Maisonneuve & Larose

'Abd Allāh Ibn Mu'āwiya and the Janāḥiyya: Rebels and Ideologues of the Late Umayyad Period Author(s): William F. Tucker Source: Studia Islamica, No. 51 (1980), pp. 39-57 Published by: Maisonneuve & Larose Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1595371 Accessed: 06-02-2017 03:44 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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'ABD ALLAH IBN MU'AWIYA

AND THE JANAHIYYA : REBELS AND IDEOLOGUES OF THE LATE UMAYYAD PERIOD

In the various treatments of late Umayyad history availabl to the student of Islamic studies, little attention is given the rebellion and ideology of 'Abd Allih ibn Mu'lwiya ib 'Abd Allah and the group of followers, usually known as t JanMihiyya, who were the bulwark of his revolutionary movement and who were partisans of an extremist Shi'i

ideology focusing on the person of Ibn Mu'iwiya. Th

obvious reason for such an omission is, of course, that in th

event it was a rebellion led by one Abui Muslim al-Khuristin

not Ibn Mu'iwiya, that overturned the Damascene dynasty

thereby ushering in a new order as well as a new ruling famil While history as the study of victors rather than losers may

readily understandable and perhaps even justifiable, one m nevertheless question in this instance the validity of ignorin

an "also-ran." A study of Ibn Mu'lwiya and his adherents can be defended on three grounds. First, an investigation the rising shows the nature and extent of opposition to t rulers in Damascus by the middle 740's. Secondly, a close look at the composition of Ibn Mu'iwiya's movement ma suggest why Abil Muslim and not Ibn Mud'wiya attained t victor's laurels. Finally, an examination of the teachings o

the extremist Shi'ites who made up the core of the revolutiona

movement sheds interesting light upon the evolution of

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40

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TUCKER

extremist Shi'ite though 'Abbasid periods. The purpose of this study, then, is to elucidate as far as possible the activities and ideas of Ibn Mu'5wiya and those who followed him within the framework of the three themes just enunciated.

'Abd Allah ibn Mu'Awiya ibn 'Abd Allah ibn Ja'far ibn Abi T5lib, as the name indicates, was a descendant of 'Ali's brother Ja'far ibn AbI T5lib. (1) The historical information about Ibn Mu'cwiya is much more complete than that about other Shi'ite heresiarchs such as Bay~n ibn Sam'in, al-Mughira ibn Sa'id, or

Ab5i Mansfir al-'IjlI. (2) Ibn Mu'Awiya is reported to have been an eloquent and generous person. (3) He was also known for his poetic talent. (4) At the same time, however, the majority of sources accuse him of religious heterodoxy. (5) This charge is probably more applicable to his followers, since he himself was more interested in politics than in dogma. In

addition to indicating the more positive aspects of Ibn Mu'Zwiya's personality, a number of the sources also level charges of cruelty and violence at him. Al-Isfah5ni says that Ibn Mu'Awiya used to have servants who aroused his anger (1) Fakhr al-Din Muhammad ibn 'Ali ibn al-Tiqtaqa, al-Fakhri fi al-Addb al-

Sul.dniyya, trans. by Emile Amar, Archives Marocaines, XVI (Paris, 1910), 219; A. S. Tritton, Muslim Theology (London, 1947), 23; Henri Laoust, Les Schismes dans l'Islam (Paris, 1965), 35.

(2) William Tucker, "Bayin b. Sam'dn and the Bayiniyya: Shi'ite Extremists of Umayyad 'Irdq," The Muslim World, LXV, 4 (1975), 241-253; Idem., "Rebels and Gnostics: al-Mugira ibn Sg'id and the Mugiriyya," Arabica, XXII, 1 (1975), 33-47; Idem., "AbO Mansfir al-'Ijli and the Mansfiriyya: : a study in Medieval

Terrorism," Der Islam, LIV, 1 (1977), 66-76.

(3) Jamil al-Din Muhammad ibn Muhammad ibn Nub5ta al-Misri, Sarh al-' Uydin

fi Sharh Risdla ibn Zayddin (Cairo, 1964), 347; Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Sa'id al-Hamdini= Ibn 'Uqda, Dhikr al-NabT trans. by Nabia Abbott, Studies in Arabic

Literary Papyri, I, Historical Texts, University of Chicago Oriental Institute Publications, LXXV (Chicago, 1957), 102.

(4) Julius Wellhausen, Die Religi6s-politischen Oppositionsparteien im Allen Islam, Arabic trans. by 'Abd al-Rahmin Badawl (Cairo, 1957), 264. For examples of Ibn Mu'awiya's verse, consult Abfi Mansfir 'Abd al-Malik ibn Muhammad ibn

Ismi'l al-Tha'dlibi, Thimdr al-Qulfib f! al-Muddf wa al-Mans.ib (Cairo, 1965), 326-327, 688. (5) AbO Muhammad 'Ali ibn Ahmad ibn Sa'id ibn 1.Iazm, Jamharat Ansdb al-'Arab (Cairo, 1962), 68; AbOf al-Faraj al-Isfahani, Maqdtil al-TdlibiyFn (Cairo,

1949), 162.

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'ABD ALLAH IBN MU~AWIYA AND THE JANAHIYYA 41

beaten to death. (1) This may be, and, in fact, probably

a fabrication.

Detailed information about Ibn Mu'dwiya begins with his arrival in Kiifa sometime prior to the autumn of 744. He and his brothers appeared in this city and sought the favor of the

Umayyad governor, 'Abd Allfh ibn 'Umar ibn 'Abd al-'Aziz, a son of the pious Umayyad caliph. Ibn 'Umar received Ibn Mu'cwiya and his brothers with generosity, granting them an

allowance of substantial proportions. (2) In September 744 Yazid III, the reigning caliph, died, and his brother Ibrihim ibn Walid I became the new ruler. (3) At this time Marwin ibn Muhammad, grandson of Marwin ibn al-I;Iakam and a veteran of the Caucasus campaigns, entered into rebellion against the new caliph. Ibn 'Umar assumed an attitude of hostility toward the rebel Marwin. The fluctuating political situation caused Ibn 'Umar to consign Ibn Mu'"wiya to prison.

At the same time, however, he appears to have increased Ibn Mu'wiya's stipend. (4) Ibn 'Umar then arranged to pay allegiance to his prisoner in the event that Marwin gained the

caliphal power. His purpose in doing this was to use Ibn Mu'iwiya against Marwin. (5) Ibn 'Umar, however, quickly

lost control of events.

During or just prior to the occurrences mentioned above, Ibn 'Umar had been awarding stipends to Mutdar and Rabi'a, the North Arabian groups. In distributing this booty, however, he had neglected two important members of the RabI'a. These individuals had proceeded to incite their fellow tribesmen (1) Al-Isfahdni, Kitdb al-Aghdni, XII (Beirut, 1958), 231 ; Idem., Maqdtil, 163. (2) Abfi Ja'far Muhammd ibn Jarir al-Tabari, Ta'rikh al-Rusul wa al-Mulclk, II (Leiden, 1964), 1881; Yazid ibn Muhammad al-Azdi, Ta'rikh al-Mawsil (Cairo, 1968), 66. (3) Julius Wellhausen, The Arab Kingdom and its Fall, trans. by M. G. Weir (Beirut, 1963), 369. For a recent account of Umayyad history, see M. A. Shaban, Islamic History A.D. 600-750 (A.H. 132): a New Interpretation (Cambridge, 1971). (4) Aboi Zayd 'Abd al-Rahmin ibn Khaldon, al-'Ibar wa Diwdn al-Mubtadd'wa al-Khabar ff Ayydm al-'Arab wa al-'Ajam wa al-Barbar wa man 'Asarahum min Dhawi al-Sulldn al-Akbar= Ta'rikh, III (Beirut, 1957), 247. (5) 'Izz al-Din ibn al-Athir, al-Kdmil f! al-Ta'rikh, V (Beirut, 1965), 324; Tabari,

Ta'rikh, II, 1881. For a modern Arab account, see 'Ali Husni al-Kharbitli,

Ta'rtkh al-'Irdq f1 Zill al-HIukm al-UmawT (Cairo, 1959), 221, 223.

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42 w. F. TUCKER

against him. In order to resolve thi resorted to paying off the disaffec

ment of this problem, however, did n

ment of peace and order. Ibn 'Umar's actions had caused the Shi'ites of Kfifa to perceive the instability and weakness of

his position. This party now urged Ibn Mu'dwiya to move against Ibn 'Umar. It is said that they encouraged him to

call the people to pay allegiance to him, since "the Banfl Hdshim were more worthy of the caliphate" than the Umayyads. (2) Ibn Mu'dwiya's rebellion began in October, 744. Information concerning the nature of his claims is contradictory. According to one version he referred to himself as the representative of the House of Muhammad, i. e., as an agent

of the Banti HZshim. (3) It is reported that he began to

advance his personal claims only upon his establishment later

in Persia. (4) The other version has it that he worked in his own behalf from the beginning of his revolt. (5) Whatever the case there is no doubt that Ibn Mu'dwiya had personal ends in mind.

When the time for fighting arrived, the Kfifans proved to be

generally unreliable. One author goes so far as to say that some Kilfans had not even bothered to pay allegiance to him. They had informed him that they were not in a position to help him, having already lost too many people on behalf of the 'Alid cause. This author further states that on the advice of these

individuals, Ibn Mu'dwiya decided to go to the east witho

fighting Ibn 'Umar. (6) While no doubt some Kfifans refused to fight for Ibn Mu'awiya, it seems that the Hishimite rebel

(1) Ibn al-Athir, Kdmil, V, 325; Tabari, Ta'rikh, II, 1882-1883; see also Muha

mad ibn Khvind Shah ibn Mahmfid=-Mir Khvind, Rawda al-Safd' ft Sira

Anbiyd' wa al-Mulak wa al-Khulafd' (Tehran, 1959-1965), III, 359. (2) Anon., Ta'rikh al-Khulafd' (Moscow, 1967), 239b.

(3) Al-Isfahdni, al-Aghdni, XII, 227; Ibn Nubita, Sarh al-'Uyaln, 3

Claude Cahen, "Points de vue sur la RFvolution 'Abbiside," Revue Historiqu CCVII (1963), 317. See also the modern Arabic work of Thibit al-Rdwi, 'I in the Umayyad Period (Baghdad, 1965), 220. (4) Ibn Nubita, Sarh al-' Uy2n, 347; al-Rdwi, Iraq, 220.

(5) Al-Isfahini, al-Aghdni, XII, 227. (6) Ibid.

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'ABD ALLXH IBN MU~CiWIYA AND THE JANAHIYYA 43

fight Ibn 'Umar before proceeding to the Persian provinces.

The major battle took place in the outskirts of Kfifa. (1)

According to one authority a member of Ibn Mu'dwiya's army, having been won over by Ibn 'Umar, fled at a crucial moment,

causing the rest of Ibn Mu'dwiya's troops to abandon the field. (2) Another account, perhaps more accurate, contains the information that the Yamanites in Ibn Mu'awiya's force left the field when the battle was joined. The only groups

which held firm for him appear to have been the remnants of

the Zaydiyya and the Rabi'a. The latter were the last to

leave the field. (3) Finally, however, Ibn Mu'awiya, the

Zaydiyya, and Rabi'a had to retreat to Kilfa, where they shut

themselves up in the citadel. After holding out against the forces of Ibn 'Umar for a time, they were given a safe-conduct

(aman) and allowed to leave Kilfa unharmed. (4) At this point Ibn Mu'awiya and his supporters moved into the Persian provinces where they began to gain control. Ibn Mu'awiya first settled in Isfahan. He then moved to Istakhr in the province of Firs, following the fall of that region to his forces. Among the cities that submitted to him were Qumm,

Shiraz, and Qfimis. His holdings in Persia included at least parts of the provinces of Jibil, Fars, Kirman, Khfizistin, and

Qiimis. (5) During his stay in these areas he gained the

support of numerous disaffected elements. These included

MawdlT, escaped slaves, Kharijites, members of the Banfi (1) Al-Igfahinli, Maqdtil, 166. (2) Tabari, Ta'rikh, II, 1880.

(3) Ibn al-Athir, Kdmil, V, 326; Tabari, Ta'rikh, II, 1884-1885. (4) Tabari, Ta'rikh, II, 1887; Ibn Khaldfn, Ta'rikh, III, 248; al-Azdi, Mawsil, 67; Richard N. Frye, "The 'Abbasid Conspiracy' and modern Revolutionary Theory," Indo-Iranica, 5iii (1952-1953), 12. (5) Jamil al-Din Ahmad ibn 'Ali ibn 'Inaba, 'Umda al- Tdlib ft Ansdb Al AbF Tdlib (Beirut, 1963), 34; AbQ Ifasan 'Ali ibn Husayn al-Mas'fidi, Muriij al-Dhahab, III (Beirut, 1965), 242; Ydiqft ibn 'Abd Allih al-Rrimi, Mu'jam al-Bulddn, II (Leipzig, 1867), 3. See also the following: Mulhsin 'Azizi, la Domination Arabe et

l'l'panouissement du Sentiment National en Iran (Paris, 1938), 26, note 1;

Paul Schwarz, Iran im Mitteldlfer nach den Arabischen Geographen, fasc. 5 (Leipzig,

1925), 561; V. V. Ivanov, "Early Shi'ite Movements," Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, N. Ser. XVII (1941), 8; Gerlof van Vloten, "Ober einige bis jetzt nicht erkannte Miinzen aus ler letzten Omeijadenzeit," Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, XLVI (1892), 554.

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44

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'Abbis,

and

is

surprising

most

reason

accept

even

some at

underlying

the

al-Isfahini

aid

of

Umay

first

his

glan

brief

anyone

informs

us

he

h

we

him out of loyalty and th happened to be the enemy Ibn Mu'dwiya was able, as o Persia a solid, although pro

his own coins. (4) Meanwhile, however, Marwi in seizing the reins of gover or 130 (747/748) Marwin had provinces. At this time he s

against Ibn Mu'5wiya. In th was defeated and forced to flee. (5) He made his way to Khurgsin. On his way to this province, he stopped in Sistin. Meeting with no notable success there he passed into Khurisin. (6) It was in the latter province that he met his

death.

The date of his death was probably 129 (746/747) or 130 (747/748). (7) One author gives the year 131, but this is unlikely. (8) The statement of Ibn 'Inaba that Ibn Mu'"wiya was imprisoned until 133 is incorrect, since it is well known that

his death occurred before the 'Abblsid accession to power (132 H.). (9) He was put to death on the orders of Abti (1) Ibn al-Athir, Kdmil, V, 327, 371-372; al-Isfahini, Maqdtil, 167; Tabari, Ta'rikh, II, 1880-1881. See further G. H. Sadighi, les Mouvements Religieux Iraniens au IIe et au Ille sidcles de l'Higire (Paris, 1938), 39.

(2) Al-Isfahini, al-Aghdnf, XII, 227. (3) 'Azizi, Domination, 26, note 1. (4) Van Vloten, "Mfinzen," 443.

(5) Abi Nu'aym Ahmad ibn 'Abd Allh al-Isbahfni, Kitdb Dhikr Akhbdr Isbahdn, II (Leiden, 1934), 42; Tabari, Ta'rikh, II, 1978; C. E. Bosworth, Sistan under the Arabs, from the Islamic Conquest to the Rise of the Saffarids. (30-250/651864) (Rome, 1968), 77.

(6) Anon., Ta'rikh-i-Slstdn (Tehran, 1935), 133; Bosworth, Sistan, 77. (7) Abi al-Mahilsin Yzsuf ibn Taghri-Birdi, al-Nuji2m al-Zdhira fi Muli2k Misr wa al-Qdhira, I (Cairo, 1959), 310; Ibn al-Athir, Kdmil, V, 372-373, (8) Abfi Nu'aym, Isbahdn, II, 42.

(9) Ibn 'Inaba, 'Umda, 34.

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'ABD ALLAH IBN MUtAWIYA AND THE JANAHIYYA 45

Muslim al-KhurasanI, the architect of 'Abb~sid victory. Ibn Mu'dwiya had sought the aid of the latter upon his (Ibn Mu'5wiya's) entry into Khurishn, the scene of Abti Muslim

activity on behalf of the 'Abbisids. There are two versions of the events leading to Ibn Mu'5wiya'

death. According to the first he went to the city of Herit which was governed by one Abfi Nasr M5lik ibn al-Haytham

al-KhuzW'i, a representative of Abti Muslim. Abti Nas

demanded of Ibn Mu'dwiya the reason for his coming to that

region. The latter replied that he had come to aid in the struggle on behalf of the descendants of the Prophet. Abi Nasr then questioned him about his genealogy. Upon hearin this Abti Nasr is reported to have said that the names Ja'f and 'Abd Allh were to be found among the names of Muh.ammad's family, butofnot the had name Mu'5wiya. informed Abti Muslim what taken place. He On then the

orders of the latter, he imprisoned Ibn Mu'5wiya and then put

him to death. (1) Moscati reproduces this account from Ibn

al-Athir, but for some reason he states that Mdlik also denied

the presence of 'Abd Allah and Ja'far among the family names of the Hishimites. (2) This is either a mistake in the text of Moscati's article or a misreading of Ibn al-Athir's account. In the second account of Ibn Mu'dwiya's death, it is said that

he approached Abif Muslim with a view to obtaining his aid. Abil Muslim is reported to have cast him into prison. At the same time he put a spy in with Ibn Mu'dwiya in order to learn what the prisoner said and did. Ibn Mu'dwiya berated the Khur5sinians for their blind faith in Abil Muslim. Furthermore he wrote a letter to Abil Muslim. This epistle was in essence an admonition to Abfi Muslim that he seek the salvation

of his soul rather than greatness in this world. Abi Muslim, upon the reception of this letter, exclaimed that Ibn Mu'5wiya

was a danger to the 'Abbisids even while being confined in their prison. In order to be rid of this menace, Ab5i Muslim (1) Ibn al-Athir, Kdmil, V, 372-373.

(2) Sabatino Moscati, "Studi di Abu Muslim. II. Propaganda e politica

religiosa di Abu Muslim," Atti della Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Ser. VIII, Vol. IV (1949), 484-485.

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46

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poison

death.

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execute

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had

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Mu'dwiya

him

action

killed.

would

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Muslim to have a dangero enemy, the Umayyads. In death, we have further ev with which Abii Muslim disposed of individuals deemed compromising to the revolutionary movement in Khurdsin. Ibn Mu'dwiya was a serious threat to the movement which Abti Muslim had painstakingly formed over a period of time. Theodor Noldeke aptly summarized the situation in an essay written more than seventy years ago. He (Ibn Mu'"wiya) had served his turn, in so far as he had thrown

the empire into wilder confusion, and called the attention of the people to the family of the Prophet; now as a rival he might prove inconvenient. Abu Moslim therefore first cast him into prison, and afterwards took his life. (3)

One might simply add that by increasing the "confusion" Ibn Mu'dwiya had helped to further weaken the Umayyads, thus doing the 'Abbisid cause a service for which he was ill compensated. Ibn Mu'dwiya's following, as indicated previously, was composed of heterogeneous elements. The bond which united them was their opposition to Marwin ibn Muhammad. The immediate entourage of Ibn Mu'dwiya was reputed to be composed of heretics and aetheists. One of his assistants was known as al-BaqlT, the "herb" or the "green." He was given this name, because he used to say that human beings were similar to greens or herbs; after their deaths they do not return. (4) He denied the resurrection, in other words. Ibn (1) Ibn Nubfta, Sarh al-' Uyian, 349; Moscati, "Abu Muslim," 169. (2) Al-Isfahfni, Maqdtil, 169. (3) Theodor N61deke, "Caliph Mansur," Sketches from Eastern History, trans.

J. S. Black (2nd ed.; Beirut, 1963), 112.

(4) Ibn Nubfta, Sarh al-' Uyin, 347.

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tABD ALLAH IBN MUtAWIYA AND THE JANAHIYYA 47

Mu'dwiya is also said to have had a secretary named 'Umdrah ibn IHamza, who was a zindfq, i. e., aetheist or heretic. The chief of police, Qays, was also accused of heresy or schism. (1)

If be one may view people belonging the Janh.iyya. to discussed, it isthese probable thatas the charges ofto heresy are true. It should be emphasized, however, that these individuals are not mentioned in accounts devoted specifically to the Jandhiyya or

other sects recognizing Ibn Mu'dwiya. The manner in which they are discussed, in particular the application to them of the pejorative zindfq, casts some doubt upon the absolute reliability of the information about them.

The most reliable support for Ibn Mu'dwiya, in the early stages at least, came from the Zaydiyya and the RabI'a. The Zaydiyya were the adherents of Zayd ibn 'Ali (grandson of al-IHusayn), who had risen against the Umayyads and been killed in 740.(2) Those who had survived the revolt were among the people who joined Ibn Mu'awiya. The Rabi'a of Kilfa had also entered his ranks. They and the Zaydiyya had

been the last to leave the field in the battle with Ibn 'Umar.

They had then stubbornly defended the citadel until forced accept a safe-conduct. (3) The presence of the Zaydiyya amon the forces of Ibn Mu'dwiya is another indication of the fact t opposition to the Umayyads was of more importance to h than was religious ideology. Ibn Mu'dwiya also gained the support of many Maw&ll a

escaped slaves. As Ibn Athir and Tabari note, the slaves Kiifa flocked to his ranks. (4) It is likely that these Maw were largely Persian. One modern authority maintains th a great many Persians took part. (5) In view of the activit

and successes of Ibn Mu'dwiya in the Persian provinces, ther

is no reason to dispute this statement. It is probably fro

among the slaves and clients that the Jandhiyya found man

(1) Al-Isfahiini, al-Aghdni, XII, 230; Idem., Maqdtil, 162. (2) Rudolph Strothmann, "al-Zaidiya," Shorter Encyclopedia of Islam (Ithaca New York, 1965), 651-652.

(3) Tabari, Ta'rikh, II, 1885.

(4) Ibid., 1880-1881. See also Ibn al-Athir, Kdmil, V, 327. (5) Sadighi, Mouvements, 39.

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48

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of

F.

its

TUCKER

members.

doubt the motive forces here.

Social

and

One also notes with interest that prominent members of the

'Abb~sid family supported Ibn Mu'awiya. Among those reported have joined him the names of (1) al-Saffh.h, Abi Ja'fartoal-Mansir, and 'Isaone ibnfinds 'Ali, their cousin. With these individuals, as well as with others who supported him, Ibn Mu'dwiya appears to have been generous in the awarding of favors or offices. (2) JahshiyarI reports that he made al-Mansir the 'Amil, i. e., director of finance in charge of revenue collection, for Idh5j, the chief town of Great Lur in

Khtizist5n. (3) 'Abb5sid support for Ibn Mu'dwiya no doubt resulted from a belief that this pretender might attain some success which they could exploit for their own ends. If nothing else he was useful in further damaging the rule of the Damascene dynasty. Ibn Mu'awiya attracted two other even more surprising

elements, Khirijites and Umayyads. The Khirijite leader

Shayban ibn 'Abd al-'Aziz joined Ibn Mu'dwiya in Persia. (4) This seems to have taken place after Marwin II had driven Shayban and his followers out of the Mosul area. (5) The

Kh~rijites, having been unable to defeat Marwin alone, adhered to Ibn Mu'Zwiya, doubtlessly in the belief that he might be strong enough to overthrow the Umayyads, yet weak enough to have power wrested, in turn, from him.

Prominent Umayyads were also to be found among his supporters. (6) Among them were 'Umar ibn Suhayl ibn 'Abd al-'Aziz ibn Marwin and Sulayman ibn Hishhm ibn 'Abd al-Malik. (7) These individuals had gravitated to the cause of (1) Ibn al-Athir, Kdmil, V, 371; Ibn Nub5ta, Sarh al-'Uyian, 348; Moscati,

"Abu Muslim," 484.

(2) Ibn Nub~ta, Sarh al-' Uyin, 348. (3) Aba 'Abd Allih Muhammad ibn 'Abdfis al-Jahshiydri, Kitdb al-Wuzard'

wa al-Kulttdb (Cairo, 1938), 98. For the location of Idhfj, consult Guy Le Strange, The Lands of the Eastern Caliphate (New York, 1966), 245. (4) Ibn al-Athir, Kdmil, V, 371. (5) Wellhausen, Oppositionsparteien, Badawi, 263. (6) Frye, "'Abbasid Conspiracy,"' 12. (7) Al-Isfahbni, Maqdtil, 167; Kharbfitli, Ta'rikh, 222.

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eABD ALLAH IBN MU-AWIYA AND THE JANAHIYYA 49

Ibn Mu'dwiya by reason of their intense opposition to Marwin

ibn Muhammad. As Wellhausen suggests, this was probably a struggle of the Syrian Kalb against Marwin and his Qaysite supporters. (1) In the case of Sulaym5n, personal ambition for the caliphal throne was also involved. After the antiMarwin efforts in Syria and Mesopotamia had failed, the disgruntled elements had had little choice but to move farther

east. Doubtlessly they had cast their lot with Ibn Mu'5wiya, because his success in the Persian regions suggested that he might be able to cope with the forces of Marwin. Here again, then, we see an example of a marriage of expediency. In this instance the enmity was directed not against the dynasty, but rather against the particular ruler and, apparently, the tribal element which constituted his power base. There is also the possibility that the forces of Ibn Mu'Zwiya included members of a Persian group known as the Khurramdiniyya. This sect adhered to such beliefs as the transmigration of souls and the abandonment of certain doctrinal constraints,

ideas similar to Shahrastini's those held by the Janh.iyya. G. H. Sadigh has pointed out, assertion that Ibn As Mu'5wiya was the founder of the Khurramdiniyya is incorrect, since the Khurramdiniyya and Mazdakians, who appear to be identical,

were in existence long before the time of Ibn Mu'Zwiya. (2) Some authorities seek the origins of the extremist groups clustering about Ibn Mu'Zwiya in a party known as the IHarbiyya. The name of this group comes from the person who is said to have been its leader, 'Abd Allah ibn 'Amr ibn

IHarb al-Kindi. The heresiographers inform us that this

group believed that Abil Hishim had designated their leader imam after himself. (3) They also declared that the spirit of AbMi HZshim had become indwelling in Ibn IHarb through the

(1) Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 378. For a different perspective on the Qays-Yaman dispute, see Shaban, Islamic History. (2) Sadighi, Mouvements, 182.

(3) Abfi al-Hasan 'Ali ibn Ismi'll al-Ash'ari, Maqdldt al-Isldmiyyin, I (Cairo,

1954),1948), 95; Abfi (Cairo, 160.

Sa'id Nashwin al-Himyari, Kildb al-i.Hr al-' In wa Tanbih al-Sdmi'in 4

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50

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transmigration that

they

liked.

(2)

of

claimed

Ilamza

souls

that

ibn

(

who

'Umd

to have entertained a simila The heresiographers provid

the

relationship

of

the

some reason the followers of Ibn Harb became disenchanted

with him and set out to find a new leader. (4) Ibn Hazm maintains that Ibn I.arb had renounced his extremist views, alienating his supporters in the process.(5) Al-Ash'ari al-

Qummi, on the other hand, suggests that the I.arbiyya

abandoned their leader, because they believed him to be too unintelligent to possess the powers he claimed for himself. (6) Whatever the reason the .Iarbiyya are said to have sought out

a new imim. They are supposed to have met Ibn Mu~'wiya

in the city of Medina. Accepting his invitation to follow him,

they recognized him as their new leader. (7) The validity of all this information is impossible to establish. If there was such a group, it probably did support Ibn Mu'iwiya, although it is doubtful that he shared their religious views.

Al-Baghdddi's account of the IHarbiyya is very curious. He states that after the death of al-Nafs al-Zakiyya the section of the Mughiriyya which had turned away from al-Mughira went

to Medina seeking a new imim. They met Ibn Mu'iwiya and

gave allegiance to him. (8) This report is obviously inaccurate.

(1) Emin Sadreddin ash-Shirwani, untitled treatise on the sects of Islam, Nuri Osmaniye Kiitiibhanesi Ms. 2144, fol. 1 la. My thanks to the administration and staff of the Nuri Osmaniye Mosque library, Istanbul, for their kind assistance in the course of my research in 1973.

(2) Sa'd ibn 'Abd Allah ibn Abi Khalaf al-Ash'ari al-Qummi, Kitdb al-Maqdldt

wa al-Firaq (Tehran, 1964), 40-41.

(3) Al-Hasan ibn Mfis5 al-Nawbakhti, Firaq al-Shi'a (Najaf, 1959), 49.

(4) Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Karim al-Shahrastfni, al-Milal wa al-Nihal, I

(Cairo, 1961), 151.

(5) Abf Muhammad 'Al ibn Ahmad ibn Sa'id ibn Hazm, "The Heterodoxies of the Shi'ites in the Presentation of Ibn Hazm," trans. by Israel Friedlaender,

Journal of the American Oriental Society, XXVIII (1907), 73. (6) Al-Qummi, Maqdldt, 40-41. (7) Al-Ash'ari, Maqdldt, I, 95.

(8) Abd al-Qghir ibntrans. T.hirby Muhammad al-Baghdidi, Moslem (al-Fark bain al-Firak), A. S. Halkin (Tel Aviv, 1935), 59.Schisms and Sects

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IH

CABD ALLAH IBN MU'AWIYA AND THE JANAHIYYA 51

Ibn Mu'dwiya died long before al-Nafs al-Zakiyya, who was put to death by the Abb5sid, al-Mansiir, in 762. (1) It is difficult

to determine the reason for al-Baghdidi's mistake. His

chapter about the I.arbiyya seems to be accurate in other respects, as does his discussion of the Mughiriyya. One should note that there is no mention of this change of allegiance to Ibn Mu'5wiya in his information about al-Mughira ibn Sa'id

and his followers. In the Hiir al-'In of al-IHimyari, the

IHarbiyya are called the IHizbiyya. (2) This is probably due to a copyist's mistake. The extremist faction most frequently identified with Ibn Mu'dwiya was the group called the Jandhuiyya (sometimes called the Tayyiriyya). The name was apparently derived from the

nickname given Ja'far ibn AbI T5lib, Ibn Mu'cwiya's great-

grandfather. The name, Dha al-Jandhayn (possessor of wings),

is said to have been given to Ja'far by the Prophet. The

story has it that this occurred after the death of Ja'far at the battle of Milta. Muhammad is reported to have said that

he saw Ja'far with wings, flying about in Heaven. (3) Friedlaender's suggestion that the name was that of Ibn Mu'dwiya's father rather than his great-grandfather is in error. (4) Ja'far also was called Tayydr, hence the occasional appearance of the name Tayydriyya rather than Jandhiyya. (a) It is impossible to determine exactly Ibn Mu'5wiya's attitude

toward theextremist ideas of the Jan.hiyya. he did not share their doctrines, some Probably of which may have appeared only after his death. There is no doubt, on the other hand, that he tolerated such views among his followers. As indicated by the nature of his supporters, Ibn Mu'dwiya was more concerned with wresting political power from the Umayyads than with the theological peculiarities of his

followers. That some of the sources should ascribe the ideas

to Ibn Mu'dwiya is not surprising. No doubt the Jandhi (1) Tucker, "Rebels and Gnostics," 37. (2) (3) (4) (5)

A1-Himyari, .Nir, 160-161. Al-Baghdidi, Schisms, Halkin, 59, note 1 Ibid. Laoust, Schisms, 35.

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52

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attempted

doctrines.

to

portray

the

The doctrine for which they are perhaps best known was that

of H.ulal, incarnation of God in their leader. that the spirit of God had become indwelling inThey Adam.asserted It had

then passed to the prophets and imims, including 'Ali,

Muhammad ibn al-IHanafiyya, and Abti Hdshim. From the latter it had passed to Ibn Mu'dwiya. (1) This successive incarnation idea was to be of considerable importance in later extremist groups. As al-Ash'ari states, then, the Jandhiyya worshipped Ibn Mu'awiya. (2) The Janahiyya are said to have denied the resurrection. (3) This is the corollary of Tandsukh, the transmigration of souls. It was through the latter that Ibn Mu'5wiya had become divine. (4) Their concept of transmigration had another aspect. Al-Ash'ari al-Qummi informs us that they taught

that spiritsin ofthem the Sah.aba, of Muhammad, comethe to reside throughcompanions transmigration. For this had reason they called themselves by the names of the companions.

Al-Ash'ari al-Qummi goes on to say that they claimed the ability to commune with those who had formerly occupied the bodies into which they had passed. (5) Al-Jilni also provides an interesting account of their transmigration theory.

According to him they declared that after death the spirit

(1) Anon., al-Sawd'iq al-Muhriqa li-Ikhwdn al-Shaydtfn wa al-Daldl wa al-

Zandaqa, Library of the India Office, London, Arabic Ms. 2167 (Delhi 916), fol. 16a. My thanks to the staff of this library for their kind assistance to me. Among

published accounts, see the following: Abfi al-Faraj 'Abd al-Rahmin ibn 'All ibn al-Jawzi, Naqd al-'llm wa al-Ulamd'= Talbis Iblis (Cairo, 1966), 95; 'Adud al-Din 'Abd al-Rahmin al-Iji, Kitldb al-Mawdqif fi 'Ilm al-Kaldm, VIII (Cairo, 1909), 386; Ablf al-Qisim 'Abd al-WVhid ibn Ahmad al-Kirmini, "Ein Kommentar der Tradition fiber die 73 Sekten," Arabic text published by Sven Dedering, Le Monde Oriental, XXV (1931), 40.

(2) Al-Ash'ari, Maqdldt, I, 67. (3) Zayn al-'Abidin Yrisuf ibn Muhammad al-Kfripi, al- Yamdniyya al-Maslila 'ald al-Rawdfid al-Makhdhlla, Bibliothbque Nationale, Paris, Ms. Arabe 1462, fol. 19a. My thanks to the administration and staff of the Bibliothbque Nationale for their kind assistance to me. See also 'Abd al-Karim ibn Muhammad al-

Sam'dni, Kitldb al-Ansdb, II (Hyderabad, 1963), 338. (4) Al-Ash'ari, Maqdldt, I, 67; Iji, Mawdqif, VIII, 386. (5) Al-Ash'ari al-Qummi, Maqdldt, 48.

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CABD ALLAH IBN MU. AWIYA AND THE JAN.AHIYYA 53

passed into a camel. From there it passed through lower and lower states. The souls of sinners, they claimed, passed into iron, clay, and pottery. As a result they were tortured by smelting, hammering, etc. (1) From all of this information it

is clear that the Jan1hiyya were probably the first to formulate such an elaborate and comprehensive theory of transmigration

of souls. The idea of transmigration, incidentally, may have come to the Arabs and Persians from Hinduism, Buddhism, or

Greek ideas. By the time of Ibn Mu'dwiya's movement, the

Muslims had come into contact with Hinduism and Buddhism

in Central Asia and northern India.

The Janshiyya are said to have permitted those things

prohibited by the Qur'dn. (2) Al-Baghd5di states, for example,

that they eliminated the religious observances. (3) Their reason for doing so is similar to that of Abti Mansir and the Mansiiriyya. The prohibitions, they argued, referred to men whom one must hate, e.g., Abil Bakr and 'Umar. (4) This

doctrine is the same as that held by the Mansoiriyya. (6)

Shahrast5ni and Fakhr al-Din al-R5zi declare that the

Jan.hiyya thatiswhoever knows he chooses. believed (6) This idea also one held by the the imam Mansf

is said, claimed that Ibn toThe sayJanM.hiyya, that learningitsprouted "in his heart likeMu' tru green grass." (8) It is perfectly reasonable that Ibn should have made such a statement, since there is particularly extreme about it. There is no reason (1) 'Abd al-Qddir al-Jilni, al- Ghunya li Tdlib Tdriq al-Haqq (n. p.,

(2) Al-Mahdi li Din Allah Ahmad ibn Yahya ibn al-Murta.d5, a

Zakhkhdr, British Museum Ms., Or. 4021, 10b. My thanks to the adm and staff of the British Museum for their kind assistance to me. Am sources, see AbQ Muzaffar Shdhffir ibn T5hir al-Isfard'ini, Tabysr fi 1940), 73.

(3) Al-Baghdidi, Usi2l al-Din (Istanbul, 1928), 331. (4) Ibid., 233; Taqi al-Din al-Maqrizi, al-Mawd'i; wa al-I'tibdr ft Dhi wa al-Athdr= al-Khitat, III (Cairo, 1959), 303. (5) Tucker, "Abf Mansflr," 72.

(6) Fakhr al-Din al-RFzi, I'tiqdddt Firaq al-Muslimrn wa al-Muar

1949), 59. Shahrastdni, Milal, I, 152.

(7) Tucker, "Abl ManSfr." 72. (8) Al-Baghdidi, Schisms, Halkin, 152,

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54 W. F. TUCKER

more, to to doubt statement that the Jan.hiyya believed Mu'dwiya havethe received the im5mate from Abi Hishim. (1) Ibn

There is ample evidence to show that the Jan.hiyya considered Ibn Mu'dwiya to be the successor to Ibn al-Hanafiyya and Abti

Hishim.

After the death of Ibn Mu'5wiya, his partisans split into several groups. One of these insisted that he had not died. He had, instead, withdrawn into the mountains of Isfahan. Some day he would reappear and establish the reign of justice on earth, for he was the awaited MahdT. (2) Another group is said to have claimed that Ibn Mu'dwiya would return from the mountains of Isfahin in order to install the Banil H shim. (3) Still another party professed that Ibn Mu'dwiya had died without naming a successor. They recognized no imam after

him. (4)

In addition to the Jandhiyya or, in some instances, instead

of this group, some of the sources mention a group of Ibn Mu'awiya partisans known as the IHarithiyya. The person for

whom this sect was named appears under different names.

ShahrastanI calls him IshIq ibn Zayd ibn .Hrith al-Ansdri. (6) In Nawbakhti the name is 'Abd Allahas ibn (6) The beliefs of this group are given essentially the same thoseal-.Hrith. of the JanIhiyya. They maintained, for example, that Ibn Mu'dwiya had received the imimate from Abti HAshim. The only point of difference is that an individual named Sdlih ibn Mudrik held the imimate for Ibn Mu'Awiya until he came of age. (7) They, like the Janahiyya, are said to have believed in transmigration of souls. (8) They are also alleged to have allowed those things prohibited by religious law. (9) (1) Al-Ash'ari al-Qummi, Maqdldt, 41. (2) A1-Baghdidi, Schisms, Halkin, 61; Ibn Hazm, Heterodoxies," 45. (3) Al-Ash'ari, Maqdldt, I, 95; Nawbakhti, Firaq, 57. (4) Al-HIimyari, IHi2r, 161; Nawbakhti, Firaq, 57. (5) Shahrastini, Milal, I, 152. (6) Nawbakhti, Firaq, 53.

(7) A. S. Tritton, "a Theological Miscellany," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, IX (1937-1939), 925. (8) Nawbakhti, Firaq, 56.

(9) Shahrastini, Milal, I, 152.

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CABD ALLAH IBN MU AWIYA AND THE JANAHIYYA 55

It is possible that the IHIrithiyya were another branch of

Jan.hiyya to appear after Ibn Mu'dwiya's death. Shahra in fact, notes that they sprang up after the death of t Hishimite. (1) Nawbakhti indicates the same thing, add

that 'Abd Alldh ibn al-H~rith introduced all of the extremi views associated with Ibn Mu'dwiya. (2) This last informa is unlikely, since, as we have seen, such ideas were held bef the death of Ibn Mu'dwiya. There is also the chance that the I~Irithiyya are simply th

Jandhiyya under another name. Their founder may be

fiction or perhaps the result of a confusion with 'Abd Alldh IHarb of the IHarbiyya. As we have noted, the doctrines of

IHIrithiyya are the same as those of the Janihiyya. If

IH~rithiyya sect was distinct from that of the Jandhiyya, unquestionably grew out of the latter and made no new doctr contributions.

A number of conclusions emerge from an examination of Ibn Mu'lwiya and the Jandhiyya. In the first place there can be no political doubt that the rather leader of thereligious Jan.hiyya was concerned with power than ideology. This is illustrated by the fact that his followers represented almost every religious current to be found in the Muslim world at that

time. radical, As in the case ofeven the Jan.hiyya, some of these ideas were allowing for the exaggeration of hostile sources. There is no record, nevertheless, of Ibn Mu'dwiya having spoken out against these views or having repudiated those who adhered to them. In all probability, however, he did not personally subscribe to such doctrines. The heterogeneity of his following constitutes the primary

cause for the success which Ibn Mu'dwiya achieved. The

presence of the different groups is an indication of the hatred of the majority of Muslims at the time for the Umayyads or' at any rate, Marwin ibn Muhammad. Thus one finds among the supporters of Ibn Mu'dwiya Shi'ites, 'Abblsids, Khdrijites, members of the Rabi'a, Mawdlf, escaped slaves, and even some (1) Ibid.

(2) Nawbakhtl, Firaq, 56.

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56

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individuals from the Umay diverse elements was som Mu'dwiya was enabled to th true that its varied compos into an effective revolution doubt that the various gro hope of advancing their ow could expect the support of manner deemed beneficial t The major and crucial diff Abti Muslim with regard t seems to have lain in the various groups that their g when victory came. Ibn M maintain among his dispar

ambitions would be realized when his were.

In spite of the uncertain nature of his following, Ibn Mu'5wiya

might yet have overturned the reigning dynasty and established

himself at least temporarily. He encountered, however, an obstacle too great to be overcome: the 'Abbisid movement under the leadership of the ingenious Abai Muslim. As a recent Arab historian has pointed out, the Abbasids had no intention of allowing Ibn Mu'5wiya to jeopardize an effort developed over the course of a number of years. (1) As long as Ibn Mu'5wiya had weakened Umayyad rule and helped to focus attention upon the family of the Prophet, they had tolerated, indeed even openly supported, his activities. When he became a threat to the movement in Khur5shn, however, he had clearly outlived his usefulness.

The Janahiyya appear to have been the first group to formulate a developed doctrine of transmigration of souls. They believed that the divinity of the im5ms was transmitted in this way, and, furthermore, that the souls of ordinary men passed into other bodies or into objects after death. Although

certain members of the Kaisaniyya are said to have been the first Shi'ites to accept this doctrine, it is probable that the (1) Kharbfitli, Ta'rikh, 224.

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'ABD ALLAH IBN MU AWIYA AND THE JANAHIYYA 57 Jandhiyya were the first to adopt it, since most sources do not include it among the Kaisdniyya beliefs.

The succession of incarnations concept may also be the contribution of the JanShiyya. The Bay~niyya are sometimes

said to have been the first Gh5ald group to believe this. As

indicated in my study of this group, however, it is doubtful that they did so. (1) They may have thought that a divine particle

passed to the im5ms. This is not the same as the incarnation concept to which the JanMihiyya subscribed. This doctrine

was to be of some significance in the systems of later extremist

ShI'ite groups, e. g., the Riwandiyya. William F. TUCKER

(Arkansas) (1) Tucker, "Baydn ibn Sam'dn," 244.

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