Marketing Morality Carl Pope; Jonathan A. Fox; Michael J. Watts; Andrew Ayers; Brian Farenell; Hans Peter Schmitz; Juliana Geran Pilon; Clifford Bob Foreign Policy, No. 131. (Jul. - Aug., 2002), pp. 4+6+8+10. Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0015-7228%28200207%2F08%290%3A131%3C4%3AMM%3E2.0.CO%3B2-O Foreign Policy is currently published by Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

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Clifford Bob's article ("Merchants of Morality," MarchJApril 2002) quite astutely describes the factors that make a local movement a candidate for global mobilization. But he also suggests that something is wrong with this selective approach. Bob seems to believe that interim tioilal organizatioils that struggle for a better global society are oblivious to local movements' needs to set priorities, develop strategies, and build alliances with a variety of constituencies. We at the Sierra Club are aware that our specific can~paignsare only a small piece of the puzzle. For powerless groups to challenge the elite, they must organize, they must struggle, and they must use the tools of effective democratic politics-whether they are organizing locally, nationally, or globally. We understand that our efforts to "defend the defenders" can showcase only a handful of environmental advocates at risk. The goal of such campaigns is not just to free those we address directly; it is also to globally influence political attitudes in favor of basic humail and eilvironmental rights. We use a triad of strategies: helping to defend environmeiltal advocacy in repressive societies; informing, empowering, and motivating consumers to insist on decency in the products they consume; and strengthening our foreign policy framework. We have supported the Ogoni struggle in the Niger Delta, helped free Mexican farmer Rodolfo Moiltie1 Flores, and pressured the Russian goverilrnent t o free environmentalist Alexailder Nikitin. In turn, Ogoni activist Ken SaroW i w a , M o n t i e l Flores, a n d Nikitin-through their courage and sacrifice-made the global case for

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change a n d supported similar efforts around the world. Our campaigns on behalf of individual causes are only the first steps to effecting global change. And as the previous examples illustrate, those steps are crucial. -CARL POPE

Executive Director Sierra Club San Francisco, Calif. No doubt many other readers were struck by your MarchJApril 2002 cover's depiction of the Dalai Lama, Guatemalan activist Rigoberta Menchu, and Zapatista leader Subcornaildailte Marcos as "Brand Name Bullies." Upon further reading, however, we noticed that this cover line bears no relation to the arguments or evidence presented in Clifford Bob's article, "Merchants of Morality," which contributes to our understanding of transnatioilal civil society and the dynamics of the international "morality market." The cover and the editors' text distort Bob's claims in two important ways: First, Bob discusses the differences between well-known and little-known causes, describing them repeatedly as "equally worthy competitors." In sharp contrast, the story's editorial lead describes the "global injustices [that] gain your sympathy, attention, and money" as "rarely the most deserving." Nothing in Bob's essay substantiates such a claim. Second, the cover title cleverly l i n k s t h e c o n c e p t of " b r a n d names" with the idea that mediasavvy leaders of the oppressed are "bullies," suggesting that they have reached the limelight "at dear cost." But the article provides no evidence of actual bullying. Furthermore, the essay does n o t confirm t h a t " m a r k e t i n g

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trumps lustice" but simply hints that marketing has the potential to compromise the work of activists. Bob suggests that the "pervasive indifference of international audiences" creates the "Darwinian marketplace" in which oppressed groups vie for attention in the North-not that the groups themselves are to blame. The editors branded those on the supply side who break through as bullies and nlerchants, but Bob's research shows that the maill cause of the problem is actually on the demand side. Those with voice, mone); and power just don't care enough. Why are leaders of oppressed peoples expected to avoid the kind of strategic action that all other political actors pursue? The irony is surely that an article about the problems of media spin and the pressures to distort a serious message fell victim here to the same danger.

ment is attracting support. Many movements are "helpless and neglected"-but Bob seems to imply that they are worse off than before the "global morality m a r k e t " emerged. But how much sympathy would the Uighurs have found in the global community of, say, 1850? In fact, the Tibet movement's success has brought more attention to the oppression of Uighurs, not less. For instance, members of the U.S. Congress who are educated about Tibet are likely to be more receptive t o Uighur grievances because they will already be farniliar with the human rights vocabulary used by both movements. Had Bob interviewed Uighur leaders for his article, he would have found t h a t they d o n o t resent t h e Tibetans' success; instead, they seek to learn from it and capitalize on it. In what marketplace do producers root for their competitors? As the civil rights movement in -JONATHANA. FOX the United States built a frameProfessor and Chair work for the campaigns against Latin American and Latino apartheid, so do present-day social Studies Department justice movements build foundaUniversity of California tions for each other. The difference Santa Cruz, Calif. between selling a product and selling a principle is that hurnail rights M MICHAEL J. WATTS activists are all, in the end, selling Director and Chancellor's the same thing. Professor Institute of International Stzidies -ANDREW~\YERS University of California Chairman Berkeley, Calif. Students for a Free Tibet New York, N.Y Clifford Bob's parallel between social justice rnoverneilts and mar- Clifford Bob's article misses the keting schemes is of limited use. point. He reproaches the Dalai He's right that social justice move- Lama, Rigoberta Mench6, and othments brand themselves and pack- ers for knowing how to "play the age their ideas for a global audi- game" of publicity, rather than anaence. But what they are doing is lyzing why the game has t o be communicating, and there is noth- played in the first place. ing sinister about that. It is unfortunate that worthy I challenge Bob t o find one causes do not get the media attenexample of an indigenous activist tion they deserve. However, the who is angry that another move- causes that capture the public's eye

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are not to blame for this injustice. For example, Subcomandante Marcos may be the reason the world pays attention to Chiapas, but Marcos is not the reason the world neglects the problems of Sierra Leone or the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Similarly, celebrities like rock star Bono or the late Princess Diana put causes such as debt relief and landmine removal in the headlines, but these personalities only help give voice to the legitimate work of activists and communities. Like the author, I am a bit uncomfortable with the "branding" of certain causes-the Tibetan flag, for example, has become nearly as iconic as the Nike swoosh. I, too, find it discomforting that people's survival or well-being can depend on whether their plight garners the attention of a prominent person or w h e t h e r t h e i r cause has a spokesperson of sufficient charisma. But these wrongs cannot be righted until we come up with an alternative. And curiously, Bob does not offer one.

mentions the Popular Revolutionary Army (EPR) in Mexico. If EPR leaders are unwilling to modify their strategy of overthrowing the government by violent means, then the international community should refrain from intervening on their behalf. It should instead support other local groups in Mexico that peacefully address the social and economic grievances in the region of strongest EPR activism. Additionally, help should not automatically go to those who cry for it most loudly. Rather, transnational actors should offer assistance only after gaining a full understanding of the domestic situation and the likely consequences of intervention. And if the international community becomes active, it should do so by creating a two-way dialogue among equal partners, rather than taking a top-down perspective on local activists. No one is entitled to transnational support. And sometimes, the best support for a good cause is to just let domestic groups take the lead.

global civil society remains a myth, and a potentially deadly one" is surely extreme. "Global civil society," as such, may not exist. But the idea of civil society on a global scale-with some common ideals, working toward greater openness and democracy-is no illusion. Nor is it "deadly," not even potentially. Rather, it is an ideal worth pursuing with open eyes, learning from what does and does not work. Bob is certainly right that many worthy, dedicated local actors may become disillusioned if left without assistance. But the answer is not to turn our backs to the entire enterprise but simply to pursue it more effectively. -JULIANAGERANPILON Senior Advisor for Civil Society International Foundation for Election Systems Washington, D. C.

Clifford Bob Replies: Local movements must market themselves to gain international -HANS PETERSCHMITZ support. That insight tells us much -BRIAN FARENELL Assistant Professor about global civil society. Andrew Glens Falls, N.Y Maxwell School of Citizenship Ayers is correct that some groups and Public Affairs benefit from the success of others, Clifford Bob lumps together a wide Syracuse University but that does not undermine my range of local movements and makes Syracuse, N. Y perspective: New consumer goods them all look as if they are in desopen markets not only for the innoperate need of outside help. This crude perspective is of no use to "Merchants of Morality" offers a vator's product but also for rivals'. domestic or international activists. sobering reminder that civil society Competition occurs neverthelessDifferent causes require different can be and sometimes has been as it does among groups vying for responses, and not every cause unduly romanticized. All of us who scarce international help. I have not deserves the same level of attention. have collaborated with and assist- found anger in my interviews with Many of Bob's examples of ed nongovernmental organizations movement leaders, but I have found causes that fail to garner global sup- (NGOS) in developing democracies envy and unabashed yearning to port are of movements that explic- can testify that there are many chal- become "another Tibet." I am glad the Sierra Club enters itly advocate and use violence. lenges in such work. Some members These groups do not receive inter- and even leaders of these organiza- alliances aware of the many organnational attention for good reason. tions are territorial, short-sighted, izations it cannot help directly. Nonetheless, as a leader of a strugIf they are not open to scrutiny of and sometimes even corrupt. But Clifford Bob's conclusion gling Nigerian movement recently their goals and methods, then we should ignore them and look for that "for all the progress in this told me, "Campaigners tend to go others to support. For instance, Bob direction, an open and democratic toward the sexy and the romantic.

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The thing that is popular-a lot of people w a n t t o get involved.'' Shouldn't the real needs of local people come first? I d o not reproach insurgent groups for publicizing or branding themselves, as Brian Farenell suggests. Rather, as I argued-and as Jonathan Fox and Michael Watts confirm-movements must market themselves because of international indifference, scanty resources, and narrow notions of "worthy" causes. Demonstrating the latter point, H a n s Peter Schmitz takes a n Olympian view of the groups that deserve backing. My aim-to analyze how local movements conduct their campaigns-is less lofty. Schmitz's view about who "we" should favor makes my point that global civil society is less open than many believe. In mentioning the

EPR, Schmitz fails to recognize that the Zapatistas, who immediately attracted great support, also used force and called for the Mexican government's overthrow. As Subcomandante Marcos asked early on, "Why is it necessary to kill and die, to get ... the world, to listen ...?" Juliana Pilon disputes that the global society myth could have deadly consequences. But combine that myth with certain causes' domination of international sympathy and it is easy to understand h o w one southern Sudanese refugee could recently demand, "Why do so many Americans care about saving seals and whales but n o t us?" I, too, believe N G O S should learn from their mistakes. Thinking realistically about global civil society's limitations, as well as its promise, is a good place to start.

Fists Across the 'Water R o b e r t Skidelsky provides a n admirable comparison of the current antiterrorist alliance with the Grand Alliance of World War I1 in his essay, "Imbalance of Power" (March/April2002).But his analysis founders on a misconception of American historical attitudes toward Great Britain. Skidelsky has gone to great pains-in this article and throughout the final volume of his fine biography of John Maynard Keynes-to portray his hero as fighting not only for freedom but also t o protect British economic interests against the ascending power of the United States. In his book, Skidelsky characterizes the Roosevelt administration's response as anti-British. In this article, he switches from antipathy to fear and paints a picture of Anglophobia. Neither description quite fits. If, as Skidelskyacknowledges,Britain was a declining power, what did Keynes's American friends have to fear? Roosevelt and his senior advisors were reluctant t o accede to British demands in the wartime financial negotiations, but not because they wished to harm the British economy or feared that its revival would threaten the United States. First, they objected on principle to the continuation of British colonial rule, and they saw an opportunity to use their economic leverage to bring it to an end. Second, they recognized that the Soviet Union was becoming a more important strategic power and thus concluded that supporting Britain financially was no longer of overriding importance. Third, they suspected that Keynes and others were overstating the seriousness of Britain's economic plight. We now know that Roosevelt and his advisors were mostly right on the first two points

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Grant Program United States Institute of Peace 1200 17th Street NW, Suite 200 Washington, DC 20036-3011 (202)429-3842 Fax (202)429-6063 TTY (202)457-1719 e-mail: [email protected] Application materials may also be downloaded from our website: www.usip.org/grants.hhl. The closing date for receipt of Fall 2002 Unsolicited and Solicited grant applications is October 1. Award announcements will be made in late March 2003.

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