatization, deregulation and job insecurity, aggression class unionism, prevalence and impunity of markets, and formulation and application of laws and enforcement ultra draconian neoliberal character. We have spoken in Portugal and we must talk about the interesting experience of Iceland where the popular will refuse to return has made impossible and ruinous bank debt and is developing an economic revolt and nationalization objection

to follow, but if it keep the idea of request entry into the European Union, the Icelandic people will find new pressures that subject to further transfers of sovereignty. That, of course, is not spoken. However, even in the richest countries and leaders of the Union, the social deterioration is evident and has begun to generate social and political changes as well as demonstrations in France, the United Kingdom but also in Germany where the inequalities and sociolabor cuts are already discernible. In these economies also grows more affluent social concern for ecological sustainability and insecurity generated by the nuclear disaster in Japan, and progress alternative readings that put in deep question the logic of the capitalist system itself. The protests spread across Europe with two features that bring great value to the analysis: Insurgency and confluence. Insurgent movements, with reporting and alternative proposal included, everything, even adding new countries of Eastern Europe hitherto unimaginable: in Budapest this weekend over 40,000 people demonstrated against the summit claiming social Europe. Actions coordinated at European level, converging social with the political dimension and transnational: never before had starred here ETUC calls for mobilization in 22 European countries at the same time. We can not ignore either the new role of Europe late colonial military power in the war of Libya and other Arab revolutions. Neither the cultural and humanitarian crisis, as well as economic impact of the immigration status and growing gaps host media. We can not ignore the fact that Europe is beginning to heat up and boil can enter, and a new spirit (does a ghost?) travels the neighborhoods and cities.

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The Communists and, here and elsewhere, have much to say and do in this scenario. In fact we are working intensely, scarce and difficult spaces to which we can get and we are working in the sense of opening up new actions and coordination, social and institutional, as in the civilian network, such as trade unions, sectoral organizations as collaborating with the GUE / EVN, as in the ELP (European Left Party). There is more to report, and disseminate all the Party, as the latter are playing European instrument, as EUiA, have an important role, encouraging and co-directing a serious and sustained guidance processing more social, more democratic and anti-neoliberal left; not limited nor dogmatic, but our work, modest experience and demonstrated solidarity, together with the other fraternal forces, who are in Spain UI and the PCE. And it begins to be present in the new collective imagination, as they now call “mental framework”, a territory in which the ideological struggle to retrieve words, concepts and values is in the foreground. One dimension of our work now of strategic importance because it allows us to contrast compared to the current darkness and despair, our just aspirations and alternatives, with enthusiasm, solidarity and complicity towards a Europe of public services, equity, with peace, decent work, sustainable growth, and must be ours. And is that “Europe, or is social or isn’t.” And the communists will spare no effort in it. THE RECENT ELECTIONS to the Congress and Senate in Spain and Catalonia. Results obtained especially for the PP, CiU and UPyD are very disturbing and represent that the hegemony of centralist conservative thought is very strong in Catalonia and Spain. We will oppose their cutting measures and work to

rigorously compare the proposals and possible viable alternatives that make us say that there is another exit on the left to the crisis, in which our people is the protagonist in the contents and ways of deciding. Social democracy must choose whether to continue moving away from its social and electoral base or admit he’s wrong to impose market decisions over people. We remain open to so many supporters and voters who believe in the socialist left, telling them not to give up their dreams and hopes for progress, and inviting together to rebuild the left in Catalonia and Spain. Coalition ICV-EUiA in Catalonia and IU-Los Verdes in Spain with the CHA and others have been key to the result with a total of 13 political forces previously confronted. Those who did not join at the time and now have not obtained parliamentary representation should reflect on their decisions and their results and we will have to re-invite generously to join, no excuses now, the new building on the left transformative in our country. We must rebuild the left, national in Catalonia and federal in Spain, so we must be ambitious, very ambitious, open, pluralistic thinking a lot about social mobilization and ideological diversity. Plurality means adding and not dividing, means sharing and no to separate and means seek a social and political majority to defeat the right and its policies. So the current instruments are not immutable, but must adapt now to continue growing and that the election result is not a sawtooth in a graph and after appear the fall, but a beginning amount not to stop. DIFFICULT TIMES AHEAD, right holds absolute power, political, economic and thought, but it is clear that there are broad so-

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cial and political sectors with great potential for mobilization and alternative also social, political and intellectual. We need to actively facilitate the mobilization and organization. We must continue to foster the indignation and its joint, we must be very close to class unionism to reinforce front to potential attacks on workers. There is, in short, keep up the banner of an alternative project possible.

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Communist Party of Sri Lanka RAJA COLLURE

At the outset let me convey the warm fraternal greetings of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka to all the participants of this important Conference. We are also extremely obliged to the Communist Party of Greece for the excellent arrangements made to host this conference and for their warm hospitality. Certainly the future is for socialism. The present day realties should be examined with this conviction in mind. THE WORLD IS PASSING THROUGH one of the most severe periodic recessions of the crisis-prone capitalist system. Although over three years have passed since its emergence the leading capitalist countries have so far failed to tame the crisis and are in the grip of further financial turmoil and continuing stagnation. The European Union which a few years ago was robust has been shaken to its very foundations with the near bankruptcy of several of its member states. The burden of all these crises is forced on the working people whose incomes are decimated, pensions cut and the working and living conditions slashed. The working people however are not ready to accept the burdens cast on them lying down as was shown by the recent massive resistance by the heroic Greek people and the huge protests in Britain and elsewhere. Capitalist exploitation which has brought pain and deprivation to the multitude have drawn militant protests against the system itself in some citadels of capitalism notably in different parts of the United States. They are symbolic of the desperation of the people who suffer under capitalism. Yet the situation is not mature for the working people to rise to overthrow the rule of capital, more so because the subject factor is too weak to take on the challenge. It is a challenge that confronts the international communist movement. CAPITALISM IS STILL GROWING. It has

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grown all along in spite of the periodic crises of varying degrees of severity. The “emergence of new global economic powers” is itself a reflection of this phenomena. According to a recent survey it has been projected that Socialist China with its strong private sector will be the world’s foremost economic power (GDP: US$ 44453 billions) in 2050 followed by the United States (GDP: US$ 35165 billions). Next comes India with a GDP of US$ 27803 billions. It is not necessary to elaborate that the economic growth now proceeding in the developing countries is capitalist oriented. Even the state sector is made use of to serve capitalist growth. The growth of the economies outside the traditional citadels of capitalism will certainly weaken their hold on world capitalism. Already the Group of Seven (G7) have begun to accommodate the emerging economies in the management of the crises ridden world capitalist system. The rise in importance of the regular meetings of G20 which includes the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) and such countries as Indonesia is indicative of this development. What is noteworthy is that the economic dominance of the so-called Metropolitan Countries (Imperialist Countries) are in the wane. They are increasingly unable to dictate terms to their junior partners in economic affairs. Consequently their political clout has also been seriously affected. Their frustration over their inability to unilaterally interfere in the affairs of Syria is a case in point. THE FALL OF THE SOVIET UNION and the other socialist countries in Europe has spurred the development of capitalism in the world. The remaining socialist countries have been compelled to adopt reforms akin to the

New Economic Policy proposed for the young Soviet state. Many Communist Parties in the developing world are faced with the problem of defining their road to socialism in the background of the absence of a developed capitalist system. IN SRI LANKA THE COMMUNIST PARTY (CPSL) is part of the government. It has been in alliance led by the progressive Sri Lanka Freedom Party for nearly twenty years. The alliance grew in the efforts to avoid the return to power of the anti-pepole, pro-imperialist and reactionary United National Party. This alliance was forged on the basis of a common set of objectives covering such issues as broadening democracy, deepening social justice and the solution of the national problem. Now it encompasses several other political forces as well. The thirty year separatist war which ravaged the country and brought untold misery to its people was ended in May, 2009. It has opened vistas for a period of peace, social progress and rapid economic development. It was anticipated that the solution of the national problem is given priority and steps will be taken to further deepen social justice and to put the country on course for accelerated economic development. The Communist party and its left allies in government have been exerting pressure on the government on the urgency of solving the national problem. The government is presently holding discussions with the main Tamil national party to reach an agreement on the content of a solution. At the same time the government is setting up a Parliamentary Select Committee comprising representatives of all parties represented in parliament to bring about a binding consensus on a solution. The

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CPSL has underlined that the solution of the national problem should be based on a meaningful devolution of power to the region where the Tamil people constitute the majority. THE GOVERNMENT HAS SAFEGUARDED the measures already in place for social security and welfare and expanded them in certain respects. It has launched massive projects for economic development and succeeded in reaching an annual growth rate of over 8%. The per capita income is presently at US$ 2800 (US$ 1000 in 2005) and is expected to reach US$ 4000 by the year 2014. The CPSL nevertheless has reservations on certain policies of the government. Recently the party openly expressed its disagreement over devaluation of the Rupee. The party along with its left allies in government are continuing to press for the abolition of the executive presidential system in the country and to replace it with a system where the peoples sovereignty is exercised solely through parliament as the present system has tended to promote an authoritarian rule. It remains in government (with certain reservations) in order that the larger interests of the working people are defended and a take over by the pro-imperialist reaction is prevented. It believes that its present actions will create favourable conditions on the march towards socialism. Thank you.

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Communist Party of Sweden KJELL BYGDEN

SOCIALISM IS THE FUTURE! Yes comrades, that’s the way it is. The importance of the former Soviet Union, (USSR), to the working people of the world can hardly be explained. But by the time of the formal dismantling of the USSR in 1991, the capital in Sweden also began to dismantle the economic, social, political and cultural improvements that had been achieved through the struggle of the working people and for the people as a whole, with Soviet Union as a role model. As for the capitalism in general, the postwar era in Sweden with an economic upturn in terms of production lasted from 1950 to 1970, with a consecutive recession and regular crisis as a consequence. The crisis of the capital has been going on for 40 years and the working people have been paying it all exclusively. And 20 years after the dismantling of the Soviet Union, the Swedish welfare society still is dismantled and has soon reached the end of the road. SWEDEN CREATED the largest public sector of all comparable countries, the so-called Swedish Welfare State. But the development was impeded from going “too far” by the social democrats, their opportunism and collaboration with the capital for the current state and class society. This can be simplified by the fact that the Swedish crown rose hundreds of times more on the market in comparison with the wage crown between 1970- 1997 and this after the tax had been paid. But the ruling social democracy took the entire credit for the Swedish Welfare State themselves.Comrades, the socialism/communism is still alive since the atmosphere of lynching in 1990. At this particular time we were supposed to search within ourselves and (knuckle under the falsification of history and revisionism). But our way of thinking was healthy and as the dialectics offers, it gave us an opportunity to sharpen the arguments.

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THE GOVERNMENTAL INSTITUTE “Forum for living History” assigned to do research on the crimes of the communism against humanity was heavily criticized by hundreds of historians in an appeal 2008, neither to give historical or scientific enlightenment but ideological. So it is written in the system’s political duty. More and more opine that the institute should shut down its business.Through the propaganda we are today teached that the social democrats are socialists, not to mention the Papandreou administration in Greece and the previous one in Spain. The fact that they are not showing any features worth to mention relative to what represents the current system, creates great confusion among young people and those who are class- unaware. (To them socialism turns into capitalism and capitalism becomes socialism. There the capitalism is the final stage that includes socialism. Why pick a fight? And it is certainly beneficial for the system as long as the people don’t figure out the meaning of socialism. (Here we have the Holy Trinity: capitalism- the role of the imaginary opposition and- the media)It is said that Borg, the Swedish finance minister is the best one in Europe. He is, from EU:s point of view, through his conservative right-wing party, The Moderates and a quiet opposition. He is the best because the right wing parties for instance creates unsafe workplaces and allows an unemployment rate among the youth of 25% in the age range between 16-24 years. There our tax money nowadays are spent on private corporations within health care, education and welfare that later on rewrites the obligations of the workplace activities in order to gain as much profits as possible. Self-financing becomes even more substantial. There our society suffers severely when

retirees are mistreated and the Swedish schools are displaying great differences in terms of results, there the importance of the student’s social- economic background has been drastically increased. FROM A PRIOR SOLIDARITY and tax funded health care equivalent to everyone, there exists since 2003 privately- owned hospitals. The regionally responsible bodies regarding health care has put together lists which contain specific health care only received if you pay. In this way one of the world’s greatest health care systems is transformed into emergency aid. Since 1991 at least 350 000 jobs has been lost and about half of these within the public sector. It is obvious that mentioned sectors were conducted in a better manner when they were public owned. But we can see weak indications of a popular opinion.In the context and concerning the taxes, a prominent social democrat in the parliament makes mutual cause with the capital as followed. “We can’t turn people’s economy upside down. When we facing elections next time, the Swedish people have been living with a right-wing fiscal policy for eight years, the changes are a fact that people include in their economy”. THE SOCIAL CHANGES from about 1970 that contributed to a Swedish admittance in the European Union in 1994 must reasonably be its continuing way. We recall that the social democrats were extremely accessory and dominating in the process where the collective agreements at an admission would still exist through a clause. This dictum to calm down the people and make them positive to an en-

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trance. They disappeared however more or less practically thanks to the Laval sentence in the EG-court in 2008. The free capitalism with outsourcing and leasing had to stop the national collective wage agreements. Through the admittance in the European Union, the trade unions are silenced gradually and prevented to present what not is in accordance with the European Union and what its institutions demands. Obvious for the most of the people today is that the European Union either is democratic, nor a peace project. There is currently nothing that provides a higher standard living for the working people, increased equality or justice, as we heard before 1994. TODAY 80% OF THE SWEDISH laws are decided in Brussels. The reason to why Swedish capital in some extent has managed to make it throughout the economic crisis is because our prominent finance minister 2008 granted a bank emergency room costing 1500 billion Swedish crowns at the people’s expense. This while only 20-25 billions were procurable to ease the impact of the crisis on the working class. We are also fortunate of not being members of the euro zone since a referendum resulted in a clear No - in 2003. Anders Borg, above all should be thanking the No for his award! The Swedish neutrality and non-alignment that at least has existed on the paper is soon only a memory. It has been revealed that Sweden cooperated with NATO since many decades. Constant attempts are done to establish a “sneak connection” despite the fact that the public opinion still supports the nonalignment (increased after the war in Libya and the Swedish “participation” with observation aviations. Sweden has contributed with soldiers in Afghanistan since 2002 with a con-

sisting troop of 500 men, under the command of NATO. For instance it is written in the Swedish delegation, accessible on the NATO homepage that PFP has become a particular important tool for the participating countries to coordinate, prepare and train their troops for future crisis management operations. If we wish to obtain a full understanding of the cause behind the full scaled and iniquitous massacre of Libya it was clearly a “crisis management operation.” The NATO intentions of recruiting both Finland and Sweden as member countries for their “north flank” in order to approach Russia and as a complement of US installations in the so-called missile defense in the areas of several European countries. It means a dangerous and a very undesirable security political development. DEAR COMRADES, November 19th this year the communist party of Sweden participated in “Socialistically Forum” with more than 100 different lectures, book tables and other arrangements. This event was very well attended. It showed a widespread criticism against the current system. On the other hand it is lacking insight of that the whole system needs to e overthrown. With an insight and acting similar to the class-aware Greek people today, the KKE and the PAME, the capital and all its methods regarding social liberalism, social democracy, neo- liberalism and fascism would be gone. Methods in the different phases of the class struggle that has been utilized to preserve the means of production in the possession of the monopoly capital. The corporation of state and capital wouldn’t be existing. Not either the exploitation of work, class society, reformism, opportunism and other system preservation. Socialism is the future!

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Syrian Communist Party AMMAR BAGDACHE

First, I would like to thank the comrades in the Greek communist party for hosting the 13th international meeting of the communist and workers parties, in spite of their great concern with various class confrontation in complex conditions facing their country. Comrades, the title of our meeting is “socialism is the future” express the correct solution to the bitter situation which all humanity facing it, especially during the last twenty years since the fading of the Soviet Union and the collapse of the socialist system. The hallmark of this era is the continuous attack on the rights and gains of working people in general, and the working class in special, and a big jump in loot the people of what so-called state parties, and wage colonial wars by the global imperialism in order to fix its international hegemony. But strong, political, social, economical crisis rather than super power crisis which the global capitalist system passed and is passing, as well as the defeats and setbacks that befell with imperialist armies in many parts of the world especially in central and west of Asia, all these showing clearly that capitalism is not the end of the road, not the end of history, if it is like that, it means a disastrous end of the whole human life. SYRIAN COMMUNIST PARTY deems that the total developments which contemporary world witnessed and is witnessing prove the correctness of the teachings of MarxismLeninism, that humanity is living on the stage of general crisis of capitalism which its main hallmark is transition from capitalism to socialism. During the past few years the capitalism has proven its full inability to solve any problem stands in front of humanity, but on the contrary, the developments of capitalism aggravated – in the absence of economic and social alternative and strong international deterrent which the Soviet Union and social system in central and east European countries were formed it – all contradictions which hu-

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manity experienced and increased the misery of the majority. But what happened during the recent period showed clearly that the capitalism became enable even to find appropriate frameworks protect the productive forces which increases and deepen all its contradictions. These contradictions can’t be solved only by creating the appropriate framework for the contemporary productive forces, through the social ownership of means of production. That is through the victory of social revolution, which opens the horizon of building a communist society, which will move humanity from necessity kingdom to freedom kingdom. Yes, the development of events during the last two decades since the collapse of social block, showed clearly to the broad masses that the capitalist system is brutal system carries impoverishment, steady growing of exploitation, marginalization of growing numbers of people, and new colonial wars which became possible after the demise of the Soviet Union. THE FACTS PROVE THAT the masses in various parts of the world reject capitalism and its readiness increases to struggle in order to drop it. But in the same time the majority of these masses didn’t reach to the satisfaction that the alternative to this brutal system lies in the social system which based on social ownership of the means of production and on the power of hard working people, within the framework of the social state, which radically differ economic, social, political and moral from the nature of the existing states. The non-arrival of the oppressed masses to this satisfaction has many causes including:

- Blackening the image of the actual socialism that existed which really changed the face of the world. The brightest example of what socialism has done is the collapse of the international colonial system. But organized, continued and perfectly programmed propaganda by the international media blackened the image of all period of the exist of social alternative on more than one sixth of the land. We have to say that this ongoing campaign devilry the appearance of the socialist actual alternative which the Marxists- Leninists fighting for, this campaign has successed. - Right now, the bourgeoisie media successes to generally convince people that “lefts” alternative lies in what parties pose which are apostate from its communist class identity, despite most of these parties carry communist names, from reform democratic social alternative. It is clear that this “alternative” which reformers pose is a mixture of measure aimed to “beautification” capitalism and “improvement” not to blow it. The facts show that the large part of the effort of these parties is to fight against communism and the Marxist-Leninist thought. But, because of the act of bourgeois media machine, these movements and people who represent it seem as the only true realist “left”. But being nominated with names don’t related with their content by any link, this situation confirms once again the Leninist argument that the effective struggle against imperialism combining with continuous struggle against revisionism and opportunism. - The current existing regimes under various socialist names don’t related to socialism by any link in terms of relations of production prevailing in these countries, which is clearly being a capitalist relations of production. The link of these countries with socialism is his-

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torical link not current link. We recently deem that there are rushing to move in this way to gain the present, in their view, and perhaps loss the future. - There is a very important factor which is the limited influence of communist media because of its poor material base, with some important exceptions, such as our Greek comrades, where communists have a radio and television. Yes, comrades, masses reject the current situation, but these masses can’t reach the solution only through the hard working, continued and escalating struggle of avant-grade forces. THE CURRENT CIRCUMSTANCES dictate to the communist parties the necessity to be actual avant-grade parties, not just saying, its avant – grade comes from its clear thought, tightness of ranks, and its daily likes with wider audiences. Arab national liberation movement locates on the first front line with the global imperialism. imperialism especially its striking force which is American imperialism has received painful strikes by the factions of Arab national liberation movement, which comes Zionist Israel aggression on Lebanon 2006, and followed by a series of popular uprising against the Arab reactionary regimes loyal to America and have distinct relations with Zionism such as Egyptian and Tunisian regimes, who the heads of their regimes have overthrown, despite the Egyptian and Tunisian people have to do more and more in order to deepen and develop their liberation and national revolution. GLOBAL IMPERIALISM currently launches a fierce counter – attack against the Arab na-

tional liberation movement. The most clear face of this attack in terms of expansionist and aggressive objectives is the aggression of NATO against Libya with full coordination with Arab reactionary regimes. There was an attempt to cover this aggression with worn cover of words and familiar dissembler slogans about ?spreading democracy? and ?human rights?. The main purpose of violating Libya and its brutal extortion lies in restoring the integrity of empire which is reeling under the strikes of defeats and successive setbacks. As well as a perfectly programmed and escalating attack launched against Syria. This country which has clear approach against imperialism and Zionism and their expansionist plans in the region, this country who supports resistance and liberation movements, unlike all Arab reactionary regimes from ocean to Gulf. The imperialist countries as well as traitor autocratic Gulf regimes allocate very large possibilities, using the most insidious methods and the most dirty means to overthrow the anti- imperialism Syrian regime. THE SYRIAN COMMUNIST PARTY early warned about this danger. It has literally mentioned in the political report of the 11th conference of Syrian communist party which held in October 2010, the following: ?it clear more and more that this attack on Syria which takes many faces of political pressure, military threats, economic sabotage and weaving conspiracies, aims to make radical transformations to change the national face of Syria including overthrowing the exist regime which depends on wide national alliance its main object is protecting and strengthen the national sovereignty?. As regards to the current situation in Syria,

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it is worth to note the following points: - The plans of imperialism and internal reactionary to overthrow the anti-imperialism Syrian regime through wide popular uprisings which generously funded by reactionary regimes in Gulf, have failed, because of the majority of the popular masses, especially in the main centers in the country didn’t go through this context. But in the contrary, Damascus, Aleppo and many Syrian cities witnessed mass demonstrations condemning the conspiracy, and shouting against imperialism, Zionism and Arab reactionary. After this failure the reactionary forces moved to new methods have a criminal nature such as individual assassinations, in some cases to collective killing has sectarian nature and sabotage actions such as bombing the railway and attempts to burn factories especially which are belonging to the public sector. It is worth to mention that the individual assassinations particularly target the men of science and culture (researchers, doctors,… etc), as well as being targeted militants who have high experience such as pilots in order to weaken the capacities of national steadfastness. The collective killing did by terrorists randomly, as a result of that victims fell like children, women and old men in order to provoke the feelings of hate and shaking any possibility of stability.- In parallel with that increasing pressure on Syria is going on weather from the side of states and imperialist centers or from the Arab reactionary regimes related with these centers, by using the Arab states league, the target of this frenetic activity of Arab reactionary is to give pretext to take aggressive decisions against Syria by security council and other bodies of united nation under the cover of what so-called Arab legitimacy, which is completely false. In addition,

Gulf regimes generously fund all forms of internal reactionary movements in Syria. AS WELL AS TURKEY – which is the arm of NATO in the region- plays an essential role in exercise of all kinds of pressures on Syria, starting from political pressures, through economic pressures, reaching to direct support to the armed terrorist organizations and to embrace leaders of these organizations on its land. The regime in Syria has taken many laws and procedures towards the expansion of democratic freedoms in the country. But all these procedures received with dogmatic rejection by the reactionary forces. These forces are seeking to overthrow the regime, this is consistent with the inserts of imperialism and Zionism. As long as Syria keeping its anti-imperialism approach, then the imperialist expansionist plans can?t fully implement in the Eastern Mediterranean, especially the new great middle east project and in other word Great Zion project. THE STAND OF Syrian communist party is clear and lies in the confrontation to imperialist projects and support the national regime and its anti- imperialism projects approach, supporting the democratic reforms which in general close to the program directions of our party in this area. As well as the steady struggle in order to review the economic liberal orientation and all laws embody it. We always remind, that this orientation is the one who prepared the suitable soil of subversive work of reactionary forces. The abandonment of this orientation will strengthen the anti-colonial approach which applied by Syria and will strengthen the convolution of masses around it.

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When we look to the situation in Syria we have to take into account that the opposition forces don’t form a democratic alternative, the reactionary strike force is Muslim Brotherhood organization who stained itself by committed of collective killing and who completely related with imperialism and Arab reactionary regimes, while the liberal of all types are used as curtain of these obscurant forces. We prepare our people for all probabilities including the confrontation of military aggression. We are confident that if this aggression occur, Syria will turn into a grave yard for the aggressors. The Syrian people has an ingrained national heritage of struggle against colonialism. It isn’t vainly what one of the smarter French imperialism representatives Charles de Gaulle said: ?delusive who thinks that he could subdue Syria?, yes ?Syria will not kneel down?. We take this occasion to thank all brother workers and communist parties which contribute in solidarity with the justice case of liberation national struggle of Syrian people resisting the imperialist media lies and venoms. Dear comrades: the circumstances of the escalating confrontation between labor and capital and between liberation forces and global imperialism require to increase the bond of international communist movement factions on the basis of proletarian internationalism. It is also requires hard and serious work in order to consolidate and expand the anti-imperialism global front, this is a creative application of the great Marxist-Leninist slogan: ?world workers and oppressed people unite?.

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Communist Party of Turkey KEMAL OKUYAN

REVOLUTION versus “REVOLUTION” How should communists counter imperialist aggression? -a Turkish experienceDear comrades, dear members of the Communist Party of Greece, dear leading militants of the Greek working class who are hosting this meeting... THIS YEAR the International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties is taking place under very different circumstances in comparison to the previous years. What we are going through in these days are not surprising to one who has a Marxist-Leninist standpoint and who evaluates the developments through the prism of socialist ideology. However, we can conclude that, since last year, the history has started flowing faster, the crisis are getting deeper both economically, politically and ideologically, the counterrevolutionary attacks have been stronger, but nevertheless revolutionary opportunities have become more obvious. Since last year, the competition between the imperialists has started going beyond manageable dimensions and it has become an ever-growing struggle between them, and finally the threat of moving from regional clashes towards a large-scale war has become stronger. All that is happening is no doubt dangerous for the working class and in general for the humanity. However, what we are going through is the imperialist-capitalist system itself and the socialist revolution will indeed take place on this factual foundation. Sooner or later… We may be afraid that the working class will be forced to pay the bill of capitalist crisis, we may be afraid of the barbarous practices of warmongers and of the destruction that will be caused by a new imperialist war. We may fear that fascism, under new forms, may launch another intimidation campaign to suppress the communists, revolutionaries and

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progressive masses. Yet, fear is not a solution. In order to avoid all these possibilities, let us develop new, steadfast, principled and brave policies. And actually, we shall be afraid of some other things; of betrayal, to be made a fool and playing into the hand of our class enemies. Let us, once and for all, relieve our communist family from the habit of condoning and living with historical mistakes. As you will remember, in the beginning of 1990s while Europe was shaken by the demise of socialist countries, some of the “left” forces affirmed the counter-revolution, and even attributed a revolutionary character to it. This approach had also penetrated into the communist movement and, if we may say so, led to a complete loss of sense. We experienced similar disturbances during the attacks against Yugoslavia. During the imperialist intervention in Iraq, there were some parties belonging to “our tradition” which were fascinated by the concept of ‘fight against terrorism’. We are also aware of the existence of those who insist not to accept that the European Union is the means of attack, exploitation and competition of a few leading imperialist countries… We shall not think that the consequences of wrong apprehensions and attitudes on the developments in the Middle East in the last years are less severe. Imperialism has been successful in circumventing the progressive camp by using the bait of the so-called Arab Spring. THE TURKISH COMMUNIST PARTY has asserted since 2002, when the Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power, that

this party pursued a very special mission. We claimed that this party is one of the executive powers of a comprehensive operation imposed on Turkey and the region by the United States. Unfortunately, the vast majority of the “left” forces in Turkey raised the claim that the AKP will purge the counter-guerilla and achieve progress in terms of democratization. According to them, the Kurdish problem has been in the process of resolution and the attitude of Communist Party of Turkey towards the ruling party was nothing but nationalism. With the help of pseudo-leftists who constantly use the jargon of the bourgeoisie in order to blame the communists, the public was deceived by presenting this reactionary, pro-American attack on the working class as a movement of demilitarization. ON MANY OCCASIONS, we have also seen that our folks abroad were also mistaken about the real purpose of the AKP and we have constantly tried to explain this. We have insistently told those who claim that the AKP broke off the axis of the US, started to support the Arab people and approach to the progressive political powers of Latin America that, this party is a Trojan horse. Our party’s open letter to Venezuelan President Chavez this year is only one example of our attempts to explain this. Only two and half years ago in our Congress in Istanbul, in which many representatives from fraternal parties participated, when we declared that Turkey has been transforming into the “New Ottoman” period, some of our friends said that we were exaggerating the issue. Yet, the precursor of the immense imperialist attack which is called as the Arab Spring

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today was being performed with different tools in Turkey back then, and as an internationalist, patriotic and revolutionary party, the TKP was trying to prevent Turkey to take the pro-American role to be played in the Middle East and Africa. We were trying to warn the working masses and of course our friends. COMMUNIST PARTY OF TURKEY failed to stop the Turkish counterpart of this operation; it got little vote in the general elections that took place during this summer. We are not going to abandon ourselves to despair because we could not stop an international operation pursued with enormous economic and political resources in a period when laboring classes are extremely weak. We maintained our dignity; we have been the only force that resisted the process from the beginning. And now, under the retrogressive conditions of the new regime, the Second Republic as we call it, we are working energetically to gather the working class and the youth under the flag of socialism. I am not talking here to praise our party, the TKP. I am trying to emphasize that communists shoul be well prepared to what imperialists are doing, avoid mistakes and break with who insist to follow a very dangerous line. The process I mentioned has moved to Arab countries for a while. The TKP, although it respects just struggles of Arab workers, has openly declared since the beginning that international capital is implementing a bloody plan in the region. It warned its friends and the public about the fact that the developments in Middle East and North Africa are in no way revolutionary. Unfortunately, there were people among leftists who consciously or unconsciously supported the imperialist operations.

In my country, a party which claims to be revolutionary was comparing the so-called Arab revolutions within and was even claiming that the movement in Libya was more revolutionary because of its practice of armed struggle. These are deadly illusions and unfortunately the examples of them were not seen only in Turkey. These illusions could be the consequences of departing from the perspective of socialism, not being able to break off from liberalism, not giving necessary importance to the ideological principles; they might be the results of the preferences made historically out of the communist tradition as well. IN MANY COUNTRIES OF THE WORLD, as we see here in the example of the rising class struggle under the leadership of the steadfast Communist Party of Greece, in a period when the oppressed started to move and provide evidences that they will not be intimidated anymore, we need a communist tradition that takes a consistent stand against bourgeois governments, imperialist plans and reactionary ideologies. Long live socialism!

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Labour Party, EMEP, Turkey KAMIL TEKIN SUREK

Dear Friends and comrades, there have been important develop meats since the last meeting, such as the popular uprisings and mobilizations beginning from. Tunisia, reaching at first Egypt, then almost all Arab countries. Such an effective mobilization in such a broad territory was unexpected, in fact, difficult to foresee. Those who revolted in Tunisia and other Arab countries are unemployed youngsters, workers, women and other sectors of working people. They have revolted against autocratic regimes. These were such autocratic regimes that they kept the peoples under the yoke of themselves through a handful group, and condemned them to poverty. The greedy depredation and larceny of the ruling class have become untenable. Ben Ali and Mobarek first tried to quell me popular mobilizations, but when the millions of people hit the streets, they easily lost their political power. On the other hand, in other Arab countries, the dictatorships tried to suppress the range of people by means of some reforms. THE DEMANDS OF THE ARAB PEOPLES who rose up were freedom, political rights and honorable live as well as the abolition of misuse of authority and of poverty. These were supported by the youth’s demand for future and women’s demand for equality. None of the peoples could achieve to form their own popular governments in those countries. Bourgeois governments are reorganizing their own political power chiefly with the support and help of the USA and EU imperialists. However, the gains of the uprising Arab people cannot be underestimated so far. The “first round” of the battle between the autocratic regimes and the people has come to an end. Both sides are trying to get back their strengths. Even though the collaborators of imperialists, the bourgeois governments have not lost their power yet, it seems impossible for them to get back to their old-

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fashioned regimes in a short period. The rebellious masses have not completely left the streets; the demands which led to these uprisings have not been exactly materialized yet. There are signs that in different countries in the region the stagnation in the movement of the working masses who has been put into a mood of expectancy is being replaced by a new revival In addition to those demonstrations in countries like Yemen, Egypt, which is one of the main bases of imperialism in the region, is witnessing mass demonstrations against the administration under the control of the army, which tried to look sympathetic to the people during previous protests and stepped in with the promise of “stability and order”. We will see how these developments will take shape. However, it is clear even from today that things are not and will not be the same as they used to be. Above all, people have become conscious of their power. Despite the fact that these movements could not be brought to their final destinations at present because of the weaknesses to do with the subjective factors, the examples of Ben All and Mobarek have shown once again the hollowness of these dictatorships which are backed by imperialism once the masses unite and stand up. This region which had been portrayed for years in connection with the “Islamist terror7’ was now drawing the attention of the world public opinion because of popular uprisings with important economic, social and political demands, including democracy and freedom. THE IMPERIALISTS are trying to reorganize the dictatorships that they supported on the one hand, they insincerely pretend like

they adopt the demands of insurgent peoples, so they are trying to overthrown the governments undesirable for them, as in Libya and Syria. The NATO forces have bombed the lands of Libya by violating all international laws and committed a war crime by slaughtering numbers of civilians. The ongoing developments clearly set forth how the imperialists have been exploiting the people’s dissatisfaction and their demand for democracy and freedom in order to rob the national resources. The scenario created for Libya is being tried on Syria as well, in a different form. If the changes desired by imperialists took place in Syria, Iran and Lebanon would Apart from the Arab countries and North Africa, Israel, Greece, Britain, Spain, Italy, Colombia, Chile, etc. have seen mass demonstrations, protests, general strikes with the attendance of hundreds of thousand, even millions, of people, marking in many of these countries the broadest actions of the past few years or decades. If we look at the developments within the last year from Arab countries to Israel, to Africa and Europe and to America, it is especially important to point out, the resurgence in youth movements and an international trend in youth struggles. Youth demonstrations in some countries have gone on for weeks, even months. Depending on the country, the movements created by the actions of student or jobless - youth and the poor; became the spark and a part of popular movements; and in the example of Chile joined up with workers’ strikes. Youth movements in different countries are influenced by each other, and in solidarity with each other; they follow each other.

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ALONG WITH SPECIFIC DEMOCRATIC and political demands in some countries, pretty much in all countries unemployment and poverty as well as economic, social and educational attacks have ignited mass movements and youth action. In countries such as Greece where the crisis has deepened, mass movement has developed and the yoke of debt has tightened, there have emerged new demands surpassing the daily-partial demands. It is of course not possible to determine accurately, how and in what direction the movement on international scale might be. But we can - and we should!- say that the tendency to increase and spread the movement of the masses in general, and youth in particular are not temporary, and will increasingly go on because the living and working conditions of the working masses are increasingly getting worse by day by, with different levels in different countries. The working people are swimmingly going down in the world. It is worth noting that the countries caught up by debt crisis in the EU are also countries that have stagnant or contracting economies. All of developments and facts concerning the capitalist-imperialist world point out that it is highly likely that all existing conflicts and contradiction will be intensified; multifaceted attacks and cuts for the workers, people and youth, which will deepen their problems as well as the insecurities, discontent and despondence that they have regarding their future; and such developments, anger and reactions can lead to the rise and spread of their struggle. The above-mentioned developments have, in accordance with the unique conditions in each country, led to rise of the work-

ing-class, mass and youth movements all over the world, which, in return, has gradually lead to the erosion of the following qualities of the movement: diffusion, disorganisation and lacking political perspective. The latterly stated characteristics of the working-class, mass and youth movements have been apparent in the period that we have left behind. It is also obvious that the weakness and weaknesses in the subjective factor does as well as minimising the possibility of accumulating power and experience does minimise the horizon, demands and gains of the movement. BY THE WEAKNESS IN THE SUBJECTIVE FACTOR what we firstly and fore mostly mean or allude to is the nonexistence of the revolutionary parties of the working class in most of the countries and in the countries where such parties exist their link with the working class is weak. All this is not something we did not know and there is no benefit in solely repeating them. The question is for revolutionary parties to raise their work and struggles to such a level that would allow them to overcome these weaknesses. The rise and spread of the working-class, mass and youth movements as well as of the oppressed peoples’ movements does entail the following: establishment or strengthening of revolutionary working-class movements, building closer and wider ties with the masses and overcoming the weakness in the movement.

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Communist Party USA SUSAN WEBB

DEAR COMRADES, I begin by offering the following salutes: - To the Communist Party of Greece and the workers and people of Greece, for standing up, on behalf of us all, against the lords of global finance capital. We salute the KKE for its leadership in this mass struggle, in the epicenter of finance capital’s attack on workers everywhere. - To the Palestinian people and communists for their steadfast, principled struggle, under the most difficult conditions, for a Palestinian state with economic and social justice. - To the people of Tunisia and Egypt, and their communists, for inspiring the world with their mass struggle for democracy and economic and social justice, which is still ongoing. They gave the world, and American workers and people in particular, the inspiration and symbol of Tahrir Square and nonviolent people’s occupation of public spaces. JUST WEEKS AFTER THE EVENTS IN TAHRIR SQUARE, in the American Midwest state of Wisconsin, working people staged a weeks-long peaceful occupation of the state Capitol to defend union and worker rights against a coordinated attack by far-right Republicans. Among the signs the workers carried were “Walk like an Egyptian,” and slogans comparing the right-wing Republican governor to Mubarak. These occupations quickly spread to other states. It led to unprecedented mass action to turn Republican lawmakers out of office, and in Ohio after Republicans pushed through a union-busting law, the voters overwhelmingly overturned the law in a referendum last month. All this happened as a result of tenacious grassroots organizing by the labor movement. Most recently we saw the emergence of the Occupy Wall Street movement. Much like the young people protesting in North Africa and elsewhere it sprang up this fall as a spon-

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taneous outpouring of mostly young people, many college educated, with no jobs and a sense that they have no future under this system where, as they say, 1% control the wealth and power and the 99% are left with the crumbs and no hope. More about this later. In this short presentation I will touch very briefly on five points: -Obama administration foreign policy -Racism in the U.S. and its relation to the fight for socialism -The power of the right in the U.S. -The U.S. economy -Status of the people’s movement in the U.S., current battles and the fight for socialism. FOREIGN POLICY: The Obama administration was elected in no small part due to revulsion against the Bush-Cheney aggressive, unilateralist foreign policy, in particular the Iraq war. What we are seeing now within this administration, it seems, is liberal defenders of capitalism seeking how to project and protect what it calls “U.S. interests” globally in the post-Iraq era. (Note, we are well aware that the U.S. is not really “leaving” Iraq -it is leaving behind a virtual army of private contractors and covert operatives, and perhaps will wind up keeping or returning some troops there as well.) Clearly there are those within the administration who define U.S. interests as the interests of U.S. transnational capital, and some others who may think more broadly in terms of economic or social justice as being in the U.S. interest. At present it seems apparent that policymakers in this administration, looking at the debacle of the Iraq invasion and occupation, as well as the Afghan occupation, are opting for projecting U.S. military power, but through means that do not involve “boots on the ground” -drones, air strikes, targeted assassi-

nations, covert action and the like. This is a dangerous trend. In addition some advocate so-called humanitarian intervention, which as we have seen in Libya, morphs into other political-military projects that are destructive of the interests of the people of the country in question, and could unleash wider disasters. To steer clear of the discredited Bush unilateralism, NATO is being used as a cover. Most recently and disturbingly, the administration has announced plans to boost its military role in Asia, a confrontational move openly directed at China. Iran today is the closest thing to a flashpoint for war: while the Obama administration has resisted the far-right push for military attacks, it is opting for a confrontational approach, with increasingly harsh sanctions that hurt the Iranian people, and apparently also employing covert actions. On the other hand, Obama has continued his commitment to press for global nuclear disarmament, including signing the NEW START treaty with Russia last year. This is a positive trend. On climate change the administration has taken some inconsistent stances internationally. However Obama has also, despite bitter opposition from the energy industry and their Republican allies, improved U.S. policies and practices to address the profound crisis of global climate change and reduce American reliance on oil. This has important positive foreign policy implications. As we know, oil has been for decades a key driver of imperialist U.S. policy in the greater Middle East, of which the people of those countries have been the victims. With the economic crisis, more and more sectors of the American public, including labor, are open to re-thinking our bloated mil-

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itary spending, but we have to say that the American peace movement is today not big and broad enough to compel a fundamental turn away from the dangerous policies I have described. PALESTINIAN STATEHOOD and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and Cuba: We have a four-year presidential election cycle. Two years after the presidential election comes a mid-term election in which much of Congress and many state offices are voted on. In a few minutes I will discuss the surge of the ultra-right in our country following the election of Barack Obama. Right now, I just want to call attention to the fact that in 2010, two years after Obama’s election, the far-right scored a key victory by retaking control of one of the two chambers of Congress, the House of Representatives. This has had serious negative consequences both for domestic and for foreign policy. Early in his administration, Obama made some significant moves on advancing a just two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian crisis, with the achievement of Palestinian statehood. He also made some very small steps to ease relations with Cuba. Now, after the 2010 mid-term elections, far-right Republicans control key congressional committees. For example, viciously anti-Cuban-revolution “gusana” Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen now chairs the House Foreign Affairs Committee. She and her right-wing followers aim to intimidate and block any progress in U.S.-Cuba relations. With regard to the Israeli-Palestinian crisis, the Republican right along with their farright “Christian Zionist” supporters, has formed an unholy alliance with the Israeli right wing led by Prime Minister Benjamin Ne-

tanyahu and with right-wing Jewish American leaders -all this an effort to curry votes among American Jews in 2012. It should be noted that Jewish Americans are among the most progressive voting sectors in the U.S., and only a tiny percentage put “Israel” as their number one issue. Like most other Americans they largely vote based on their concerns about economic and social issues. But this unholy alliance, and the reactionary Cuba lobby, pressure and intimidate politicians whose re-election can depend on a small margin of votes in a single state. In American politics, after the mid-term elections, essentially the next presidential campaign begins. Thus we can at least in part attribute the highly disappointing stance of the Obama administration at the UN on Palestinian statehood to domestic U.S. political concerns. Likewise, we can at least in part attribute the administration’s failure to do more on Cuba to these domestic political concerns. But we also have to say that the progressive movements on these issues, including on the Cuban Five, in our country have been too small and too narrow. They tend to appeal only to left “solidarity” activists. They fail to take advantage of important opportunities to reach out to much wider circles and bring real policy change. Our party recently held a conference of our Cuba activists in order to better coordinate our work and we hope to make a positive impact in this area. Over the past few years a new broad approach to organizing has emerged among advocates of a just two-state Israeli-Palestinian solution. We stress the importance of involvement in such efforts so as to reach a much wider section of the public and counter the influence of the far-right unholy alliance. That is

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key to pushing this or any administration to take strong positive action on the issue. RACISM. In our country, built on slavery, racism has been the key tool of the ruling class to divide the working class for centuries. The election of the first African American president in 2008 was an unparalleled historic advance in the struggle for democracy and working class unity -both necessary ingredients to advance the movement for socialism in the U.S. The fact that in former slave states white as well as black workers elected a black man, Barack Obama, as president of our country was a most significant step, if we are to unite our multi-racial, multi-ethnic working class and their allies on a path toward socialism. It should also be noted that Obama is the most pro-labor president we have seen since the Roosevelt era of the 1930s and 40s. POWER OF THE RIGHT IN THE U.S. Over the past 30 years, there has been a steady build-up of right-wing forces in our country whose strength and ferocity we ourselves underestimated. It is a vast network of front organizations, think tanks, some with respectable images, media -most prominently Rupert Murdoch’s Fox News -and fake grassroots groups, with overlapping funders and directors. They are funded and promoted by certain sections of big capital and other wealthy forces who identify with them. For example, ExxonMobil has funded some of the most extremist right groups working to block progressive action on global warming and a green economy. With an eye to retaking the White House and all of Congress next year, these forces have fueled nationwide attacks on voter rights and access to the polls. It was this network that organized the

coup in 2000 that placed George W. Bush in the White House. Today’s Republican Party is a reflection of the strength of this far-right network. Republican politicians today as a whole are far to the right of those of earlier periods. They make George W. Bush look moderate. Upon the election of Obama this sector went into action in a more openly fascist-like manner than we have seen previously. They too saw the significance of Obama’s election that I spoke of earlier, and they were determined to destroy it. We immediately saw the emergence of the extreme racist, anti-immigrant, anti-government so-called “tea party movement” -actually small in actual numbers but amply funded, able to dominate the media through leadership of the right-wing Murdoch Fox News empire, and thus dominate the national discourse in 2009-2010. They organized the most hate-filled racist attacks on Obama, using Nazi and gun imagery and antiimmigrant xenophobia, questioning his citizenship and the legitimacy of his election. It was reminiscent of the atmosphere in Dallas, Texas, in November 1963 leading up to the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. In Congress, they succeeded in blocking or gutting every positive legislative initiative by the new administration, including solutions on the economy that would have benefited the working class at the expense of the rich. But the far-right has so overplayed its hand, in particular with its frontal assault on working people, that we have this year experienced our own “Arab Spring,” with the emergence of militant working class mass protests and the Occupy movement. U.S. ECONOMY -STRUCTURAL CRISIS The current economic crisis in the U.S. is not a

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transitory cyclical one. It is a structural crisis, characterized by the following: - Deindustrialization -moving of major manufacturing and jobs out of the country, forcing U.S. workers to lower-wage jobs and/or long-term unemployment, leading to declining living standards, purchasing power and state and local tax bases, causing budget crises at every level. - Deregulation -government policies pushed by the right for the past three decades that have allowed corporations to do whatever they want, including fraud and corruption. - Financialization -neo-liberal policies over the past 30 years spurred the rise to dominance of parasitic finance capital, more and more concentrated through mergers and acquisitions, engaging in increasingly risky speculative practices that ended up in the tech bubble of the 1990s and now the much worse mortgage crash that began in 2007, spurring a widening 7crisis that has created an epidemic of foreclosures (people losing their homes) and increased joblessness and state and local budget crises. There is no solution in sight unless the government invests massively in job-creating programs, including green economy investment, public transport and other services, and at the same time boosts worker income and spending power through safety net programs, improved health care, education and the like. How this crisis is resolved will be the outcome of a bitter class struggle. The national elections next year will be a key battleground in that struggle. STATUS OF THE PEOPLE’S MOVEMENT AND THE STRUGGLE FOR SOCIALISM. We have seen an upsurge of mass mobilization by the labor movement and a surge in united ac-

tion by labor and major organizations of the African American and Latino people and other democratic forces. Public workers today are the mostly highly unionized sector of the workforce. Thus the vicious targeting of public workers by the right-wing in their effort to outright destroy unions in the U.S. The labor movement is today the central, militant, progressive voice of the American working class and people. It is giving unparalleled leadership on just about every social and political issue in our country. And significantly it has seen the importance of alliances with other democratic sectors of the people’s movement -whether on immigrant rights, civil rights, voting rights, women’s rights, gay and lesbian rights, youth, education, health care and so on. Thus we have seen the important emergence of the We Are One movement, uniting all these forces, in particular the key forces of labor and people of color. This fall, the Occupy Wall Street movement electrified the country, and the world. Its slogan that “We are the 99%” but the 1% has the wealth and power, has captured the feelings of a wide majority. Its dramatic occupation actions, like Tahrir Square, gained wide media attention, overcame the right-wing onslaught, and transformed the national discussion in our country in a progressive direction. The labor movement has embraced and joined in with Occupy. Our party has done likewise. Several of our party leaders and activists have been arrested as part of the Occupy protests, including national leaders Roberta Wood and John Bachtell. Recently there has been a coordinated move by city officials across the country to evict the Occupiers from public spaces, and the movement is at something of a transition

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point, with varying elements and views on how to proceed. Important relationships are being built between Occupy activists, labor and the left including Communists, in a number of areas. But Occupy has many different trends, and it is too soon to say how it will develop. But its 99% versus 1% theme has struck a deep chord and represents an expression of growing class awareness and anger in our country. Now as we move into 2012, the overriding class battle for Americans is the 2012 elections. Americans are locked into a winner-takesall two-party system for at least the near future. We do not have a multi-party parliamentary system, and over recent years legislation around the country has made ballot access more and more restrictive. We see the formation of a mass-based people’s political party, with labor at the center, as a critical element in advancing in a progressive direction and ultimately toward socialism. This would represent a mammoth task, and a seismic shift forward in American politics. But given the vast difficulties involved in such a project, considering the vast wealth and power involved American elections today, millions of working class and progressive Americans continue to see the Democratic Party as their realistic vehicle of reform at this time. Given the real conditions of today, the defeat of the right at the polls next year is a lifeand-death necessity for America’s working class. It is not simply to the advantage of Democratic politicians; it can also change the balance of power in favor of the labor-led people’s movement.

ers see it is about our nation’s future: are we going to move in a progressive-democratic direction that can lay the ground for socialism, or in a right-wing antidemocratic authoritarian, even fascist-like, direction? The theme of this conference is the fight for socialism. We have to say, the movement in the United States is not big and broad enough to put socialism on the agenda today. At the same time, interest in and talk about socialism is growing. Over the past year our party has seen a dramatic increase in new members across the country, mostly young people, knowledgeable and searching for real answers. We have had major growth in the readership of our newspaper PeoplesWorld.org. Our relationships with key sectors and leaders of the people’s movement, including labor, have deepened. Articles from our press are now regularly reposted on labor union websites. This is dramatic for us, a party that only a few decades ago emerged from government persecution and semi-legality following a wide and deep anti-Communist campaign. Socialism of course has deep roots in the United States, dating back over 150 years, with utopian communities, farmers’ cooperatives, publicly owned utilities in some areas, and early formations of socialist groups. So we are optimistic about the prospects for progressive change and socialism in our country.

THE 2012 ELECTION as we and many oth-

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Communist Party of Vietnam NGUYEN MANH HUNG

KARL MARX in The Communist Manifesto stressed: “Communism is for us not a state of affairs which is to be established, an ideal to which reality will have to adjust itself. We call communism the real movement which abolishes the present state of things. The conditions of this movement result from the premises now in existence.” Accordingly, assessments regarding the actual situation, position, role and future prospect of the international communist and worker movement at the current stage – the first decades of the 21st century, require us to carry out assessments on a real movement, involving communist parties and workers’ parties who are in operation in countries from across the world, hold the common ideological basis of Marxism-Leninism, scientific socialism, share common political goals and coordinate operations with each other for the victory of socialism and communism. In that real movement, the cause of building socialism and defending the socialist Fatherland of the people in socialist countries, including our Vietnam, is a manifestation of scientific socialism, a common achievement of the revolutionary cause to advance the human society to a new form of socio-economic organization. The reality of the world’s history since the Great October Revolution of 1917 shows the fact that every success or misstep, failure, every advance or set-back of socialism does affect and have profound impacts on the international communist and worker movement. A typical example is the collapse of the socialist system in the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries 20 years ago. LOOKING BACK upon developments of the international communist and worker movement over the past 20 years, it is an undeniable reality that though still facing various internal obstacles and challenges and many plots and acts of “peaceful evolution”, inter-

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vention, sabotage, subversion by imperialist and hostile forces, the socialist system in Vietnam and few remaining socialist countries who survived the collapse of the Soviet Union does not only stay firm but also experience new development widely recognized in the world, evidenced by their great achievements of historical significance. The position and strength of socialism are now different from those in the 1990s amidst the collapse of the Soviet Union and tend to further grow. Let’s look at Vietnam as an example: Vietnam was a food importer in the 1990s and had to import more or less 1.5 tons a year. The country now is one of the world’s three biggest food exporters (its rice export volume in 2011 amounting to 7 million tons). According to statistics released by the International Monetary Fund in September 2011, Vietnam’s 2011 GDP reaches an estimate of USD122.567 billion, increasing by 16 times from that in 1991 (at USD7.642 billion) at the time of the Soviet Union’s collapse. In the context of the global financial crisis and economic recession, the country has continuedly obtained relatively high economic growth rates of 6.2% in 2008, 5.32% in 2009, 6.8% in 2010 and 5.8% in 2011. THE REALITY OF THE PAST 20 YEARS also shows that with lessons drawn from the successes and failures of the socialist system in the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries and with the experiences in building socialism in their own countries, socialist countries have been actively seeking and creating, both theoretically and practically, their own models and paths for building socialism in accordance with the conditions and situation of their respective countries and nations and with changes of the world. As for Vietnam as

well as other socialist countries, a breakingthrough development in the theoretical thinking and practices of building socialism and defending socialist Fatherland is the development of market economy and active integration in the international economy for socio-economic development and the building of material-technical base of socialist society. On the one hand, according to MarxistLeninist interpretations and other economic theories as well, “commodity”, “money” and “market” are historic categories associated with a certain development stage of the productive forces of the human society. These categories does not exist with far lower levels of development of the productive forces (such as primitive society and the early phase of slave society) and are bound to disappear with very higher levels of development the productive forces of the human society (such as in communist society, according to scientific predictions of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, etc.). As such, the development of market economy and international integration for socio-economic development and the building of material-technical base of socialism is an objective requirement which is determined by the current level of development of the productive forces of the human society and at the same time a right orientation for socialism to undergo self-renovation and development. It should not be held that market economy is exclusive for capitalism and is absolutely incompatible with socialism. On the other hand, the reality in Vietnam and other socialist countries in the past decades, mentioned above with figures, has tested and proved the soundness of the development of market economy and active international economic integration for socio-

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economic development and the building of material-technical base of socialist society. WHAT WE AIM to make a stress on is that Vietnam’s socialist-oriented market economy is totally different from the market economy in western capitalist countries. Our market economy is an organized one under the leadership of the Communist Party and the management of the Socialist State, constrains and minimizes the spontaneity of the market and aims to continuously improve people’s living standards for the best interest of the majority of the people and for the sake of sustainable development of the country. In the current context of economic crisis and recession, while the whole world is coming up again with discussions on issues related to the necessity to intensify the role of the state in economic management and the need for sound awareness and effective handle of the relations between economic growth and social justice and progress as well as for harmonious combination between economic policies and social policies, etc., those issues have all been of constant concern in Vietnam and other socialist countries and witnessed various achievements. In the socialist-oriented market economy developed by Vietnam, the state economic sector plays the leading role and, together with the collective economic sector, increasingly become the firm base for the national economy; the State plays a management role over the economy, directs, regulates and boosts socio-economic development by means of laws, strategies, overall plans and plans, policies and other material forces. A constant position of the Party and State of Vietnam is to effectively implement social justice and progress and to ensure social security in each individual development

step and policy. The 11th National Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam held in January 2011 affirmed: “The socialist society that the people of Vietnam build is one where the people are prosperous, the country is strong, democratic, equitable and advanced; a society owned by the people; with a highly developed economy based on modern productive forces and advanced, compatible relations of production; an advanced culture profoundly imbued with national identity; a society where people enjoy a life of plenty, freedom and happiness, and conditions for a comprehensive development; the different ethnic groups in the Vietnamese community are equal and united, respect and help each other for shared development; a society with a socialist lawgoverned state of the people, by the people, and for the people under the leadership of the Communist Party; with friendly and cooperative relations with the people of other countries in the world”. The 11th National Party Congress adopted the “Political Programme for National Construction during the Period of Transition to Socialism (supplemented and developed in 2011)”, the “10-year Socio-Economic Development Strategy for 2011-2020” and the “5year Socio-economic Development Plan for 2011-2015”. Our immediate goal is to develop Vietnam into basically a modernity-oriented industrial country by 2020 and a modern industrial country by the mid-21 st century, steadily moving towards socialism. The Communist Party of Vietnam takes Marxism-Leninism and Ho Chi Minh Thought as its ideological basis; is consistent in its goals of national independence and socialism. Our people’s cause of building socialism and firmly defending the socialist Fatherland of

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Vietnam still faces various obstacles and challenges but will definitely end up with victory. The revolutionary cause of the entire Party and people of Vietnam in the previous struggle for national liberation and the present building of socialism and defence of the socialist Fatherland have always received great and precious support and assistance from communist and workers’ parties, progressive forces and people from all over the world. On this occasion, I would like to once again express our thanks to representatives of the parties attending the Meeting. WE CAN SEE that although the historical evolution of development of the human society still goes through a tortuous path, in the first decades of the 21st century the advance of the human society from socialist form of socio-economic organization to communist form, the first stage of which is socialism, will occur at a stronger rate than that in the past period dated back to the crisis in and collapse of the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries. Next developments of the situation will much depend on the growth of socialist countries, on the extent to which socialism demonstrates its nature of humanity and emancipation as well as on socialism’s capability to make use of achievements of human civilization for the freedom and equality of people, for the sake of democracy and social justice and progress. Thank you for your attention./.

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FINAL STATEMENT The 13 th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties was held in Athens on 9-11 December 2011 with theme: «SOCIALISM IS THE FUTURE!»



in 2008, India (New Delhi) in 2009 and South Africa (Tshwane) in 2010.

The international situation and the experience of the communists 20 years after the counterrevolution in the USSR. The tasks for the development of the class struggle in conditions of capitalist crisis, imperialist wars, of the current popular struggles and uprisings, for working class-popular rights, the strengthening of proletarian internationalism and the anti-imperialist front, for the overthrow of capitalism and the construction of socialism”.

It becomes increasingly obvious for millions of working people that the crisis is a crisis of the system. It is not faults within the system but the system itself that is faulty, generating regular and periodic crises. It results from the sharpening of the main contradiction of capitalism between the social character of production and the private capitalist appropriation and not from any version of the management policy of the system or from any aberration based on the greed of some bankers or other capitalists or from the lack of effective regulatory mechanisms. It highlights the historical boundaries of capitalism and the need to strengthen the struggles for antimonopoly anti-capitalist ruptures, the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism.

The meeting was attended by representatives from 78 Parties from 59 countries. A number of parties that did not manage to take part for reasons beyond their control sent written messages. We salute from Athens the growing popular struggles releasing huge emancipatory potential against imperialism, against capitalist exploitation and oppression, and for the social, labour and social security rights of workers’ all over the world. The meeting was held in critical conditions in which the deep and prolonged capitalist crisis continues to prevail in the international situation, accompanied by the escalation of the aggressiveness of imperialism which is expressed in the decisions of the Lisbon Summit for the new NATO strategy. This reality confirms the analyses outlined in the statements of the 10th, 11th, 12th, International Meetings that took place in Brazil (Sao Paolo)

In the USA, Japan, the EU, and in other capitalist economies the impasses of the various versions of the bourgeois management are being demonstrated. On the one hand the restrictive political line leads to a prolonged and deep recession; on the other, the expansionist political management, with large state support packages to the monopoly groups, finance capital, and the banks, intensifies inflation and leads to the swelling of the public debt. Capitalism converts corporate insolvencies into sovereign insolvencies. Capitalism has no other response to the crisis beyond the mass destruction of productive forces, resources, mass dismissals, factory closures, and the comprehensive attack on workers and trade union rights, on wages, pensions, social security, the reduction in people’s in-

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come, the huge increase in unemployment and poverty. The anti-people offensive is strengthening which is manifested with particular intensity in certain regions. The concentration and centralization of monopoly capital is intensifying the reactionary character of economic and political power. Capitalist restructuring and privatisations are being promoted, aiming at competitiveness and maximisation of profit of capital, at ensuring a cheaper labour force and the regression of decades in terms of social and labour rights. The intensity of the crisis, its global synchronisation, the prospect of the slow, weak recovery intensify the difficulties of the bourgeois forces in managing the crisis, leading to the sharpening of the inter-imperialist contradictions and rivalries while the danger of imperialist wars is being strengthened. The attacks on democratic rights and sovereignty are intensifying in many countries. Political systems become more reactionary. Anti-communism is being reinforced. There are generalised measures against the activity of the communist and workers’ parties, against the trade union, political and democratic freedoms The ruling classes develop a multi faceted attempt to trap the people’s discontent through changes in the political systems, through the utilisation of a series of pro-imperialist NGOs and other organizations, through attempts to channel the people’s discontent into movements with allegedly non-political or even with reactionary characteristics. We salute the people’s and workers exten-

sive struggles and uprisings, for democratic, social and political rights against the antipeople regimes in the Middle East and North Africa, namely in Tunisia and Egypt. Despite the contradictions which the current situation manifests, it constitutes a significant experience that the communist movement should study and utilise. Simultaneously we strongly condemn the imperialist war of NATO and the EU against the Libyan people and the threats and interference in the internal affairs of Syria and Iran, as well as of any other country. We consider that every foreign intervention against Iran under whatever pretext attacks the interests of the Iranian workers and their struggles for democratic freedoms, social justice and social rights. These developments confirm the necessity of strengthening the Communist and Workers’ Parties in order to play their historical role, to further strengthen the workers and people’s struggle in defence of their rights and aspirations, to utilise the contradictions of the system and the inter-imperialist contradictions for an overthrow at the level of power and economy, for the satisfaction of people’s needs. Without the leading role of the communist and workers parties and the vanguard class, the working class, the peoples will be vulnerable to confusion, assimilation and manipulation by the political forces that represent the monopolies, finance capital and imperialism. Significant realignments in the international correlation of forces are under way. There is the on-going relative weakening of the position of the USA, the general productive stagnation in the most advanced capitalist economies and the emergence of new

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global economic powers, notably China. The tendency for the increase of contradictions is strengthening, between the imperialist centres, and of these with the so-called emerging economies. Imperialist aggressiveness intensifies. There are already several regional points of tension and wars and they are multiplying: in Asia and Africa, in the Middle East with the increasing aggressiveness of Israel particularly against the Palestinian people. At the same time we note the rising of neo Nazi and xenophobic forces in Europe, the multifaceted interventions, threats and the offensive against the people’s movements and the progressive political forces in Latin America. Militarization is being reinforced. The risk for a general conflagration at a regional level becomes even greater. In this sense the expansion and strengthening of the anti-imperialist social and political front and the struggles for peace in the direction of eradicating the causes of imperialist wars are fundamental. There are two paths of development: - the capitalist path, the path of the exploitation of the peoples which creates great dangers for imperialist wars, for workers’, people’s democratic rights - and the path of liberation with immense possibilities for the promotion of the interests of the workers and the peoples, for the achievement of social justice, people’s sovereignty, peace and progress. The path of the workers’ and people’s struggles, the path of socialism and communism, which is historically necessary. Thanks to the decisive contribution of the communists and the class oriented trade-

union movement the workers’ struggles in Europe and all over the world were further strengthened. Imperialist aggressiveness continues to meet resolute popular resistance in the Middle East, Asia, Africa and Latin America. This fact, along with experience accumulated so far especially in Latin America, the struggles and the processes that take place demonstrate the possibilities of resistance, of class struggle, in order for the peoples to make steps forward, to gain ground inflicting blows to imperialism when they have as their goal the overthrow of imperialist barbarity. We salute the workers’ and people’s struggles and note the need to further strengthen them. The conditions demand the intensification of the class struggle, of the ideological, political, mass struggle in order to impede the anti-people measures and promote goals of struggle that meet the contemporary people’s needs; demand an organized workers’ counterattack for anti-monopoly and anti-imperialist ruptures, for the overthrow of capitalism putting an end to the exploitation of man by man. Today the conditions are ripe for the construction of wide social anti-monopoly and anti-imperialist alliances, capable of defeating the multifaceted imperialist offensive and aggression and of fighting for power and promoting deep, radical, revolutionary changes. Working class unity, the organisation and the class orientation of the labour movement are fundamental factors in ensuring the construction of effective social alliances with the peasantry, the urban middle class strata, the women’s movement and youth movement.

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In this struggle the role of the communist and workers’ parties at national, regional and international level and the strengthening of their cooperation are indispensable. The joint coordinated activity of the Communist and Workers’ Parties, of the communist youth organizations and the anti-imperialist organizations in which the communists have an important contribution constitutes one of the most reliable elements for the expansion of the anti-imperialist struggle and the strengthening of the anti-imperialist front.

for the eradication of wars, unemployment, hunger, misery, illiteracy, the uncertainty of hundreds of millions of people, the destruction of the environment. Only socialism creates the conditions for development according to the contemporary needs of the workers.

The ideological struggle of the communist movement is of vital importance in order to defend and develop scientific socialism, to repulse contemporary anti-communism, to confront bourgeois ideology, anti-scientific theories and opportunist currents which reject the class struggle; combat the role of social democratic forces that defend and implement anti-people and pro-imperialist policies by supporting the strategy of capital and imperialism. The understanding of the unified character of the duties of the struggle for social, national and class emancipation, for the distinct promotion of the socialist alternative requires the ideological counteroffensive of the communist movement.

SOCIALISM IS THE FUTURE!

Working people, farmers, urban and rural workers, women, young people, we call on you to struggle together to put an end to this capitalist barbarity. There is hope, there is a prospect. The future belongs to socialism.

Athens, December 11, 2011

The overthrow of capitalism and the construction of socialism constitute an imperative need for the peoples. In view of the capitalist crisis and its consequences the international experiences and practice of the socialist construction prove the superiority of socialism. We underline our solidarity with the peoples who struggle for socialism and are involved in the construction of socialism. Only socialism can create the conditions

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MAIN AXES OF JOINT ACTIONS FOR THE COMING PERIOD The 13 th International Meeting of Communist and Workers Parties defined the following axes for the development of joint activities of the Communist and Workers Parties as well as dates-staging posts which will be used for the development of the related initiatives.



1. Workers’ internationalist solidarity and active support of the workers’ and people’s struggles. Promotion of the joint and convergent struggle of workers, poor farmers, poor intermediate strata: repulsing every attempt to repress the workers’ struggles and restrict the trade union rights of the working people. Particular care for the problems, the organizing and mobilization of the working women, the youth, and the immigrant workers. l March 8th: the international working women’s day l May 1st: Support to the mass mobilization of the workers for their class interests and rights. 2. Front against the imperialist aggressiveness. l 20-21st May: 25th summit of NATO in Chicago 3. Active internationalist solidarity with peoples and movements that face imperialist threats, interventions and aggressions, oppression and occupation. Against the persecutions of organizations and militants of the peoples’ movements. l 29th November Day of solidarity with the Palestinian People

4. Defense of the history and the contribution of the communist and workers’ movement, socialism. Action against anticommunism, against the anticommunist laws, measures and persecutions. For democratic and trade unions rights. For the unimpeded political activity of the communist and workers’ parties. Against the distortion and revision of history. l 7th of November: The anniversary of the Great Socialist October Revolution l 9 May: Day of the Antifascist Victory of the Peoples - we highlight the irreplaceable contribution of the USSR and the communists in the defeat of fascism. l June 18th: the 130th anniversary of Georgi Dimitrov l 23rd August: Day of activity against the distortion of history by the EU. 5. Denunciation of the US blockade to Cuba and struggle for its immediate lifting. For the release and return to Cuba of the 5 Cuban patriots. For the immediate and secure return of Rene Gonzales to Cuba. l 12nd September: 14th anniversary of the five Cuban patriots 6. For the promotion of the international front against imperialism and the support of the international anti-imperialist mass organizations, the World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU), the World Peace Council (WPC), the Women’s International Democratic Federation (WIDF), the World Federation of Democratic Youth (WFDY), within the specific context of the situation in each country.

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7. Actions in defense of the environmental conditions and against the capitalist destruction and appropriation of the natural resources.

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RESOLUTION ON THE CYPRUS PROBLEM

BY PROGRESSIVE PARTY OF THE

‘ WORKING PEOPLE (AKEL, CYPRUS) The participants of the 13th International Meeting of Communist and Workers Party that takes place on the 9-11 December 2011 in Athens take the opportunity of the convening of this meeting to express their solidarity and support to the struggle of the Cypriot people for reunification of the island and declare the following: 1. They condemn the invasion and the continuing occupation of 37% of the territories of the Republic of Cyprus for 37 years by Turkey; they consider the current division of Cyprus as illegal, unacceptable and detrimental to the people of Cyprus as a whole. 2. They declare that the Cyprus problem constitutes an international problem of illegal military intervention by Turkey and foreign interferences by imperialist forces such as NATO, of violation of core principles of international law, of the UN Charter, of basic principles of European law and of the human rights and civil liberties of its people. 3. They strongly condemn the continuing efforts of Turkey to alter the demographic character of the island, through the influx of settlers from Turkey, and the usurpation of land and properties in the areas which are not under the control of the Republic since the 1974 invasion, in violation of international humanitarian law. The effects of the current status quo undermine the prospects for the liberation and reunification of the island and turn against both communities of Cyprus, the Greek Cypriot community, the Turkish Cypriot community, the people of Cyprus as a whole. 4. They underline that the finding of a

peaceful, just and viable solution of the Cyprus problem must constitute an urgent priority for the international community. 5. They support the ongoing substantive inter-communal negotiations taking place under the auspices of the United Nations aiming at the finding of a mutually acceptable, comprehensive solution based on the agreed framework of bicommunal, bizonal federation with political equality as prescribed by the relevant UN Resolutions. A solution providing for the transformation of Cyprus into a federal state with a single sovereignty, single international personality and single citizenship. 6. They underline, that the solution must adhere to the relevant UN Resolutions, the High- Level Agreements between the leaders of the two communities of 1977 and 1979, the joint statements of the leaders of the two communities in Cyprus of 2008, and to the principles of International law. 7. The solution in Cyprus must safeguard the human rights and fundamental freedoms of all citizens, in line with international law, including the right of refugees to return to their homes and properties and the right of the families of missing persons in both communities to be informed of the fate of their loved ones. 8. They urge the Turkish Cypriot leadership to engage into a constructive attitude on the table of the negotiations and respect the agreed framework; they consider that any efforts to alter the agreed procedure of Cypriot ownership, to implement suffocating timetables and hold a multilateral conference before the two sides are in a range of agreement on the core internal aspects of the Cyprus problem would be detrimental and contrary to the

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facilitation of the finding of the solution. They insist that the progress achieved at the negotiations until now must be respected. 9. They appeal upon the people of Cyprus to continue to struggle for the reunification of the island. They applaud initiatives that enhance the rapprochement of the two communities. The people, especially the working class of Cyprus have nothing that separates them no matter their ethnic origin. 10. They consider that Turkey has to stop threatening the Republic of Cyprus and diffuse the tension it has caused in the region simply because of the exercise by the Republic of Cyprus of its sovereign right of carrying out investigations for natural gas and oil within its own Exclusive Economic Zone; Turkey has to respect the sovereign rights of the Republic of Cyprus and other countries in the region as prescribed by the relevant provisions and principles of the international law and UNCLOS. 11. They believe that the benefits of the

THE PARTIES CP of Albania PADS CP of Australia CP of Azerbaijan CP of Bangladesh WP of Bangladesh WP of Belgium Brazilian CP CP of Brazil CP of Britain NCP of Britain CP of Bulgaria CP of Canada SWP of Croatia CP of Cuba

natural resources should be used as a motive for the reunification of Cyprus. 12. They welcome the willing and constant effort of President Christofias to reach a comprehensive solution. 13. They call on the international community as a whole, to exercise its influence on Turkey in order to abandon its current policy towards Cyprus, withdraw its forces and enable the negotiations to proceed constructively, also taking into consideration the constructive and positive stance of President Christofias. 14. It is urgent that Turkey proceeds immediately in taking concrete and real steps in order to reach a comprehensive solution as soon as possible; the perpetuation of the status quo is against the finding of a solution. 15. They express their conviction that the two communities can live together as they have done in the past and build a peaceful, common future in a united, bicommunal, bizonal and demilitarized federal Cyprus.

CP of Bohemia and Moravia CP in Denmark CP of Denmark (DKP) CP of Egypt CP of Finland French CP CP of Macedonia, FYROM German CP UCP of Georgia KKE PPP, Guyana Hungarian CWP CP of India [Marxists] Tudeh Party of Iran CP of Ireland WP of Ireland

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Party of the Italian Communists Communist Refoundation Party Jordanian CP Lebanese CP SP of Latvia Socialist People’s Front, Lithuania CP of Luxembourg CP of Malta CP of Mexico CP of Norway NCP of Netherlands CP of Pakistan Palestinian CP Palestinian PP Paraguayan CP CP of Peru [Patria-Roja] Peruvian CP Philippine CP (PKP-1930) CP of Poland

Portuguese CP Romanian CP CP of Russian Federation CPSU RKRP-RPC NCP of Yugoslavia Party of the Communists of Serbia South African CP CP of Spain Party of the Communists of Cataluna CP of the Peoples of Spain CP of Sri-Lanka Syrian CP Syrian CP [Unified] CP of Sweden Union of Communists of Ukraine CP of Ukraine CPUSA CP of Venezuela

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SOLIDARITY WITH KAZAKHSTAN WORKERS

‘ BY COMMUNIST WORKERS’ PARTY OF RUSSIA REVOLUTIONARY PARTY OF COMMUNISTS Participants of the 13th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties express their sincere solidarity with the heroic struggle of Kazakhstan oil industry workers that have been fighting for their rights – for human working conditions and decent salaries, for the discharge of their comrades put into prison by the authorities, for giving back jobs to those that were fired. More than half a year has passed since the beginning of the extremely difficult strike that the oil industry workers in Kazakhstan have been carrying out under the conditions of brutal repressions by the authorities and by the Chinese owners of the enterprises. Local au-

THE PARTIES: CP of Albania PADS, Algeria CP of Australia CP of Azerbaijan CP of Bangladesh WP of Bangladesh Brazilian CP CP of Bulgaria SWP of Croatia AKEL CP in Denmark CP of Denmark CP of Egypt CP of Finland CP of Macedonia, FYROM UCP of Georgia

thorities put workers’ activists under unjust trials and throw them in prisons. The owners ruthlessly fire the leaders of the Trade Union. In the course of the struggle with workers they resort to outright criminal methods like killings of workers’ activists and of the members of their families, like setting fire to workers’ homes. We, the representatives of communist and workers parties of the world express our resolute protest against the repressions carried out against the striking workers, we demand that all the representatives of the fighting Trade Union thrown into prison by the authorities should be immediately discharged and the fair claims of the strikers should be met. We demand that measures should be taken to find and punish both the mean killers and the people who ordered these crimes.

KKE PPP Guyana Hungarian CWP CP of India(Marxist) CP of Ireland WP of Ireland Party of the Italian Communists Communist Refoundation Party Jordanian CP Lebanese CP Socialist People’s Front, Lithuania CPof Malta CP of Mexico NCP of Netherlands CP of Norway CP of Pakistan Palestinian People’s Party

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Palestinian CP CP of Peru [Patria-Roja] Philippine CP (PKP-1930) CP of Poland CP of Romania CP of Russian Federation RKRP-RPC CP of Soviet Union New CP of Yugoslavia Party of the Communists of Serbia CP of the Peoples of Spain

Syrian CP CP of Sri Lanka CP of Sweden Syrian CP Syrian CP [Unified] Labour Party, Turkey Cp of Turkey CP of USA CP of Ukraine Union of Communists of Ukraine CP of Venezuela

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ON THE CENTENARY OF THE COMMUNIST NEWSPAPER PRAVDA

‘ BY COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION Appeal by the participants in the 13th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties The newspaper Pravda will be 100 years old on May 5, 2012. At its source stood the great proletarian leader and founder of the world’s first socialist state Vladimir Lenin. For a century the newspaper has been fighting tirelessly for the interests of the working people against the omnipotence of capital. The Russian Tsarist Government, the bourgeois Provisional Government and the current capitalist regime in Russia shut down the paper tens of times. During the Soviet era Pravda, together with the whole nation, was selflessly building the socialist society, fighting against Fascism during the Second World War, contributing in a major way to the struggle for peace, for a broadening of the international communist and workers’ movement, for the emergence and strengthening of the world socialist system. Its noble struggle earned the

THE PARTIES 1. Communist Party of Albania 2. PADS, Algeria 3. Communist Party of Azerbaijan 4. Communist Party of Australia 5. Workers’ Party of Belgium 6. WP of Bangladesh 7. Communist Party of Brazil 8. Brazilian Communist Party 9. Communist Party of Britain 10. New Communist Party of Britain

newspaper wide popularity on the whole planet. Pravda ushered in an era of the communist press throughout the world. In the 20th century the communist and workers’ parties in Europe, Asia, America, Africa and Australia published their newspapers. Like Pravda, they became not only agitators and propagandists of the revolutionary ideas of Marxism-Leninism, but organized the masses in the struggle for implementing these ideas. After the bourgeois counter-revolution at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s in the wide spaces of the USSR, Eastern and Central Europe, Pravda, preserved by the Russian communists, has been the symbol of the strengthening of the international communist and workers’ movement and the inevitable resurgence of the temporarily weakened socialism. The representatives of the communist and workers’ parties gathered in Athens are calling on the communists and communist press journalists to mark the Pravda jubilee together.

11. Communist Party of Bulgaria 12. Communist Party of Canada 13. Socialist Workers’ Party of Croatia 14. Communist Party of Cuba 15. AKEL, Cyprus 16. Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia 17. Communist Party of Denmark 18. Communist Party in Denmark 19. Communist Party of Egypt 20. Communist Party of Finland

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21. Communist Party of Macedonia 22. Unified Communist Party of Georgia 23. Communist Party of Greece 24. People’s Progressive Party of Guyana 25. Hungarian Communist Workers’ Party 26. Communist Party of India [Marxist] 27. Tudeh Party of Iran 28. Communist Party of Ireland 29. Workers’ Party of Ireland 30. Party of the Italian Communists 31. Socialist Party of Latvia 32. Lebanese Communist Party 33. Socialist People’s Front of Lithuania 34. Communist Party of Malta 35. Communist Party of Mexico 36. New Communist Party of Netherlands 37. Communist Party of Norway 38. Communist Party of Pakistan 39. Paraguayan Communist Party 40. Peruvian Communist Party 41. Communist Party of Peru - Patria Roja 42. Philippine CP (PKP-1930)

43. Portuguese Communist Party 44. Romanian Communist Party 45. Communist Party of Russian Federation 46. Communist Workers’ Party of Russia Revolutionary Party of the Communists 47. Communist Party of Soviet Union 48. Party of the Communists of Serbia 49. New Communist Party of Yugoslavia 50. Communist Party of Spain 51. Communist Party of Peoples of Spain 52. Party of the Communists of Catalonia 53. South African Communist Party 54. Communist Party of Sri Lana 55. Syrian Communist Party 56. Syrian Communist Party [Unified] 57. Communist Party of Sweden 58. Communist Party of Turkey 59. Communist Party of Ukraine 60. Union of Communists of Ukraine 61. Communist Party of Venezuela 62. Communist Party of Vietnam

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WE DEMAND THAT THE REVOLUTIONISTS AND THE ACTIVISTS OF THE PEOPLE’S STRUGGLE IN TURKEY, WHO ARE KEPT IN PRISON BY AKP SHOULD BE IMMEDIATELY RELEASED.

‘ BY LABOUR PARTY (TURKEY) The AKP (Justice and Development Party) government which is in the servitude of the US and EU imperialists treathens the peoples of Syria and Iran by allowing the settlement of the Missile Shield within the borders of Turkey in order to protect Israel. On the other hand, apart from being the implementor of the offensive and reactionary policies in the Middle East, it also tries to keep all its opponents under its oppression at the domestic level. The number of Kurdish politicians and activists who have been put in the jail during the last six months has already exceeded almost four thousands. Five of those who was imprisoned are the elected representatives of the people in the parliament; tens of them are mayors in the Kurdish region; hundreds of them are executives in Peace and Democracy

THE PARTIES: CP of Australia CP of Azerbaijan CP of Bangladesh WP of Bangladesh WP of Belgium CP of Brazil Brazilian CP CP of Britain NCP of Britain CP of Bulgaria

Party (BDP). In addition to these Kurdish politicians, sixty lawyers and four academicians are also among those who have been arrested. Even just ten days ago, sixty lawyers was taken into custody in only one single day, thirty of whom were put into prison. Furthermore, thousands of young people have also been arrested with the accuse of being a member of so-called “terrorist organization”, when they rose up for the struggle for free education, and freedom of speech and of organization. We, the undersigned organizations who participated in the 13th meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties in Athens, declare our internationalist solidarity with the revolutionists and popular forces as well as the struggling youth in Turkey, who are arrested and tried to be oppressed by the AKP government, and demand them to be released immediately.

CP of Canada AKEL-Cyprus CP of Bohemia and Moravia CP in Denmark CP of Denmark CP of Egypt CP of Finland French CP CP of Macedonia, FYROM UCP of Georgia KKE

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PPP, Guyana Hungarian CWP CP of India [Marxist] CP of Ireland WP of Ireland Communist Refoundation Party Party of the Italian Communists Jordanian CP Lebanese CP Socialist People’s Front, Lithuania CP of Luxembourg CP of Malta CP of Mexico CP of Norway Palestinian CP Palestinian People’s Party CP of Pakistan Paraguayan CP CP of Peru [Patria Roja] Philippine CP (PKP-1930)

CP of Poland Portuguese CP Romanian CP CP of the Russian Federation CPSU RKRP-RPC NCP of Yugoslavia Party of the Communists of Serbia South African CP CP of Spain CP of the Peoples’ of Spain Party of the Communists of Catalune CP of Sri-Lanka CP of Sweden Syrian CP Syrian CP [Unified] CP of Turkey CP of Ukraine Union of Communists of Ukraine CPUSA

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MOTION FOR LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN

‘ BY COMMUNIST PARTY OF BRAZIL The circumstances in Latin America has changed substantially in the first years of the current century with the appearance of several processes characterized by the rise to government of left-wings, popular and progressive parties based on unitary and broad processes that take on different forms. Therefore, has been changed the conservative character of the 1990’s, when neoliberal regimes prevailed docile in face of imperialist policies. The background of all of those political advances was the crisis of the neoliberal model imposed during the 1990s by the so-called Washington Consensus, that resulted in wear of many governments and popular rebellions in many countries in the region, where the people were engaged – and still are – in all forms of struggle against the policies of capital and against imperialism. However, the USA keeps imposing on Colombia its military bases and attempting to turn that country into some kind of Israel in the region. At this new political moment for Latin America and the Caribbean, many initiatives,

THE PARTIES: CP of Albania CP of Australia CP of Azerbaijan WP of Belgium CP of Brazil

projects and political and economic instruments of integration and regional cooperation that have appeared, have been redirected and strengthened, as in the cases of ALBA, Mercosur, Unasur, Petrocaribe and CELAC, among others, which are true examples of the changing era in the continent. All those facts increased the dispute between the bourgeoisie, allied to the hegemonic and oligarchic national power of the United States, unwilling to give up power, and the progressive and revolutionary forces that struggle for the success of a society with greater social justice, national sovereignty, democracy and economic development. The current situation in Latin America and the Caribbean impels us to intensify, reinforce and fine-tune our abilities and strengths in order to make the influence and the solidarity with those processes more systematic, broad and effective, in favor of anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist struggles and all national and popular achievements that sanction such historical course. This motion of solidarity is signed by the Communist and Workers’ Parties below:

Brazilian CP CP of Bulgaria CP of Canada CWP of Croatia CP of Cuba AKEL-Cyprus

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CP in Denmark CP of Egypt CP of Finland French CP CP of Macedonia, FYROM UCP of Georgia PPP, Guyana Hungarian CWP CP of Ireland Communist Refoundation Party Party of the Italian Communists Jordanian CP SP of Latvia Lebanese CP CP of Luxembourg CP of Malta NCP of Netherlands CP of Norway CP of Pakistan Palestinian People’s Party Paraguayan CP

CP of Peru [Patria-Roja] Peruvian CP Philippine CP (PKP-1930) CP of Poland Portuguese CP Romanian CP CP of Russian Federation CPSU RKRP-RPC NCP of Yugoslavia Party of the Communists of Serbia South African CP CP of Spain Party of the Communists of Cataluna CP of Sri-Lanka CP of Sweden Syrian CP Syrian CP [Unified] Union of Communists of Ukraine CP of Venezuela

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RESOLUTION IN SUPPORT OF THE WORKERS’ PARTY OF KOREA AND THE KOREAN PEOPLE IN THEIR STRUGGLE TO BUILD A GREAT, POWERFUL AND PROSPEROUS SOCIALIST STATE

‘ BY WORKERS’ PARTY OF KOREA Today, the Korean people under the leadership of the Workers’ Party of Korea (WPK) are launching a vigorous all-out drive to attain the WPK’s magnificent goals of throwing open the gateway to a great, powerful and prosperous Korea by 2012, marking the birth centenary of the great leader Comrade Kim Il Sung, the founder of socialist Korea. This year being a significant juncture for its retrospective review of the centennial-long history of Kim Il Sung’s Korea, the Workers’ Party of Korea has issued a nationwide call for the Korean people to bring about a decisive upturn in improving people’s standard of living and in building up their country into an economic power, with a renewed emphasis on the development of light industry, while maintaining its on-going efforts to further consolidate the country’s current position as a politico-ideological and military power. In a hearty response to the WPK’s militant call, the Korean people have been energetically marching forward towards further improvement of their living standard and the buildup of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) into a powerful and prosperous state, under the slogan: «Korea will make it, once determined to do whatever it wants!» The introduction of the CNC in machinebuilding and other major industries has brought about an up-to-date image of the

DPRK’s economy, befitting the era of the knowledge economy, and placed the country’s economy on a new and higher state, thus making an epoch-making breakthrough in the improvement of the people’s living standard as well. The WPK’s undaunted struggle to firmly safeguard peace and security on the Korean Peninsula and in the rest of Northeast Asia against futile attempts by the US-led imperialist allies to isolate and squeeze the DPRK to death is a prominent part of the worldwide struggle for the victory of socialism and for the whole humankind’s independence. Victory is in store undoubtedly for the Korean people fighting for their just cause to safeguard peace and security on the Korean Peninsula and to open the gateway to a great, powerful and prosperous socialist Korea, under the sagacious leadership of the WPK headed by its General Secretary great Comrade Kim Jong Il. Being convinced that the Korean people’s successes have inspired the progressive humankind worldwide with a greater confidence in the victorious future of socialism and now serve as a substantial contribution to the victorious advance of our worldwide movement aimed at defending and safeguarding the cause of socialism, we, present here at this 13th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties, hereby express our unqualified support for and solidarity with the Work-

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ers’ Party of Korea and the Korean people in their struggle to build a great, powerful and prosperous state

THE PARTIES: CP of Albania PADS, Algeria CP of Australia CP of Azerbaijan CP of Bangladesh Workers’ Party of Bangladesh CP of Brazil New CP of Britain CP of Bulgaria CP of Cuba CP of Bohemia and Moravia CP of Denmark CP in Denmark CP of Macedonia Unified CP of Georgia CP of Greece People’s Progressive Party of Guyana Hungarian Communist Workers’ Party CP of India (Marxist) Workers’ Party of Ireland Party of the Italian Communists Jordanian Communist Party Socialist Peoples’ Front of Lithuania CP of Malta

Approved and signed by the following participants in the 13th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties: CP of Mexico New CP of Netherlands CP of Norway CP of Pakistan Palestinian Peoples’ Party Palestinian Communist Party CP of Peru – Patria Roja Philippine CP (PKP-1930) Romanian Communist Party CP of Russian Federation Communist Workers’ Party of Russia - Revolutionary Party of the Communists CP of Soviet Union New CP of Yugoslavia Party of the Communists of Serbia South African Communist Party CP of the Peoples of Spain CP of Sri Lanka CP of Sweden Syrian Communist Party Syrian CP (Unified) CP of Turkey CP of Ukraine Union of Communists of Ukraine CP of Venezuela CP of Vietnam

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SOLIDARITY WITH THE STRUGGLES OF THE WORKING CLASS IN GREECE

‘ BY COMMUNIST PARTY OF GREECE The Communist and Workers’ Parties which participated in the International Meeting in Athens, 9-11 December, express our unreserved solidarity with the struggle of the working class and the poor popular strata of Greece, against the harsh offensive which has been unleashed by big capital and its governments with the support of the EU and the IMF. The anti-people political line, which manages the capitalist barbarity, utilises the crisis and attacks the workers in order to reduce the cost of labour power and to increase the competitiveness and profitability of big capital. The government of the social-democratic PASOK, with the support of the liberal ND and the far-right party LAOS, implemented antipeople measures which had been decided on in advance. Measures which: reduce wages and pensions dramatically, plunder the social security funds, overturn labour and social-security rights, extend flexible labour relations, abolish collective bargaining agreements, tax the people savagely, promoted privatizations, commercialise and downgrade Health, Welfare, Education, increase the lay-offs and unemployment, generalise poverty. From the first moment the KKE and PAME played the leading role and oriented the struggle for the blocking of the anti-people measures, so that the plutocracy pays for the crisis. PAME, the All-workers Militant Front, rallies strong working class forces in a militant

class direction against employer-led trade unionism which supports the strategy of capital and the EU, and class collaboration. An important element which gives impetus to the struggle of the people is the coordinated struggle of PAME with militant organizations of the self-employed (PASEVE), the poor and medium-sized farmers (PASY), the youth (MAS), and the women (OGE). With the central slogans «The plutocracy must pay for the crisis» and «Worker, without you no cog can turn, you can do without the bosses» 23 general strikes were organized as well as many sectoral and company level strikes, hundreds of demonstrations, many occupations of state and other buildings, despite the state and employer intimidation, the blackmailing dilemmas through which capital, its parties and the Troika attempt to extort the workers. Strong weapons in this struggle are the class-oriented trade unions, the struggle committees in the workplaces, the people’s committees in the working class neighbourhoods. In the face of the majestic struggle of the working class, and the working people, the forces of capital which face difficulties in managing the capitalist crisis, formed a «black front» government, with the socialdemocratic PASOK, the liberal ND and the nationalist LAOS in order to attack the people even more barbarically. The tough struggles of the working class in Greece received the warm militant interna-

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tionalist solidarity of the peoples in our countries and this is an important, useful element which can contribute to the strengthening of the class struggle against the anti-worker offensive which is spreading in every country to make the worker cheaper and to increase the profits of capital. The strengthening of the struggle in every country and the internation-

THE PARTIES: PADS CP of Albania CP of Australia CP of Azerbaijan CP of Bangladesh WP of Bangladesh WP of Belgium CP of Brazil Brazilian CP CP of Britain NCP of Britain CP of Bulgaria CP of Canada SWP of Croatia CP of Bohemia and Moravia CP of Cuba AKEL, Cyprus CP in Denmark CP of Denmark CP of Egypt CP of Finland French CP CP of Macedonia, FYROM UCP of Georgia German CP KKE PPP, Guyana

alist solidarity are an irresistible force. The communists all over the world will be in the vanguard of the important struggles which we have before us, to defend the working class and popular interests, to overthrow the exploitative system, so that the working class becomes the master of the wealth which it produces.

Hungarian CWP CP of India [Marxist] Tudeh Party of Iran CP of Ireland WP of Ireland Party of the Italian Communists Communist Refoundation Party Jordanian CP SP of Latvia SPF, Lithuania Lebanese CP CP of Luxembourg CP of Malta CP of Mexico NCP of Netherlands CP of Norway CP of Pakistan Palestinian PP Palestinian CP Paraguayan CP Peruvian CP Philippine CP (PKP-1930) CP of Poland Portuguese CP Romanian CP CP of Russian Federation CPSU RKRP-RPC

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NCP of Yugoslavia Party of the Communists of Serbia South African CP CP of Spain (PCE) CP of the Peoples of Spain Party of the Communists of Cataluna CP of Sri Lanka CP of Sweden

Syrian CP Syrian CP (Unified) CP of Turkey CPUSA CP of Ukraine UCP of Ukraine CP of Vietnam

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MOTION IN SOLIDARITY WITH SWAZILAND WE DEMAND THAT THE POLICY OF THE RUSSIAN AUTHORITIES AIMED AGAINST WORKERS AS WELL AS THE BREACH OF HUMAN RIGHTS SHOULD BE STOPPED

‘ BY COMMUNIST WORKERS’ PARTY OF RUSSIA – REVOLUTIONARY PARTY OF COMMUNISTS We, the participants of the 13th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties believe that the authorities of Russian Federation interfere with the implementation of the legal right of the citizens to take part in political activities. It’s been about 2 years since the authorities started to reject all the applications of «Russian United Labour Front (ROT FRONT)» to be legally registered. ROT FRONT was created by RCWP-RPC and some other ant-capitalist and anti-imperialist forces in order to develop class struggle and to take part in the elections. There have been 6 rejections given under pretexts that are farfetched, ridiculous and contradicting the law. In particular, Russian Justice Ministry’s officials found the signs of extremism and the struggle against the

THE PARTIES: CP of Albania PADS CP of Australia CP of Azerbaijan CP of Bangladesh WP of Bangladesh WP of Belgium Brazilian CP CP of Britain NCP of Britain CP of Bulgaria

current authorities in the symbol of ROT FRONT – a clinched fist against the background of a five pointed star. It’s quite obvious that the authorities of the Russian Federation have made up their minds to never let working people, first of all Russian workers to participate in legal political activities, in particular they prevent them from realizing the indispensable right of the citizens to nominate their candidates for parliamentary elections (to the State Duma), as only 7 political parties were allowed by the authorities to take part in these elections. We, the representatives of communist and workers’ parties of the world express our solidarity with working people of Russia that are united in ROT FRONT and with their struggle for their civil and electoral rights. We demand that Russian authorities should put an end to the illegal rejections and should promptly give the ROT FRONT a legal registration.

CP in Denmark CP of Egypt CP of Macedonia, FYROM UCP of Georgia KKE PPP, Guyana Hungarian CWP CP of India [Marxist] Tudeh Party of Iran WP of Ireland Lebanese CP SPF, Lithuania

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CP of Malta CP of Mexico NCP of the Netherlands CP of Norway Palestinian CP Palestinian PP CP of Pakistan CP of Peru [Patria-Roja] Philippine CP (PKP-1930) CP of Poland Romanian CP CP of Russian Federation

RKRP-RPC CPSU Party of the Communists of Serbia NCP of Yugoslavia CP of Peoples of Spain CP of Sri-Lanka Syrian CP CP of Sweden CP of Turkey Labour Party, Turkey CP of Ukraine Union of Communists of Ukraine

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MOTION IN SOLIDARITY WITH SWAZILAND LET US JOINTLY COMMEMORATE THE BIRTH CENTENARY OF THE GREAT LEADER COMRADE PRESIDENT KIM IL SUNG AS A GRAND POLITICAL FESTIVAL OF THE WORLD’S HUMANKIND

‘ BY WORKERS’ PARTY OF KOREA Communist and Workers’ Parties and progressive people all over the world are to join the friendly people of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) in April 2012 in a significant commemoration in honour of the birth centenary of the great leader Comrade Kim Il Sung, the founder of socialist Korea and the eternal President of the DPRK, who has performed great immortal exploits that go down in the 20th century history of international politics and the cause of independence of the humankind. Comrade Kim Il Sung commands unanimous recognition worldwide as the distinguished great man and stays and will stay alive forever in the hearts of the humankind as the outstanding leader of the global cause of socialism and independence into the future course of the independence era. Based on his deep insight into the requirements of the newly developing era of the popular masses emerging as the masters of their own destiny, great Comrade Kim Il Sung has fathered the immortal Juche Idea and, on that basis, comprehensively systematized and further developed a number of unique theories on national and class liberation and socialist construction, thus making immortal ideological and theoretical achievements to the advancement of the cause of socialism and independence of the humankind.

Comrade Kim Il Sung has applied to the reality of the Korean revolution the truth and scientific accuracy of the Juche Idea that the popular masses are the masters of revolution and construction and that the motive force of revolution and construction. Through this course, he has brought several stages of the Korean revolution as well as all the nationbuilding work – political, economic, cultural, military and diplomatic – to a victorious outcome, thus inaugurating the era of peoplecentered socialism on the land of the DPRK. Comrade Kim Il Sung has devoted everything of his own to the cause of freedom and liberation of the oppressed all around the world, to the future of a new independent world, and to the unity and solidarity of the socialist and progressive forces of the world, and thus made great achievements that remain enshrined in the history of the international cause of independence and socialism. The socialist cause in the D P R K pioneered by the great Comrade Kim Il Sung has been advancing victoriously under the outstanding leadership of Songun (military-first) revolution of the respected Comrade Kim Jong Il. Despite the malignant attempts on the part of the US imperialists and their subservient underlings to isolate and stifle the DPRK, the Workers’ Party of Korea stands firm in defence of the DPRK’s state sovereign rights and in upholding the flag of socialism higher, while making gigantic successes by

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vigorously organizing and encouraging the entire DPRK people into an all-out drive aimed at opening the gateway to a great, powerful and prosperous socialist Korea by 2012, the year of the birth centenary of the great Comrade Kim Il Sung.

rations to join the friendly Korean people in the significant commemoration of the Day of the Sun, with atmosphere of the commemoration growing in intensity.

With the boundless admiration and earnest yearning of Comrade Kim Il Sung, who has devoted his lifetime to the cause of socialism and independence of humankind, political parties and organizations of many countries and progressive people all over the world are unanimous in their desire to hold grandiose events of commemoration in honour of the Day of the Sun in 2012, the birth centenary of the peerless great man.

In expressing our full support for and solidarity with the Workers’ Party of Korea and the Korean people in their struggle to build a great, powerful and prosperous socialist Korea, we wholeheartedly call upon political parties and organizations of all countries in the world to hold grandiose joint commemoration in the form of a grand political festival to honour the birth centenary of the great leader of the socialist cause Comrade Kim Il Sung, who has made immortal contribution to the cause of independence of the humankind.

At present, a great number of political parties and organizations in the world are actively pushing ahead with their respective prepa-

Approved and signed by the following participants in the 13th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties:

Communist Party of Albania Communist Party of Azerbaijan Communist Party of Bangladesh Workers’ Party of Bangladesh Communist Party of Brazil New Communist Party of Britain Communist Party of Bulgaria Communist Party of Cuba Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia Communist Party of Macedonia Unified Communist Party of Georgia Party of the Italian Communists Hungarian Communist Workers’ Party Communist Party of India (Marxist) Communist Party of Malta Communist Party of Mexico

Communist Party of Pakistan Communist Party of Peru – Patria Roja Romanian Communist Party Communist Party of Russian Federation Communist Workers’ Party of Russia - Revolutionary Party of the Communists Communist Party of Soviet Union New Communist Party of Yugoslavia Party of the Communists of Serbia Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain Communist Party of Sri Lanka Communist Party of Ukraine Union of Communists of Ukraine Communist Party of Venezuela Communist Party of Vietnam

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Косово вернут сербии



Коммунистические и рабочие партии на Конференции в Афинах считают что войска НАТО должна срочно окончить окупацию сербского региона Косово и вернуть его Сербии. Как извесно, войска НАТО окупировала Косово после преступной агрессии против Сербии 1999.г. Сразу после окупации терористи УЧК, в сотрудничестве с правительствами НАТО стран, выгнали с територии Косово сотни тысяч Сербов и отняли у них дома, землю и целое имущество.

столетиями находилис столица и центр Сербии. Косово являеться неотчуждимой частью Сербии. В нём, в рамках Республики Сербии, должни жить равноправно и дружествено Серби, Албанци, Турки, Роми, Мусулмани и другие национальние меньши Мы тоже энергично требуем срочно ликвидировать американскую военную базу на Косово - Бонстил. 9. 12. 2011.Г.

Косово в истории никогда не принадлежало Албании и Албанцам. Там ещё в одинадцатом веке основано сербское государство. Там

The ParTies: Communist Party of Azerbaijan Workers’ Party of Belgium New Communist Party of Britain Communist Party of Bulgaria Party of the Bulgarian Communists Socialist Workers’ Party of Croatia AKEL, Cyprus Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia Communist Party of Denmark Communist Party of Macedonia, FYROM Unified Communist Party of Georgia PPP Guyana Hungarian Communist Workers’ Party Socialist Party of Latvia Socialist People’s Front, Lithuania Communist Party of Luxembourg Communist Party of Malta

АФИНЫ

Communist Party of Mexico New Communist Party of the Netherlands Communist Party of Norway Communist Party of Pakistan Communist Party of Peru [Patria –Roja] Communist Party of Poland Romanian Communist Party of Communist Party of Russian Federation CPSU RKRP-RPC New Communist Party of Yugoslavia Party of the Communists of Serbia Communist Party of Turkey Communist Party of Sri-Lanka Communist Party of Sweden Syrian Communist Party Communist Party of Ukraine Union of Communists of Ukraine Communist Party of Venezuela

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MOTION IN FAVOUR OF THE LIFTING OF THE U.S. BLOCKAGE AGAINST CUBA AND THE RELEASE OF OUR FIVE HEROES We should demand from the United States the fulfilment of the will expressed during 20 years by the international community and the end of the unjust blockade that has caused to the Cuban people economic damages exceeding 975 billion U.S. dollars. On the last October 25th; with 186 votes in favour, 2 against and 3 abstentions, the United Nations approved almost unanimously the Resolution demanding to put an end to this criminal policy and its direct impact on the Cuban people and economy.



One of the Five Cuban antiterrorist fighters has just served his term in jail up to the last minute, 13 years of unjust sentence, but he is not allowed to return to Cuba to rejoin his

THE PARTIES CP of Albania PADS CP of Australia CP of Azerbaijan CP of Bangladesh WP of Bangladesh WP of Belgium Brazilian CP CP of Brazil CP of Britain NCP of Britain CP of Bulgaria CP of Canada SWP of Croatia CP of Bohemia and Moravia CP of Cuba

family; while the other four remain under a cruel and unjust political imprisonment. The gross corruption of the legal process and the illegal behaviour of the U.S. government have kept the case in silence. We demand the return of RenÈ to his homeland and the immediate release of RamÛn, Fernando, Antonio and Gerardo. This is a cause in favour of those who have remained faithful to socialism and have offered their lives to the most just and noble ideals. The U.S. blockade against Cuba should end! Immediate release for the Cuban antiterrorist fighters!

AKEL, Cyprus CP in Denmark CP of Denmark CP of Egypt CP of Finland French CP CP of Macedonia, FYROM German CP UCP of Georgia KKE PPP, Guyana Hungarian CWP CP of India [Marxist] Tudeh Party of Iran CP of Ireland WP of Ireland Party of the Italian Communists

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Communist Refoundation Party, Italy Jordanian CP SP of Latvia Lebanese CP SPF, Lithuania CP of Luxembourg CP of Malta CP of Mexico NCP of Netherlands CP of Norway CP of Pakistan Palestinian PP Palestinian CP Paraguayan CP CP of Peru [Patria-Roja] Peruvian CP Philippine CP (PKP-1930) Portuguese CP CP of Poland Romanian CP

CP of Russian Federation CPSU RKRP-RPC South African CP CP of Spain (PCE) CP of Peoples of Spain Party of the Communists of Cataluna NCP of Yugoslavia Party of the Communists of Serbia CP of Sri-Lanka CP of Sweden Syrian CP Syrian CP [Unified] CP of Turkey Labour Party, Turkey CP of Ukraine CPUSA Union of Communists of Ukraine CP of Venezuela CP of Vietnam

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STATEMENT OF SOLIDARITY WITH VENEZUELA

‘ BY COMMUNIST PARTY OF VENEZUELA The political, social and cultural revolutionary process currently taking place in Venezuela, has been and still is under persistent threats, pressures and interventionist actions by Imperialism, particularly U.S. Imperialism, in an attempt to destabilize the legitimate and democratic Government led by President Hugo Rafael Ch·vez FrÓas. These imperialist aggressions aim at pushing back the policies of the Bolivarian Government which are designed to address the historically neglected popular demands, to break the mechanisms of imperialist domination, to create the basis for sovereign development, to build the broadest unity between the peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean, to promote a change in the international correlation of forces in favor of the peoples, and to help open the path towards the building of Socialism. While in many countries the Working Class and poor popular strata are rapidly losing social entitlements that had been won in historical struggles, in Venezuela access to free, public, quality health and educational services is increasing; social security for the peo-

THE PARTIES PADS CP of Albania CP of Australia CP of Azerbaijan WP of Belgium CP of Bangladesh

ple is being strengthened; and some embryonic and heterogeneous processes of construction of peopleãs power are under way. In this context, the 13th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties, held in Athens on December 9-11, 2011, under the slogan «SOCIALISM IS THE FUTURE!», declares: 1.- We salute the coordinated efforts of the peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean, and their progress towards breaking the chains of political, economic, cultural and military domination exerted by imperialist forces, particularly by U.S. Imperialism. 2.- We express our solidarity with the Working Class and the people of Venezuela and their avant-garde, the Communist Party of Venezuela, in their fight against the persistent and systematic threats, pressures and interventionist actions of U.S. Imperialism and its European allies. 3.- We declare our commitment to intensify in our own countries our efforts in solidarity with the Venezuelan people, with their revolutionary process and with the Bolivarian Government, and to counter the campaigns of misinformation and slander against Venezuela promoted by the international media at the service of Capitalism.

WP of Bangladesh Brazilian CP CP of Brazil CP of Britain NCP of Britain CP of Bulgaria CP of Canada

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SWP of Croatia CP of Cuba AKEL- Cyprus CP of Bohemia and Moravia CP of Egypt CP in Denmark CP of Denmark CP of Finland French CP CP of Macedonia, FYROM UCP of Georgia German CP KKE PPP, Guyana Hungarian CWP CP of India [Marxist] Tudeh Party of Iran CP of Ireland WP of Ireland Party of the Italian Communists Refoundation Communist Party Jordanian CP CP of Malta CP of Mexico Lebanese CP CP of Luxembourg SPF, Lithuania NCP of Netherlands CP of Norway

CP of Pakistan Palestinian CP Palestinian PP Paraguayan CP CP of Peru [Patria-Roja] Peruvian CP Philippine CP (PKP-1930) CP of Poland Portuguese CP Romanian CP RKRP-RPC CPSU CP of Russian Federation NCP of Yugoslavia Party of the Communists of Serbia South African CP CP of Spain CP of the Peoples of Spain Party of the Communists of Cataluna CP of Sri- Lanka CP of Sweden Syrian CP Syrian CP [Unified] CP of Turkey Union of Communists of Ukraine CP of Ukraine CP USA CP of Venezuela

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STATEMENT IN OPPOSITION TO THE THREATS OF MILITARY INTERVENTION IN IRAN

‘ BY TUDEH PARTY OF IRAN AND COMMUNIST PARTY OF BRITAIN The participants of the 13th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties taking place on 9-11th December 2011 in Athens, Greece express their solidarity with the working class of Iran in their complex struggle for peace, sovereignty, democracy and social justice. We view with grave concern the moves by the NATO powers, following their intervention in Libya, to extend their programme of regime change across the entire Middle East. The policies, statements and concrete actions adopted by the US, the EU and Israel in the region all indicate an active intent to shift the balance of power across the entire Middle East in favour of imperialism. Communists believe that Imperialist policies in the Middle East are designed to guarantee the control of the massive energy resources and untapped markets of this geopolitically strategic region for monopolies and oil transnationals. The recent heightening of tensions in relation with Iran following the Israel’s threat of a nuclear strike against that country, the publication of a damaging Atomic Energy Agency’s report on Iran’s nuclear programme, the new

THE PARTIES CP of Albania PADS, Algeria CP of Azerbaijan CP of Australia

series of punitive economic and financial sanctions adopted by the UK, Canada, the US and supported by other EU countries, the withdrawal of the British diplomatic mission from Iran and the ordering out of the Iranian diplomatic mission in London is a serious concern about the future developments in relation with Iran. We therefore reiterate our opposition to all such interventions against sovereign countries as violations of the United Nation’s founding charter. Communists believe that it is the right of the Iranian people themselves to determine the direction of future developments in their country and to achieve peace, democracy and progress. Threats of external imperialist intervention strengthen the hands of the most reactionary sections of the ruling class. We resolutely condemn any intervention in Iran by imperialist states and their allies, which are trying to advance their plan for the creation of a «Greater Middle East». We believe that it is the right of the Iranian people themselves to determine the direction of future developments in their country and to achieve peace, democracy and social progress.

CP of Bangladesh WP of Bangladesh WP of Belgium CP of Brazil Brazilian CP

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CP of Britain NCP of Britain CP of Bulgaria CP of Canada SWP of Croatia CP of Cuba AKEL, Cyprus CP of Bohemia and Moravia CP in Denmark CP of Denmark CP of Egypt CP of Finland French CP CP of Macedonia, FYROM UCP of Georgia German CP PPP, Guyana KKE Hungarian CWP CP of India CP of India [Marxist] Tudeh Party of Iran CP of Ireland WP of Ireland Party of the Italian Communists Communist Refoundation Party Jordanian CP Lebanese CP Socialist People’s Front, Lithuania CP of Luxembourg CP of Malta CP of Mexico

NCP of the Netherlands CP of Norway Palestinian CP Palestinian People’s Party CP of Pakistan Paraguayan CP CP of Peru [Patria Roja] Peruvian CP Philippine CP (PKP-1930) CP of Poland Portuguese CP Romanian CP CPSU CP of the Russian Federation RKRP-RPC Party of the Communists of Serbia NPC of Yugoslavia South African CP CP of Spain CP of the Peoples of Spain Party of the Communists of Cataluna CP of Sri-Lanka CP of Sudan CP of Sweden Syrian CP Syrian CP [Unified] CP of Turkey CP of Ukraine Union of Communists of Ukraine CPUSA CP of Venezuela

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SOLIDARITY STATEMENT WITH THE SYRIAN PEOPLE FOR ITS CONFRONTATION TO IMPERIALIST CONSPIRACY

‘ BY SYRIAN COMMUNIST PARTY Communist and workers’ parties which participated in the13th World Meeting, held in Athens between 9-11/12/2011 declare its solidarity with Syria and its people to face the imperialist conspiracies based on reactionary forces in the region and to Israel aggression, which seeks to impose its colonial hegemony on the region to hit Arab national liberation movement forces and revolutionary advancement. We firmly oppose any interference or threat of aggression by imperialism against Syria and we condemn their support to terrorist and criminal actions did by the extremist reactionary forces inside Syria, which affected

THE PARTIES CP of Albania PADS CP of Azerbaijan CP of Australia CP of Bangladesh WP of Bangladesh WP of Belgium Brazilian CP CP of Brazil CP of Britain NCP of Britain CP of Bulgaria CP of Canada SWP of Croatia CP of Cuba

the infrastructure and hundreds of innocent people including many scientific and academic persons. We condemn the unjust actions taken by the reactionary Arab regimes by order of the imperialist states to impose sanctions on Syria, including the economic blockade, as an attempt to hit its steadfastness and to enforce it to abandon the anti-imperialist national line which support the national liberation movements in the region. We demand for immediate cessation of all aggressive actions against Syria did by the imperialist and Arab reactionary and the NATO arm in the region, which is the ruling oligarchy in Turkey.

CP of Bohemia and Moravia CP in Denmark CP of Denmark CP of Finland CP of Macedonia, FYROM UCP of Georgia German CP (German) CP of Greece PPP, Guyana Hungarian CWP CP of India (Marxist) Tudeh Party of Iran CP of Ireland WP of Ireland Party of the Italian Communists Jordanian CP SP of Latvia

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Lebanese CP SPF, Lithuania CP of Luxembourg CP of Malta CP of Mexico NCP of Netherlands CP of Norway CP of Pakistan Palestinian PP Palestinian CP Paraguayan CP CP of Peru [Patria –Roja] Peruvian CP Philippine CP (PKP-1930) CP of Poland Portuguese CP Romanian CP

CP of Russian Federation RKRP-RPC NCP of Yugoslavia Party of the Communists of Serbia CP of Spain (PCE) CP of Peoples of Spain CP of Sri-Lanka Syrian CP CP of Sweden South African CP Syrian CP (Unified) CP of Turkey CPSU CP of Ukraine Union of Communists of Ukraine CPUSA CP of Venezuela

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RESOLUTION PROPOSED BY CP OF PAKISTAN The 13th meeting of the Communist and workers parties strongly condemn the US American military interventions in South Asia under the so called war on terror pretext, especially the aerial bombardment inside Pakistan .



This 13th IMCWP meeting demands, the immediate evacuation of American and NATO forces from Afghanistan. The military basis inside Pakistan, also should be urgently closed down. The notorious private security agency «Black Water-Renamed as Xee» must leave Pakistan. The dangerously notorious Islamic Jihadist policy of the security agencies of Pakistan, under which the later earnestly organize religious fanatic hung-ho militias, are too strongly condemned by this moot. The so called strategic depth policy of the Pakistani security agencies for its neighboring countries, under which it has continuously intervening, through intensified proxy religious terrorism is highly condemned . The pathetic condition of the other religious communities, especially, Hindus, Chris-

THE PARTIES CP of Albania PADS CP of Australia CP Azerbaijan CP of Bangladesh WP of Bangladesh WP of Belgium Brazilian CP

tians, Shias and Ahmadies, facing biased discriminations, persecutions, terrorism, kidnaps for ransom and in most cases they are heinously murdered, deserves condemning. Similarly, the targeted mayhems carried out against the Communists, progressive and democratic forces by the Islamic fanatics of Pakistan is condemned with deep pain and sorrow. As, it is widely known , that a huge number of communists and progressive workers have been so far barbarically murdered, in the province of Khyber Pukhtoonkhwa ( Ex NWFP ),where this heinous practice is still kept continued. The Governor of Punjab Salman Taseer and Federal Minister Shahbaz Bhatti, were killed in broad day light and their killers, who publically accepted the responsibility of this heinous act, are garlanded as heroes. This 13th IMCWP meeting also condemns in the strongest possible terms the bombing and ruining of thousands of schools for the children especially for girls, depriving them even from the nominal education, in the province of Khyber Pukhtoonkhwa, of Pakistan.

CP of Brazil CP of Britain NCP of Britain CP of Bulgaria CP of Canada SWP of Croatia AKEL, Cyprus CP of Bohemia and Moravia CP in Denmark

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CP of Denmark CP of Egypt CP of Finland French CP CP of Macedonia, FYROM UCP of Georgia German CP (DKP) Communist Party of Greece PPP, Guyana Hungarian CWP CP of India [Marxists] Tudeh Party of Iran CP of Ireland WP of Ireland Party of the Italian Communists Party of the Refoundation Communist Jordanian CP Lebanese CP SPF, Lithuania CP of Luxembourg CP of Malta CP of Mexico NCP of the Netherlands CP of Norway CP of Pakistan Palestinian PP

Palestinian CP Paraguayan CP CP of Peru [Patria-Roja] Peruvian CP Philippine CP (PKP-1930) CP of Poland Portuguese CP Romanian CP CP of the Russian Federation CP of Soviet Union RKRP-RPC NCP of Yugoslavia Party of the Communists of Serbia South African CP CP of Spain (PCE) CP of the Peoples of Spain Party of the Communists of Cataluna CP of Sri-Lanka CP of Sweden Syrian CP Syrian CP [Unified] CP of Turkey CP of Ukraine Union of Communists of Ukraine CPUSA CP of Venezuela

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A CALL FOR SOLIDARITY WITH THE STRUGGLE OF THE PALESTINIAN PEOPLE

‘ BY PALESTINIAN PEOPLE’S PARTY The under signed parties that are convening in the frame work of the International meeting of the communist and workers parties in Athens express solidarity with the struggle of the people of Palestine. Those parties firmly support and call upon the international community to consolidate the struggle of the people of Palestine in: - Ending the Israeli occupation and establishing an independent, viable and sovereign Palestinian state, on the borders of June 4, 1967 with East Jerusalem as its capital. - Recognizing the Palestinian state, as a full member-state in the United Nations. - We also demand: - The removal of all settlements which seized the Palestinian lands beyond the 1967 borders. - The abolition of the separation wall which divides Jerusalem and the West Bank. - The right of return of all the Palestinian

THE PARTIES: CP of Albania PADS, Algeria CP of Australia CP of Azerbaijan WP of Bangladesh WP of Belgium Brazilian CP CP of Brazil CP of Britain NCP of Britain CP of Canada

refugees to their homes based on the relevant UN decisions mainly the resolution 194. - Lifting of the Israeli blockade in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. - The immediate release of all Palestinian and other political detainees from the Israeli prisons. - Withdrawal of the Israeli army from all the occupied territories in 1967, including the Golan Heights and the Shabaa region in South Lebanon. - We call upon the international public opinion mainly in Europe to raise their voices and impose on their governments the cancellation of all kinds of military cooperation with Israel and to immediately support the actions for recognition of the Palestinian state. It time that the international community has to take the necessary measures to force the Israeli government to abide by the International Law, and to be held countable for its regional and international responsibilities.

SWP of Croatia CP of Cuba CP of Bulgaria AKEL - Cyprus CP of Bohemia and Moravia CP in Denmark CP of Denmark CP of Egypt CP of Finland French CP CP of Macedonia, FYROM UCP of Georgia

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German CP KKE, Greece PPP, Guyana Hungarian CWP CP of India [Marxist] Tudeh Party of Iran CP of Ireland WP of Ireland Party of the Italian Communists Refoundation CP Jordanian CP Lebanese CP Socialist People’s Front, Lithuania CP of Luxembourg CP of Malta CP of Mexico NCP of Netherlands CP of Norway CP of Pakistan Palestinian CP Palestinian People’s Party Paraguayan CP CP of Peru [Patria - Roja] Peruvian CP

Philippine CP (PKP-1930) CP of Poland Portuguese CP Romanian CP CP of the Russian Federation CPSU RKRP-RPC NCP of Yugoslavia Party of the Communists of Serbia South African CP CP of Spain CP of the Peoples of Spain Party of the Communists of Cataluna CP of Sri-Lanka CP of Sweden Syrian CP Syrian CP [Unified] CP of Turkey Labour Party, Turkey CP of Ukraine Union of Communists of Ukraine CP USA CP of Venezuela CP of Vietnam

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Parties that participated ‘ n n n n n

COUNTRY

PARTY

Albania Algeria Australia Azerbaijan Bangladesh

Communist Party of Albania PADS, Algeria Communist Party of Australia Communist Party of Azerbaijan Communist Party of Bangladesh Workers’ Party of Bangladesh Workers’ Party of Belgium Brazilian Communist Party Communist Party of Brazil Communist Party of Britain New Communist Party of Britain Communist Party of Bulgaria Party of the Bulgarian Communists Communist Party of Canada Socialist Workers’ Party of Croatia Communist Party of Cuba AKEL-Cyprus Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia Communist Party in Denmark Communist Party of Denmark Communist Party of Egypt Communist Party of Finland French Communist Party Communist Party of Macedonia Unified Communist Party of Georgia German Communist Party (DKP) Communist Party of Greece People’s Progressive Party, Guyana Hungarian Workers’ Communist Party Communist Party of India Communist Party of India (Marxist)

n

Belgium Brazil

n

Britain

n

Bulgaria

n

Canada Croatia Cuba Cyprus Czech Republic Denmark

n

n n n n n

n n n n n n n n n n

Egypt Finland France FYROM Georgia Germany Greece Guyana Hungary India

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n

Iran Ireland

n

Italy

n

Jordan DPR of Korea Laos Latvia Lebanon Lithuania Luxembourg Malta Mexico Netherlands Norway Pakistan Palestine

n

n n n n n n n n n n n n

n n

Paraguay Peru

n

Poland Portugal Romania Russia

n

Serbia

n

South Africa Spain

n n n

n

Tudeh Party of Iran Communist Party of Ireland The Workers’ Party of Ireland Party of the Italian Communists Party of Communist Refoundation Jordanian Communist Party Workers’ Party of Korea Peoples’ Revolutionary Party, Laos Socialist Party of Latvia Lebanese Communist Party Socialist People’s Front, Lithuania Communist Party of Luxembourg Communist Party of Malta Communist Party of Mexico New Communist Party of the Netherlands Communist Party of Norway Communist Party of Pakistan Palestinian Communist Party Palestinian People’s Party Paraguayan Communist Party Peruvian Communist Party Communist Party of Peru (Patria Roja) Communist Party of Poland Portuguese Communist Party Romanian Communist Party Communist Party of Russian Federation Communist Party of Soviet Union Communist Workers’ Party of Russia - Revolutionary Party of the Communists Union CPs-CPSU New Communist Party of Yugoslavia Party of the Communists of Serbia South African Communist Party Communist Party of Spain

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Sri- Lanka Sudan Sweden Syria

n

Turkey

n

Ukraine

n

USA Venezuela Vietnam

n n n

n n

Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain Party of the Communists of Catalunia Communist Party of Sri-Lanka Sudanese Communist Party Communist Party of Sweden Syrian Communist Party Syrian Communist Party [Unified] Communist Party of Turkey Labour Party (EMEP), Turkey Union of Communists of Ukraine Communist Party of Ukraine Communist Party, USA Communist Party of Venezuela Communist Party of Vietnam

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‘n

ALBANIA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF ALBANIA E-Mail: [email protected], code: (+355) phone: 382274111, fax: 4251271

361 ALGERIA, ALGERIAN PARTY FOR DEMOCRACY AND SOCIALISM http://www.lien-pads.fr E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+331) phone: 46637607, 46772082, 42537882, fax: 42537882, 46637607 n

Redlinks

ARGENTINA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF ARGENTINA http://www.pca.org.ar E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+5411) phone: 43040066/0068, fax: 43040068 n



ARMENIA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF ARMENIA code: (+37410) phone: 567933, fax: 541917 n

AUSTRALIA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF AUSTRALIA http://www.cpa.org.au E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+612) phone: 9699 8844, fax: 9699 9833 n

AUSTRIA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF AUSTRIA http://www.kpoe.at E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+431) phone: 5036580, fax: 5036580-499 n

n AZERBAIDJAN, COMMUNIST PARTY OF AZERBAIDJAN E- Mail: [email protected], [email protected], [email protected] code: (+99450)3253256, (+99455)6138749, (+99450)3165853

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n AZERBAIDJAN, COMMUNIST PARTY OF AZERBAIDJAN E- Mail: [email protected] code: (+99412) phone: 4417533, fax: 948937 n BAHRAIN, DEMOCRATIC PROGRESSIVE TRIBUNE http://www.altaqadomi.com/ E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+973 17) phone: 780007, fax: 780006 n BANGLADESH, COMMUNIST PARTY OF BANGLADESH http://www.cpb.org.bd E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+8802) phone: 9558612, 7172845, fax: 9552333 n BANGLADESH, WORKERS’ PARTY OF BANGLADESH E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+8802) phone: 9567975, fax: 9558545

BELARUS, COMMUNIST PARTY OF BELARUS http://comparty.by E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+37517) phone: 222 62 11, fax: 222 43 79 (222 64 61) n

BELGIUM, COMMUNIST PARTY OF BELGIUM http://www.kp-online.be http://www.particommuniste.be/ E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+322) phone: 512 23 84, fax: 512 23 84 n

n BELGIUM, WORKERS’ PARTY OF BELGIUM http://www.wpb.be http://www.ptb.be E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+32) phone: 25040139, fax: 25040141 n BOLIVIA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF BOLIVIA http://www.pcbolivia.net/ E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+591) phone: 2423252, fax: 22770535

BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA, WORKERS’ COMMUNIST PARTY OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA http://www.rkp-bih.org http://www.rkp-bih.cjb.net E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+387) phone/fax: 55 240 973 n

n BRAZIL, BRAZILIAN COMMUNIST PARTY http://www.pcb.org.br E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+5521) phone/fax: 22620855 n BRAZIL, COMMUNIST PARTY OF BRAZIL http://www.pcdob.org.br http://www.vermelho.org.br E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+5511) phone: 3054-1800, 30541822, 30541821, fax: 3054 1848

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n BRITAIN, COMMUNIST PARTY OF BRITAIN http://www.communist-party.org.uk E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+442) phone: (0)86861659 n BRITAIN, NEW COMMUNIST PARTY OF BRITAIN http://www.newworker.org E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+44) phone: 207 2234052

BULGARIA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF BULGARIA http://comparty-bg.com E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+3592) phone/fax: 9816093 n

n BULGARIA, PARTY OF THE BULGARIAN COMMUNISTS E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+359) phone: 8961133, 898 322 455, fax: 24702573 n CANADA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF CANADA http://www.communist-party.ca E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+1416) phone: 4692446 n CHILE, COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHILE http://www.pcchile.cl/ E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+562) phone: 729 5700, fax: 729 5714 n CHINA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHINA http://www.idcpc.org.cn http://www.china.org.cn/english/index.htm http://english.cpc.people.com.cn/

E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+8610) phone: 83907267, fax: 83907268 n COLOMBIA, COLOMBIAN COMMUNIST PARTY http://www.pacocol.org E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+571) phone: 3203204, 2854188, fax: 3384742 n COLOMBIA, FARC-EP http://www.farcejercitodelpueblo.org/ E- Mail: [email protected] n COSTA RICA, PEOPLE’S VANGUARD PARTY E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+506) phone: 2225 8300, fax: 2281 0484 n CROATIA, SOCIALIST WORKERS’ PARTY OF CROATIA http://www.srp.hr E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+ 385) phone: 1 4835340, 91 2219036, fax:1 4835340 n CUBA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF CUBA http://www.pcc.cu/ E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+537) phone: 8605678, fax: 8556836

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n CYPRUS, THE PROGRESSIVE PARTY OF THE WORKING PEOPLE - AKEL http://www.akel.org.cy E-Mail: [email protected] phone: (+357) 22761121, fax: 22761574, 22764725 n CZECH REPUBLIC, COMMUNIST PARTY OF BOHEMIA AND MORAVIA http://www.kscm.cz http://www.kscm.cz/english E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+4202) phone: 22897111, fax: 22897207

DENMARK, COMMUNIST PARTY IN DENMARK http://www.kommunisterne.dk E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+45) phone: 38882833, fax: 38882433 n

DENMARK, COMMUNIST PARTY OF DENMARK http://www.dkp.dk E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+45) phone: 33916644

n EQUADOR, COMMUNIST PARTY OF EQUADOR http://pcecuador.org/ E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+593-2) phone: 2671108, fax: 2909454 (+593-4) phone: 2401462, fax: 2248643

ESTONIA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF ESTONIA E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+37) phone/fax: 23591174 n

n FINLAND, COMMUNIST PARTY OF FINLAND http://www.skp.fi E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+3589) phone: 77438150, fax: 77438160

n

n DOMINICAN REPUBLIC, FORCE OF THE REVOLUTION http://fuerzadelarevolucion.org E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+809) phone: 685-9362, fax: 687-3423

EGYPT, COMMUNIST PARTY OF EGYPT http://www.cp-egypt.com E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+20) phone: 101 078617, fax: 223 921315 n

n FRANCE, FRENCH COMMUNIST PARTY http://www.pcf.fr E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+331) phone: 40401293, 40401286, fax: 42404027 n FYROM, COMMUNIST PARTY OF MACEDONIA E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+389) phone: 23177248, fax: 23177248 n GEORGIA, UNIFIED COMMUNIST PARTY OF GEORGIA E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+995) phone: 93 761363, 32 546587, fax: 32 546587

IB 2012 n www.solidnet.org

n GERMANY, GERMAN COMMUNIST PARTY (DKP) http://www.dkp.de E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+49201) phone: 1778890, fax: 17788929 n GREECE, COMMUNIST PARTY OF GREECE http://inter.kke.gr E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+30) phone: 210 2592111, fax: 210 2592298 n GUADELUPE, GUADELOUPEAN COMMUNIST PARTY E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+590) phone: 821945, fax: 836990

GUYANA, PEOPLE’S PROGRESSIVE PARTY http://www.ppp-civic.org E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+592) phone: 2272095, 2274301, fax: 2272096 n

n HUNGARY, HUNGARIAN COMMUNIST WORKERS’ PARTY http://www.munkaspart.hu E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+361) phone: 3342721, fax: 3135423

INDIA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA http://www.communistparty.in/ E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+9111) phone: 23235546, 23235099, 23235058, fax: 23235543 n

n INDIA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA (MARXIST) http://www.cpim.org E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+9111) phone: 23344918, 23747435, 23747436 23363692, fax: 23747483

IRAN, TUDEH PARTY OF IRAN http://www.tudehpartyiran.org E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+44) phone: 7790277770 code: (+49) fax: 303241627 n

n IRAQ, IRAQI COMMUNIST PARTY http://www.iraqicp.com Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code: (+44208) phone: 6422981 n IRAQ, COMMUNIST PARTY OF KURDISTAN-IRAQ http://www.regaykurdistan.com Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code: (+4131) phone: 3719612, fax: 3719628 n IRELAND, COMMUNIST PARTY OF IRELAND http://www.communistpartyofireland.ie E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+3531) phone: 6708707

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n IRELAND, THE WORKERS’ PARTY OF IRELAND http://www.workerspartyireland.net/ E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+3531) phone: 8733 916, fax: 874 8702

ISRAEL, COMMUNIST PARTY OF ISRAEL http://www.maki.org.il E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+9723) phone: 6293944, fax: 6297263 n

ITALY, PARTY OF THE ITALIAN COMMUNISTS http://www.www.comunisti-italiani.it http://www.oltre-confine.it E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+3906) phone: 6862721, fax: 68627230 n

n ITALY, PARTY OF THE COMMUNIST REFOUNDATION http://www.rifondazione.it/ E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+3906) phone: 441821, fax: 44182207

JAPAN, JAPANESE COMMUNIST PARTY http://www.jcp.or.jp http://www.japan-press.co.jp/ E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+813) phone: 54748421, fax: 37460767 n

JORDAN, JORDANIAN COMMUNIST PARTY http://www.jocp.org E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+9626) phone: 4624939, fax: 4624939 n

n KAZAKHSTAN, COMMUNIST PARTY OF KAZAKHSTAN http://komparty.kz/ E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+772) phone: 72911400 n KIRGIZIA, PARTY OF THE COMMUNISTS OF KYRGYZSTAN E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+996) phone: 312 624999, fax: 312 660401 n DPR of KOREA, WORKERS PARTY OF KOREA http://www.kimsoft.com/dprk.htm E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+850) phone: 2-381-5855, fax: 2-381-4657 code: (+3906) phone: 54220749, fax: 54210090 n LAOS, PEOPLES’ REVOLUTIONARY PARTY E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+85621) phone: 414042, fax: 414043 n LATVIA, SOCIALIST PARTY OF LATVIA http://www.latsocpartija.lv E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+371) phone/fax: 67555535 n LEBANON, LEBANESE COMMUNIST PARTY http://www.lcparty.org E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+9611) phone/fax: 739615/6/7

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n LITHUANIA, SOCIALIST PEOPLE’S FRONT http://www.slfrontas.lt E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+370) phone: 52431070, fax: (+370)52606130 n LUXEMBOURG, COMMUNIST PARTY OF LUXEMBOURG http://www.kp-l.org E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+352) phone: 446066 21, fax: 44606666

MALTA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF MALTA http://blogspot.communistpartymalta.com E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+356) phone/fax: 21223537 n

n MADAGASCAR, PARTY OF THE CONGRESS FOR THE INDEPENDENCE OF MADAGASCAR (AKFM) E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+261) phone/fax: 202227065, 202226828 n MEXICO, COMMUNIST PARTY OF MEXICO http://www.comunistas-mexicanos.org E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+52 734) phone/fax: 3425838 n MEXICO, POPULAR SOCIALIST PARTY, MEXICO http://www.pps.org.mx E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+5255) phone: 330816-18, fax: 330816-18, 257131

n MEXICO, POPULAR SOCIALIST PARTY OF MEXICO http://www.ppsm.org.mx E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+525) phone: 5672-2057, fax: 5609-1896 n MOLDOVA, PARTY OF COMMUNISTS OF REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA http://www.pcrm.md/ E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+3732) phone: 2234614, fax: 2233673 n NEPAL, COMMUNIST PARTY OF NEPAL (UML) http://www.cpnuml.org E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+977) phone: 14278081-82, fax: 14278084

NETHERLANDS, NEW COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE NETHERLANDS http://www.ncpn.nl E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+31) phone: 70 3603676, 20 6825019, fax: 20 6828276 n

n NORWAY, COMMUNIST PARTY OF NORWAY http://www.nkp.no E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+4722) phone: 716044 n PAKISTAN, COMMUNIST PARTY OF PAKISTAN http://www.cppak.org E-Mail: [email protected]

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code: (+92) phone/fax: 222654531 PALESTINE, PALESTINIAN COMMUNIST PARTY http://www.pallcp.ps E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+97) tel: 9 2515830, 2 2267055 phone/fax: 2 22267644, 9 2515075 PALESTINE, PALESTINIAN PEOPLE’S PARTY http://www.ppp.ps E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+97) phone: 22963593, fax: 22963592 PANAMA, PARTY OF THE PEOPLE (new) http://www.elpartidodelpueblo.org E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+507) phone: 2259025/2272194 PARAGUAY, PARAGUAYAN COMMUNIST PARTY http://www.pcparaguay.org/ E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+595) phone: 21 225116, 972 624390, phone/fax: 21 621836 PERU, COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU (PATRIA ROJA) http://www.patriaroja.org.pe/ E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+511) phone: 4262366/993869280 PERU, PERUAN COMMUNIST PARTY http://www.pcperuano.com E-Mail: [email protected]

E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+511) phone 4331634, fax: 4715399 The PHILIPPINES, PHILIPPINE COMMUNIST PARTY [PKP-1930] E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+632) phone: 3590201, fax: 9395791 POLAND, COMMUNIST PARTY OF POLAND http://www.kompol.org E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+48) phone: 228334288, fax: 228334288 PORTUGAL, PORTUGUESE COMMUNIST PARTY http://www.international.pcp.pt http://www.pcp.pt E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+35121) phone: 7813800, fax: 7969824 ROMANIA, ROMANIAN COMMUNIST PARTY E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+4021) phone: 6423615, fax: 642 3615 ROMANIA, SOCIALIST ALLIANCE PARTY http://www.pasro.ro E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+40) phone: 212522887, 314057078, 314057077, phone/fax: 214133354 RUSSIA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION (KPRF) http://www.kprf.ru E-Mail: [email protected]

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E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+7495) phone: 6927646, fax: 6927646, 6925685 RUSSIA, COMMUNIST WORKERS PARTY OF RUSSIA - REVOLUTIONARY PARTY OF COMMUNISTS (RKRP-RPC) http://www.rkrp-rpk.ru/ E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+7812) phone: 2742772, 2748073, fax: 2742818 RUSSIA, UNION OF COMMUNIST PARTIESCPSU http://www.kprf.ru E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+7495) phone: 2927646, 2928736, fax: 2925685 RUSSIA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF SOVIET UNION http://www.cpsu.tel http://www.skps-ussr.narod.ru, http://www.s-kps.by E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+7495) phone: 6844175, phone/fax: 9747342 SERBIA, NEW COMMUNIST PARTY OF YUGOSLAVIA http://www.nkpj.co.nr E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+38111) phone/fax: 2425689 SERBIA, PARTY OF COMMUNISTS OF SERBIA http://komunistisrbije.110mb.com E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+38111) phone/fax: 3514-478

SLOVAKIA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF SLOVAKIA http://www.kss.sk E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+4212) phone: 44644101, fax: 44362540 SOUTH AFRICA, SOUTH AFRICAN COMMUNIST PARTY http://www.sacp.org.za E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+2711) phone: 3393621/2, fax: 3394244 SPAIN, COMMUNIST PARTY OF SPAIN http://www.pce.es E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+3491) phone: 3004969, fax: 3004744 SPAIN, COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE PEOPLE OF SPAIN http://www.pcpe.es Mail: [email protected] code: (+34) phone: 915329187, fax: 915329187 SPAIN, PARTY OF COMMUNISTS OF CATALUNA http://www.pcc.cat E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+34 933) phone: 184 282, fax: 180 011 SPAIN, UNITED LEFT SPAIN http://www.izquierda-unida.es/ E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+3491) phone: 7227500, fax: 3880405 n

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n SRI-LANKA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF SRILANKA E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+9411) phone: 2695328, fax: 2691610 n SUDAN, SUDANESE COMMUNIST PARTY http://www.midan.net E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+4202) phone: 33555668, fax: 33555668 n SWEDEN, COMMUNIST PARTY OF SWEDEN http://www.skp.se E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+468) phone: 7358640 n SYRIA, SYRIAN COMMUNIST PARTY http://www.syriancp.org E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+96311) phone: 4455048, fax: 4422716 n SYRIA, SYRIAN COMMUNIST PARTY [UNIFIED] http://www.syrcomparty.org/ E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+96311) phone: 4410264, fax: 4422383

TADJIKISTAN, COMMUNIST PARTY OF TADJIKISTAN http://www.kpt.freenet.tj E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+992372) phone: 232953, 231853, fax: 351482, 232292 n

n TURKEY, COMMUNIST PARTY OF TURKEY http://www.tkp.org.tr http://int.tkp.org.tr/ E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+90216) phone: 4185351 4146504, fax: 3461137 n TURKEY, LABOUR PARTY (EMEP) http://www.emep.org (Turkish) http://en.emep.org (English) http://es.emep.org (Spanish) E-mail: [email protected] code: (+90) phone: 539 328 1323, fax: 212 587 56 86 n UKRAINE, COMMUNIST PARTY OF UKRAINE http://www.kpu.net.ua/ E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+380) phone: 44-4253137, 425-54-87, fax: 463-57-02 phone/fax: 463-57-03 [International Department] n UKRAINE, UNION OF COMMUNISTS OF UKRAINE http://un-comm-ukr.ucoz.ru/ E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+38044) phone: 2906225, fax: 2906225, 2906228 n URUGUAY, COMMUNIST PARTY OF URUGUAY http://www.pcu.org.uy/ E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+5982) phone: 9242697 9247056, fax: 9242697 9247056

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n USA, COMMUNIST PARTY USA http://www.cpusa.org E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+1) phone: 2129894994, fax:(+1) 212 229 1713 n VENEZUELA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF VENEZUELA http://www.pcv-venezuela.org http://prensa-pcv.blogspot.com/ E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+58) phone: 2122566386, fax: 2122566386 n VIETNAM, COMMUNIST PARTY OF VIETNAM http://www.cpv.org.vn E-Mail: [email protected] E-Mail: [email protected] code: (+844) phone: 8436278, 8436274, fax: 38234514, 8045657

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[21] 13 IMCWP-ebook.pdf

construction of socialism. Athens, December 9-11, 2011. ' In this issue contributions by. 3 Communist Party of Argentina. 13 Communist Party of Australia. 17 Communist Party of Azerbaijan. 21 Communist Party of Bangladesh. 27 Workers' Party of Bangladesh. 31 Workers' Party of Belgium. 35 Communist Party of Bolivia.

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