Berkeley Tone Workshop University of California, Berkeley February 18-20, 2011 On Discovering Contrastive Tone Melodies Keith Snider (SIL International) The ideal tone analysis discovers the inventory of contrastive melodies assigned to each grammatical category of morphemes (e.g., noun roots, verb, roots, person markers, tense/aspect markers, etc.) and identifies and explains any phonological alternations these melodies undergo in the different phonological and grammatical environments in which they are found. Such an analysis ensures that all of the factors that can affect the surface realization of an underlying tone melody be the same for all of the words being compared. The factors that need to be controlled for include: a) grammatical category of word b) stem type (e.g., simple, compound, complex, borrowed) c) noun and/or verb class (if present) d) syllable profile of morpheme e) consonant type (if consonant/tone interaction is know or suspected to be present) Once all factors that can affect the surface realization of tone melodies are controlled for, any differences in surface melodies that the comparison reveals will be due to differences in the underlying melodies of the morphemes themselves and will not be due to any differences induced by external factors. Comparisons of melodies of comparable words must be carried out in: a) isolation forms b) different lexical environments (e.g., singulars, plurals, infinitives, imperatives, different tense/aspects, differents persons, etc.) c) different syntactic environments (e.g., associative constructions, verb-object constructions, etc.) 1 Contrastive tone melodies in Chumburung The following chart of Chumburung data resulted from: a) extracting nouns from the rest of the data b) extracting only nouns with simple (monomophemic stems) c) extracting only nouns belonging to the A–Noun Class d) seeing what melodies were in contrast with respect to each syllable profile. Not all of the contrasts resulted from comparing words in isolation. There is no evidence of consonant-tone interaction in Chumburung.

On discovering contrastive tone melodies

2

The A– prefix has surface realizations of [ə–] and [a–]. [ə–] occurs before +ATR stems, and [a–] occurs elsewhere. Chumburung, Kwa language, Ghana (personal field notes) A– Noun Class U. Melody CV CVN CVʔ /L/      

/H/

/HL/

  

a–bɔ necks

a–jaʔ legs

a–laŋ hips

ə–keri lizards

 

 

 

 

a–wɔ snakes

a–t͡ʃɪʔ women

ə–suŋ works (n)

a–fʊrɪ deer (pl)

 

 

SYSTEMATIC GAP

ə–teʔ feathers /LH/

CVCV

SYSTEMATIC GAP

  a–saʔ nests

SYSTEMATIC GAP

a–baŋ paddles  

  

a–paŋ cutlasses

a–kɔtɪ monkeys

2 Surface realizations of melodies affected by different stem syllable profiles Mende, Mande language, Sierra Leone (Leben 1978: 186) One Syllable Two Syllable Three Syllable /H/

[] kɔ́

/L/

[] k͡pà

/HL/

[] m͡bû

/LH/

[] m͡bǎ

/LHL/

[] m͡ba᷈

war

[] pɛ́lɛ́

debt

[] bɛ̀lɛ̀

owl

[] n͡gı ́là

rice

[ ] fàndé

companion

[  ] nyàhâ

house

[  ] háwámá

waistline

trousers

[ ] k͡pàkàli ̀

tripod chair

dog

[ ] félàmà

junction

cotton

[ ] n͡dàvúlá

sling

woman

[] nìkílì

groundnut

Notice how identical underlying melodies can appear so different in their surface realizations when they are assigned to stems with different syllable profiles.

On discovering contrastive tone melodies

3 Surface realizations of melodies affected by different stem types Chumburung, Kwa language, Ghana (personal field notes) U. Melody CVCV CV–CV /L/    ə–keri lizards /H/

  a–fʊrɪ deer (pl)

/HL/

/LH/

SYSTEMATIC GAP

cf.   

 

ə–bu–d͡ʒi grindstones

ə–bu stones

  

a–kɔtɪ monkeys Comparing compound stems with simple stems would result in the recognition of an incorrect fourth melody for the CVCV profile. Although this might be an expected melody, it only exists for words with compound stems. Once the complete system is understood (no time to explain here), there are very good reasons why this surface melody does not exist in words with simple stems.

3

On discovering contrastive tone melodies 4 Surface realizations of melodies affected by being in different noun classes 4a Noun class prefixes Chumburung, Kwa language, Ghana (personal field notes) Ø– Noun Class U. Melody CV CVN CVʔ /L/     sɔ scent /L/

saʔ lɔŋ in-law house kI– Noun Class

CVCV   keri lizard

 

 

 

  

kɪ–bɔ neck

kɪ–jaʔ leg

kɪ–laŋ hip

kɪ–fʊrɪ rock

The (simple) stems of both sets of words have identical underlying melodies; however, the presence of the kɪ ́– noun class prefix vs. its absence for the Ø– class renders impossible any meaningful comparison between otherwise comparable words from the two classes. 4b Noun class concord markers Bamileke Dschang, Grassfields Bantu language, Cameroon (Hyman 1985) The associative marker is /è/ for Classes 1 and 9, and /á/ for Class 7 /L L/

è–fɔ̀

è

mə̀n–d͡ʒwì



èfɔ̀ mə̀nd͡ʒwì

chief of leopards

à–zɔ̀b

á

mə̀n–d͡ʒwì



àzɔ̀b ɔ̀ õmə̀nd͡ʒwì

song of leopards

ɲ̀–ɲí

è

mə̀n–d͡ʒwì



ɲ̀ɲǐ mə̀nd͡ʒwì

machete of leopards

à–sáŋ

á

mə̀n–d͡ʒwì



àsáŋ á mə́nd͡ʒwì

tail of leopards

/L H/

Notice that the associative marker is different for the head nouns of the first and second phrases and for the third and fourth phrases. This difference in phrasal environments makes it impossible to compare the melody of the first phrase with that of the second phrase and that of the third phrase with that of the fourth phrase, even though in each case, the underlying melodies are identical.

4

On discovering contrastive tone melodies 5 Surface realizations of melodies affected by different consonants Kera, Chadic language, Chad (Pearce 1999) Depressor consonants b d d͡ʒ g v z h Neutral consonants

mnŋlyw

Raiser consonants

p t t͡ʃ k f s ɓ ɗ r

5a) Kera nouns 1st consonant non-raiser (depressor/neutral) CVC

CVCCV

/H/

[] nus

a bit

[ ] manta

salt

/L/

[] dol

hard ground

[ ] hoyna

spirit

/HL/

[ ] lampa

lamp

/LH/

[ ] hanji

snake

1st consonant raiser CVC

CVCCV

/H/

[] soŋ

bucket

[ ] ɗarka

anthill

/L/

[] kan

water

[ ] kormə

child

/HL/

[ ] farta

wrap around skirt

/LH/

[ ] seŋka

earth

In Kera, the underlying /L/ tones of nouns are realized as [M] when the first consonant of the stem is a “raiser” consonant.

5

On discovering contrastive tone melodies

6

5b) Kera verbs The surface melody of all verbs is totally predictable once the consonants of the word are known. This means, then, that the underlying melody of all verbs is toneless. When the verb has a single depressor consonant in initial position, the surface melody is [LL]. bèlè to love gòlè to look at dèfè

to prepare

hòlè

to skin

d͡ʒèŋè

to break

zèlè

to cook

When the verb contains two depressor consonants, the surface melody is [LH]. bàadé to wash hə̀rgi ́ to dance d͡ʒèbré

to listen

və̀əgí

to pardon

gèlgé

to tickle

zàldé

to hit

When the verb begins with any consonant other than a depressor consonant, the surface melody is [HH]. ɓélé to nail lóɗé to dampen ɗóké

to manage

mélé

to place

kósé

to approach

sété

to wipe

The surface melodies of nouns are not comparable with those of verbs because: a) the two grammatical categories of words don’t necessarily share the same set of underlying melodies (as demonstrated immediately above), and b) it is impossible to compare verbs and nouns in identical environments. References Hyman, Larry M. 1985. Word domains and downstep in Bamileke-Dschang. Phonology Yearbook 2:85-138. Leben, W. 1978. The representation of tone. In V. Fromkin (ed.), Tone: a linguistic survey, 177-219. New York: Academic Press. Pearce, Mary. 1999. Consonants and tone in Kera (Chadic). The Journal of West African Languages 27.1:33-70.

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