Kiss P. Somogyi M. és Pohl Zs (2006) Europe and the Nation in Lay Discourse in Hungary, Applied Psychology in Hungary (az Alkalmazott Pszichológia angol nyelvű különszáma), 7-8, 22-39.

Europe and the Nation in Lay discourse in Hungaryi Paszkál Kissii, Mónika Somogyi, Zsuzsanna Pohl Institute of Psychology, ELTE

ABSTRACT This qualitative study is part of a larger research project (Euronat) that was conducted by an international research team from nine European countries. We investigated the lay and political representation of the nation and Europe in both member and accession countries before the 2004 enlargement of the EU. A major line of research in social representation theory considers the examination of agreement and differences as the main tool for exploring the structure and dynamics of representations. Drawing on these ideas we conceptualized an overall Hungarian and different group or individual perspectives for anchoring differences in reported opinion. A general view of the European Union was represented as a positive one in Hungary, which, however, lacked detail. EU was seen by interviewees firstly as an economic community based on exchange processes and secondly as a system of norms that regulate (public) behaviour. Interviewees generally claim that the elite in political, economic and intellectual terms (those already living under better circumstances) will benefit more from EU membership. In addition to the establishment of a European identity, respondents naturally feel the maintenance of Hungarian identity also to be of great significance. No general discrepancies emerged between objectives arising from Hungarian national identity and European aims.

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INTRODUCTION Hungarians generally have positive attitudes toward Europe and toward the European Union in particular, but their representations are rather superficial. They have limited knowledge about the institutions of the European Union and about the effects of accession on their everyday lives. Thus they perceive mostly general reasons for joining the EU (e.g. it is the only way to attain economic prosperity), but they have preoccupations about its possible negative consequences (Eurobarometer National Report: Hungary, 2004.1). Hungarians themselves differentiate Western Europe from the countries lying east of them. Furthermore, they represent their own status between East and West with ambivalence. While there is motivation to catch up with Western European development, it is not always seen to be easy. Some critics even say that it is not a desirable goal. Thus, positioning Hungary as Central Europe (placing it between East and West) is not without controversy.

In previous studies (see Kiss & Hunyady, 2005; Kiss, 2005a) we concluded to some of the main characteristics of Hungarian national identification: (1) Hungary is regarded both as a small country positioned between two great empires and as standing alone in its linguistic isolation (2) as a result, there is a subtle fear that this language community will disappear if no active measures are taken to prevent it; (3) the nation is seen as greater than the state (minority Hungarians and

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emigrants are often included) but the relation between these national sub-groups is not consensually defined; (4) this national identification does not associated with very positive collective self-esteem when compared to other nations (see Blanz et al. 1998 in considering ‘East-German’ identification processes after the unification).

Relationship

between

European

affiliations

and

national

identification is generally not seen as conflicting. Europeanism has often been linked to modernising national institutions in Hungarian history, thus, it is generally connected to a sense of development. Hungarians emphasize that they have belonged to Europe ever since the founding of the Hungarian state, even when historic barriers have separated them from Europe for shorter periods or in certain respects (Kiss & Hunyady, 2005).

Apart from the general Hungarian national context of representing Europe and the nation, there was a specific impetus context for this interview study. The campaign and the referendum on the topic of Hungary joining the European Union was held on April 12, 2003. Interviews were taken not long after this referendum. This popular vote was generally regarded as not introducing fundamental changes although it certainly had some effect on the knowledge and attitudes of the people.

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This qualitative phase of the Euronat research project (see Kiss, 2005b for an overview of project results) was conducted within the general theoretical framework of Social Representation Theory (Moscovici, 1984). This theory considers the social-societal processes involved in shaping public representations of new social phenomena. Social representations of nations and of Europe have been studied before (e.g. Tapia, 1997; De Rosa & Bombi, 1999; Chryssochou, 2000). In these studies representation of Europe has been understood as being actively constructed in everyday life, bearing the signs of personal and social (national, Southern-Northern) perspectives. A major line of research (e.g. Doise et al, 1993, Doise et al, 1999; Canter & Monteiro, 1993) in social representation theory considers the examination of agreement and differences as the main tool for exploring the structure and dynamics of representations. Thus, the core of representations is built from general consensus which also provides the dimensions for group (or individual) differences. Doise (Doise et al., 1993) describes this secondary process of differentiation as an anchoring of differences to group membership. In this study we will be interested in general national consensus (as an overall Hungarian national perspective) and different group perspectives reflecting social (occupational, regional, age, etc.) differences within Hungarian society.

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RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS We took particular efforts to maximize variability among interviewees. We were not aiming at representativity in any sense, although we were looking for important social differences (see Table 1). Altogether, we conducted 24 interviews with people differing in socio-economic status, size of locality they lived in (village, city, capital), age, sex and region (Eastern-Western Hungary). An interview was designed to be 40-50 minutes long. Before starting the specific topics of the research, we introduced a version of the Twenty Statement Test for self-representation (Kuhn & McPartland, 1954). The main part of the interview contained four general topics: 1. Hungary joining the European Union; 2. Introduction of the Euro; 3. Hungarian national and state borders (the issue of the ‘Status Law’); 4. Relations between Europe and Hungary. For all topics, we began the interview from a personal perspective (inquiring about the interviewee’s firsthand personal experiences, feelings and reactions, and the nature of their discussions with friends), and then we turned to perceived representations of the media and political discourse. Following the last topic, we asked them to draw a depiction of themselves, Hungary and Europe on a plain sheet of paper. Here we can discuss only the interview topics about Hungarian Accession to the EU and about the relations between Europe and Hungary.

(table 1. here somewhere)

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Upon comparing the responses given in the interview to the data of the referendum, it is noticeable that a larger proportion of our interviewees partook in the referendum (67%)iii, yet a smaller fraction of them had voted ‘yes’ (75%), than at the ballot boxes (see Table 2.). This latter dissimilarity may also have arisen due to the fact that our sample is not representative with regards to party affiliation.

(table 2 here somewhere)

We found the concept of perspectives (Kiss, 2003) useful in accounting for the divergence between personal and group viewpoints as appeared in the interviews. Both social representation theory (Moscovici, 1988) and in social identity theory (Tajfel, 1978) relied on the everyday observation that groups of people see the social world with a different eye. Thus the social representation processes in which there is certain intergroup agreement along with significant differences are particularly interesting. These differences can be predominantly caused by group membership although some of the individual answers are related to differences in values or personal experience. All representations have a perspective, all groups or individuals have a viewpoint that affects what is represented and how they represent it. A perspective is built from self-categorization discussed by social

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identity theory, but it may also contain: general representation of the social world (beliefs, worldviews and naïve theories), personal or group values, perceived position of the self and the ingroup, recollections of the past and future goals

RESULTS

Accession to the European Union

Hungarian Perspective: Hungarian Hopes and Fears about the Accession We included ideas that are shared by each interviewee in the overall Hungarian perspective.

This

common

denominator

primarily

comprises

economic

viewpoints. The second shared notion is that the European Union will predominantly provide advantages to the young. Besides specific cognitive contents, uncertainty is a general characteristic of the Hungarian viewpoint. A sociologist interviewee aptly summarizes it ‘…as a matter of fact, my overall picture is still incomplete’ (I24). Thus people do not generally know what to think about the whole process of accession even after the referendum.

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Hopes are most often articulated in the idea of an unclear, uncertain, yet positive future (I1, I5, I6, I11, I13, I17, I20, I21). Others expressed this notion more specifically by claiming that as a result of accession, the country will not lag behind in development (I3, I5), and nor will Hungarians be isolated (I15). Interviewees are hopeful of earning a better living (I2, I8, I11) and attaining economic stability (I14). Additionally, respondents expect travelling (or moving) within Europe to become easier (I3, I4, I14), which will be further enhanced by the common currency. Vacationing become more easy-flowing, people also anticipate finding a job (I12, I16) and studying (I13, I17, I19) to turn out to be easier abroad. Some believe tenders invited by the European Union will provide beneficial prospects (I13). Yet again others believe that with accession, the country’s Eastern regions will also be able to connect more with the economy (I8).

Nonetheless, fears are also expressed in the accounts. People are unsure when wages will catch up with prices after accession. Many fear that life will become more expensive (I2, I9, I10, I12, I16, I18, I21). Or that national debts shall increase as a result of the large ‘membership fee’ Hungary have to pay upon entering the EU (I4). An additional worry is that accession may bring about changes in everyday life that compel people to change jobs more regularly (I2, I6). The EU brings about a kind of competition in which certain people and strata

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will fall behind (I6, I9). Anxiety is also expressed about the possible disappearance of the middle-class (I1, I4, I18).

Group Perspectives Elite vs. Non-Elite position. A number of respondents mentioned economic stratification when contemplating who are likely to have a favourable, and who are prone to maintain a negative opinion about accession. Accordingly, accession is liable to be more advantageous to those already living under better circumstances than to those belonging to lower economic classes (I1, I7, I12, I22). People who have recently had a raise in salary and owners of large enterprises generally have a more positive attitude towards accession in contrast to owners of small enterprises (I2 , I15), those living from wages and salaries (I22), and people having financial difficulties (I6). Others claim that Union membership shall prove advantageous to those who already have money and are closer to tender opportunities (I8). The regional representative of a winery firm (with high SES) articulates the ideas mentioned above as follows:

The elite probably assert the most favourable opinions. For them, accession will practically bring about advantages only. It will be

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especially positive to the political elite, the economic elite and perhaps also to civil servants. … Nevertheless, EU membership will be rather disadvantageous for those working in agriculture, for peasant farmersit will be worst for them… I already know of a multinational company that has come to Hungary and has settled down. As a wine-grower representing one of the largest Hungarian wine-grower strata, we attempted making an appointment with them and they weren’t even willing to give us one. They arrive with complete foreign products. We are even unable to make an appointment with them. It is true that a peasant from Egerszalók cannot directly feel this, yet we are already going to necessitate a few hundred kilograms or several tons less grapes this year because the market is leaving us. And this must already have an indirect effect on peasants. (I14)

People of the banking and financial sectors are likely to enjoy most of the advantages too (I16 – technologist, who is ‘often pressed for money’). Or those who have better jobs from middle class and above (I17 - unemployed). People having top jobs and already living according to European standards are going to benefit most (I18 – security guard).

It is worth noting that interestingly none of the interviewees mentioned themselves or their own group as probably enjoying the benefits of accession. Not even when the privileged group they were referring to was precisely the group the

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respondent also was a member of. Responses suggest that the general position people share is that there is always a higher economic level than their own, and that although they may also benefit from joining the EU to some extent, accession is generally more advantageous to those belonging to the allegedly higher financial strata.

Age as a perspective. The question of age played a vital role in itself in the analysis of the results obtained at the EU referendum. At least as maintained by a thirty year old male interviewee, who claims that if pensioners, who according to the respondent are most likely to suffer disadvantages from accession, would have not voted ‘yes’ thinking that EU membership will eventually prove beneficial to their grandchildren, then the country may have faced an unexpected outcome at the referendum (I14). This assumption is further confirmed by the fact that many interviewees alleged that it will be better for their children and grandchildren, that they are the ones who are going to enjoy the benefits of EU membership (I3, I12, I16). A similar view was that the EU will for the most part generally bring about advantages to young people (I19, I24), since pensioners lack prospects (I3, I18). Nevertheless, there are some who are ‘hopeful that the EU will perhaps be advantageous to pensioners as well’ (I11).

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The Importance of Qualification. Foreign language skills and qualifications are among the possible reasons underlying the clear cut distinction claiming that the future practically lies in the hands of younger generations with regards to the European Union. Since age is related to learning abilities, it is therefore learning, especially foreign language acquisition that is strongly linked to either positive or negative attitudes towards accession. This issue was characteristically raised in interviews of older respondents (I3, I7).

… there will be a group of people who shall be of no significance in either qualification or financial terms … so here again, it is a question of education. There is no chance of getting a job when lacking the necessary qualification or foreign language skill. So I believe that another twenty years are required for maturation! (I3) – 56 years old

Bringing by European open-mindedness to children in the field of foreign language learning is both a major challenge and a duty. (I15 – 47 years old)

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In addition to foreign language skills, qualification also emerges as a factor that will prove to be beneficial in the European Union (I13, I16, I18, I19, I23, I24). Almost every interviewee who had brought this topic up agreed on the matter.

Regional (East-West, Budapest-Rural Areas) Perspectives. Distinction between Eastern and Western Hungary are also reflected at the group level. An interviewee from the county of Szabolcs (I17) shifts the blame on politicians. The desired goal would be to diminish the gap between the regions of the country, an aim that necessitates clear communication nonetheless.

Small-scale producer identity emerges as a multiple drawback in addition to rural and in specific cases, Eastern life. A successful small-scale producer (I1) reveals the two-sided nature of the problem. She feels that with lack of assistance, individual farmers are unable to compete against farmers from West Europe. Another interviewee, quoted below, is a miller, who feels the disadvantages of those working in agriculture. He is hopeful concerning his own profession and asserts that there will be need for his work in the Union too, yet maintains that he is also ready to change his profession if necessary.

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…. let me return to my private enterprise. Since I live in the country, I have seen agricultural labourers, or more precisely, small-scale producers who actually started out with around 0.5-1 hectares, then 23 hectares and 10 hectares, and how they eventually dropped out. Despite the fact that a few farmers had gained 4-5 hectares or even 10 hectares, and attempted to farm on that land, it is basically impossible without receiving any financial aid. In other words, one cannot work with old dilapidated machines; one cannot compete with the West, with the Western farmer who is able to purchase a tractor on which he spends no money during the subsequent five years. (I2 - villager)

The urban entrepreneur confirms the solicitude in connection to small sized enterprises.

I believe that inhabitants of the rural areas have more reservations about joining the European Union. It is natural that here too, everyone is concerned about their own financial and economic possibilities. Accession is a delicate issue to farmers, and many small enterprises. (I10 – urban resident)

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Some (I1, I11) disapprove of the quality and quantity of information that had been provided for agricultural workers. They claim that they had not really been informed about the exact changes and about how they can adapt themselves to these.

Europe: Contours and Inside Contrasts

Hungarian National Perspective East vs. West Europe. A rather general distinction between East and West emerges from the travel experiences of the interviewees. As such, the West signifies well-being (the economic perspective reappears here), a relaxed and stress-free life (I3, I4, I6).

One can immediately observe that people live under better circumstances and that they are calmer because of having a secure livelihood. They don’t have difficulties in making ends meet, which is an occurrence that is more common in Hungary, especially in the villages. And if people lack such problems, they tend to be more wellbalanced and peaceful. (I6)

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The most frequently mentioned examples of a typical Western country are Austria (its popularity may be due to its proximity), Germany and France. England is also mentioned, although less frequently.

The South appears less delineated in the interviews, and is also somewhat obfuscated with the wealthy West. Southerners are considered as people who are habitually friendly and cheerful, while occasionally also being loud (I3, I5). One respondent also mentioned the North since the open–mindedness he had encountered there when visiting had been incompatible with his prior conception of the region (I18).

The distinction between North and South, however, is hardly as crucial as the differentiation of West and East. While the West denotes secure subsistence, cleanness and orderliness, the East is primarily associated with poverty, insecurity and crime (I5, I6, I11, I12, I14).

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It has a little mafia character to it. If one stops somewhere with a Ukrainian number-plate, he will immediately be considered a mobster. But this is more common near the Eastern border. (I14)

Accordingly, as maintained by our Hungarian interviewees, Europe may be divided into a Western and an Eastern part comprising former socialist countries (e.g. the Ukraine, Russia, Romania).

Hungary is most often included in the Eastern block, especially when the division of East and West becomes obfuscated in the above mentioned manner. Belonging to the East is not a pleasant feeling, yet Hungarians have to face the fact that they do not belong to the West either. This dilemma manifests itself in the words of an interviewee who places Hungary between East and West.

I have until now, attempted to consider Europe as being uniform, although I am aware of the fact that in practice, Europe is divided. It has been so in the past, and is so at present. Hungary has always been positioned on a line of demarcation. As a matter of fact, Hungary has at all times been on the border of East and West. (I10)

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Europe = EU? Many interviewees blur the line between Western Europe and the European Union (I5), and occasionally these two seem to denote Europe as such. Some respondents associate to the geographical concept upon hearing the word ‘Europe’, yet others already relate to the EU (I6, I15).

Most respondents do not really make a distinction between these concepts, and context usually determines the specific understanding of the term. Nevertheless, while Western countries are on all occasions considered as belonging to Europe, this cannot be claimed of the Eastern states. The interviews disclosed a state of affairs currently undergoing alteration and realignment.

I primarily associate to Europe as a geographical entity. Although the image of the Union has also been linked to it lately. Those countries that are already members, and those who will soon be. (I15)

In sum, one can describe the occurrence as a process where ‘Europe’ had originally denoted the continent, yet the term is gradually becoming expropriated

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for the EU. At the same time, however, the European Union is also expanding towards the East, so the (Eastern) European states might eventually be restored into Europe. Nevertheless, a respondent aptly expresses the necessity of the preservation of differences when analysing EU enlargement.

… this European Union had been established by someone at some point. That core is obviously exceedingly strong. And I sometimes feel that we have to be grateful that […] they wanted to include us in there. Yet since we hadn’t been chosen in the first round, I suppose that there is surely an order of some kind, and we are not at the beginning of this sequence but rather to the end of it. I only don’t know who they are going to include next, now that they have also chosen the Lithuanians. Membership will indeed be no big deal in the end, for everyone will soon become a member. So what will ensue then? Well, a large, unified Europe. (I15)

Until that time arrives, however, the distinction between West and East, between ‘in’ (in the center) and ‘out’ (on the periphery) shall remain unchanged. Hungarians were considered merely ‘heading towards’ and ‘reaching for’ Europe (I1) at the time of interviews. The issue of how people from the inside relate to those on the outside also emerged related to this topic. Are they in actual fact

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waiting for Hungarians, or do they also fear their sure livelihood as much as Hungarians worry about theirs (I4, I10, I16)?

How many additional liabilities and expenses the present wave of accession entails for member states is a question, since it is not obvious that those countries that are already members are glad that … At least an average person might not be all that happy for having to support less developed countries currently joining the European Union. I always think of the German accession, and how much opposition was expressed by West-Germans and in the public opinion on that occasion because it had also hindered their standard of living in some respect. (I16)

Hungary in Europe? Europeanism is the next delicate topic discussed. This takes us back to issues already discussed above, and the solution probably lies in the alteration of the concept of Europe. Progressing through the various dimensions of Europeanism, Hungarians are occasionally Europeans, while at other times nonEuropeans. The aspects under consideration are as follows:

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Hungary is in geographical terms a European state beyond doubt. Many even remind us how long this has been so. Slogans asserting that ’we are on our way, we are entering Europe’ are incomprehensible from this viewpoint (I12, I16, I18).

Hungarian standards of living and lifestyles are questionably European regarding the recurring economic aspects of the issue (I1, I12). Yet, according to many respondents, Europeanism is less fundamentally determined by living conditions than by culture and history. Accordingly, the majority of respondents consider Hungary undeniably European in this respect (I5, I16). Hungarian culture, education, art, in other words, the ‘Hungarian brain’ in general, is deemed an outstanding value even in accordance with European standards. It represents a value that Hungarians are rightfully proud of (I5, I7, I19).

The other day, I heard in a programme that we could become Europe’s grey matter, and I liked the idea very much. And I also think that although we are a small country, and that we are only a few people, we have already provided many renowned individuals, many great scientists. If this were to continue, then we could excel in Europe and in the world despite our smallness. (I5)

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Consequently, the aptitude and diligence of Hungarian people could counterbalance their economic shortcomings. The overall picture thus suggests that although the country does have various deficiencies, it indisputably counts as European in its entirety.

Hungarians Abroad and Meeting Foreigners. We have already discussed how Hungarians view foreigners arriving to the country with regards to the differences between East and West. When travelling abroad Hungarians themselves are both representatives of the nation and individuals at the same time. In what situations is the collective aspect stronger than the individual – the answer to which the interviewee who himself raises this issue is also uncertain about:

… I think that even if they had initially been prejudiced, and I am pretty sure that they had been so at the beginning, they would cease judging you in terms of your nationality after some time, and would start viewing you as an individual. From then on, what counted was what kind of a person you were and not what Hungarians are like. I think every Hungarian person living or working abroad should keep in mind that he is concurrently also representing the entire country. (I14)

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Here we should also note that the national collective self-esteem of Hungarians can be quite negative, or ambivalent. It is a challenge for the individual to be distinguished (positively) from the collective of Hungarians (I13).

European Perspective Despite the fact that almost all interviewees have travelled abroad, only two of the respondents have gone beyond the boundaries of Europe. They claim that they had inevitably experienced their European identity in these unique contexts. One of these respondents (I15) had been to Israel and America. Her assessment of ingroup and outrgoup divergences is conspicuous. While as a European she sees Europe as being diverse, and consequently beautiful, she finds America to be unsophisticated. And if something does stand out, then it is generally speaking rather something negative such as the domination of money or personal and cultural values being thrust into the background. The other respondent (I17) regards her one and a half year stay in Japan with her Japanese boyfriend as having strengthened her identification with Hungary and Europe.

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I had missed Hungary incredibly during the first few months. I even went to the library of the Hungarian embassy and borrowed books to read, since I had missed them so much. That is when I felt that I am Hungarian and European. Not Japanese, not American, not anything else, however attractive they may be, but… in other words, that I am Hungarian and that I love Hungary and Europe. (I17)

The respondent is also hopeful that a sense of unity will once develop between the countries of Europe and that Hungarians will therefore not only feel European when travelling beyond its boundaries.

Personal, Hungarian and European Perspectives Merged in a Picture The final task for the interviewees was drawing a picture of themselves in relation to Hungary and Europe. As expected, most respondents assured the interviewer of their appalling drawing skills. Despite this, however, only one respondent refused to complete the task. The representation of the nation and Europe, and the relationship between the two obtained more colour through these imagery representations.

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Most respondents simply drew a large circle (= Eu) encompassing a smaller one (= Hungary) that encircled yet an even smaller circle or a dot (= the person himself). Differences mainly lay in the fact whether the medium circle denoting Hungary had been drawn in the centre (I1, I9, I13, I15, I18, I21), at the side (I17, I19) or specifically on the periphery (I8, I12, I24) of the circle representing the EU. Others emphasised that the EU comprises nations of an equal status:

There is a large mass we call the European Union, and countries such as Germany, France and Hungary are in practice equal components of this whole. The size of the depiction should not reflect differences in the sizes of the territories. (I7)

A number of interviewees depicted a Europe without any borders (some illustrations even lack the Eastern border, I5, I6) in which Hungary is represented by its borders, and the people themselves as dots within it (I3, I16). Only two respondents indicated Hungarians living beyond the borders of the country (I6, I16). While others depicted the EU, Hungary and themselves as three circles intersecting each other, of which only small portions overlap (I10).

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Many identified Europe with the European Union and only some understood it in terms of the continent. Although the instruction had been formulated in the present tense, only two respondents depicted present states. One of them (I11) felt that Hungary is still beyond the borders of the Union and portrayed them accordingly, depicting them at a distance from each other. The other respondent (I23) chose to illustrate a witty snapshot, in which Hungary is attempting to jump over the wall separating the country from the EU with the help of a spring-board (Figure 1).

(Figure 1 here somewhere)

Some captured the process of the events by first depicting the three elements separately, and then by erasing the borders, as one in the EU (I2, I4).

From a subjective point of view, however, the most interesting depiction is on the second picture (Figure 2), where the relationship between the EU and Hungary is symbolically represented in the inseparable unity of a ‘locomotive and its cable’.

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(Figure 2 here somewhere)

Perceived Role of the Media and of Political Parties Similar to the findings of earlier studies (Kiss & Hunyady, 2005; Kiss et al., 2002), the interviews carried out in 2003 also confirmed that people have little knowledge about the European Union and its institutions. The interviews additionally reveal that respondents are extremely unsatisfied with the information provided about the EU. They expressed criticism about the communication campaign preceding the EU referendum. It was considered incomplete, since the media was seen to have emphasized the positive aspects of accession exclusively (I2, I3, I8, I9). The respondents claim that it had not been objective (I16) because the potential negative reasons (such as the agricultural aspect) were only touched on superficially.

Respondents believe that all means of communication had been implemented in order to extort ‘yes’ votes (I5). Slogans suggested to voters that everything is fabulous in the ‘West’ (I18), yet they failed to disclose when this will be so in Hungary (I15). One can only hope that they really wanted the best for the people

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(I5). They had turned the process of providing people with information into a ‘publicity campaign taking us for fools’. (I21)

Interviewees differ on whether the campaign had been concerned with protocol or everyday life. Whoever had been able to relate to the situations presented, felt that the campaign had been concerned with everyday issues (I8, I17). Conversely, others allege that people had seen the trivial facets of everyday situations on television (I14). Yet another fraction of the respondents maintain that protocol events had been emphasised most (I11, I12, I13, I19), and that the campaign mainly dealt with the glitter and shine (I18).

The campaign surely affected the outcome of the referendum, but had not unconditionally had a positive effect on everyone.

I voted against accession. Not because I am against the Union at all costs. I definitely support the good, positive sides of the European Union. However, I wished to somewhat tint the distorted image I believe the media had provided a picture suggesting that everyone will vote in favour of the accession. (I10)

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Only two of the interviewees believe that the political parties agree on the issue of accession (I7, I17). One of them claims that all parties except MIÉPiv agreed with the accession (I11). Others emphasise that right-wing parties are generally more against accession than in favour of it (I4, I16).

The majority of the interviewees see general accord between the parties on the issue, yet they also mention some differences of opinion (I1, I2, I3, I5, 18, I19). In particular the left- and right-wing were either unable to come to an agreement about the precise conditions (I10) or the date (I9) of accession. Some interviewees suggest that the basis of the disagreement lies in the fact that while the left-wing wishes to comply with the needs of the West, the right-wing strives to strengthen national identity further and does not give in that easily (I6, I14).

They agree that it is in Hungary’s interest to join the European Union in the long run. What they don’t agree on is not even a specific issue, but rather a divergence in the political approach to certain things. As I see it, the left-wing is always trying to accommodate and to conform with, to negotiate with everyone, to take into account everyone’s interests and taking care not to offend anyone. As I heard someone

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once say: they make politics “from beneath the door mat”. Conversely, the right-wing represents a sort of characteristic national self-awareness, if one can say so, that they wish to take into the Union. (I14)

Others see the difference between left and right in the extent of sovereignty they provide individuals with (I15). Namely, in the notion that the left-wing tries to hammer in an allegedly correct answer, while the right offers the possibilities and leaves the choice to the individual.

Then again others claim to see through things and propose that accession to the EU had only served as a pretext for parties to express their aversions for each other. Therefore the basis of the disagreement had actually been a dispute between the government in power and the opposition (I12, I13, I20, I22).

CONCLUSION

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Here we would recapitulate all results of our interviews including those parts (e.g. introduction of euro, Hungarian minorities abroad) that we could not discuss here in detail due to lack of space.

The referendum about EU membership set the explicit context for these interviews. People were not all positive about either the communication campaign that preceded it, nor were they without any reservations. Although the interviews reflected the general support that had been shown at the elections, people perceived the Hungarian media as not playing an informative role in the process of European integration. They not only have limited knowledge about the Union and the possible changes in their lives, but blame the media and other social factors for not providing enough relevant information. In addition to this, parties were considered to continue their heated political discussions under the pretext that they are debating issues concerning the accession. In line with our earlier studies (Kiss et al., 2002), respondents of the present research also claimed leftwing parties to be representing more resolute views concerning the EU, while right-wing parties emphasise Hungarian interests to a larger extent, and seem to be rather restrained with regards to the accession.

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The general view of the European Union is a positive one, which, however, lacks detail. The EU is primarily seen by interviewees as an economic community based on exchange processes and a system of normsv that regulate (public) behaviour. This latter aspect does not seem as elegant as if Hungarians would have emphasized the importance European values, for instance. Nevertheless, one has to bear in mind that ‘reference groups’ have just as great significance in a psychological sense in the lives of individuals and groups than social values. The EU serves as such a reference group for Hungarians. The positive and normforming sense attributed to the modifier ‘European’ also confirms this role of the EU. The overall picture is nevertheless split up by various group perspectives. These different perspectives have in principal developed through the identification of those gaining and those losing with accession. This division consequently resulted in distinctions such as rural–urban, old–young, wealthy–poor, educated– uneducated and having foreign language skills – lacking foreign language skills. Interviewees generally claim that the elite in political, economic and intellectual terms (those already living under better circumstances) will benefit more from EU membership.

The introduction of the euro seems far enough not to concern Hungarians very much at present. Notwithstanding, similar worries are expressed concerning this issue as articulated regarding accession. Namely, who will in practice benefit from its introduction, whether Hungarians will face consequent negative financial

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effects, or whether they will lose some of their national identity by the launch of the new currency. Although the symbolic aspect of the euro also emerges in the interviews, the functional side (what the introduction of the euro will make easier and what it will hinder) is more emphasised in the representations.

In addition to the continuous establishment of European identity, respondents naturally feel the maintenance of Hungarian identity also to be of great significance. No general discrepancies emerge between objectives arising from Hungarian national identity and European aims. What is more, there is a positive relationship between the two concerning the issue of Hungarian minorities. Upon comparison with Europe, the majority of interviewees emphasise the inadequate state of preparedness concerning issues such as the introduction of the euro and the date of accession, an idea that reflects a moderately negative collective selfevaluation. A problematic issue with regards to Hungarian identity is the assessment of the conditions of the large number of Hungarian minorities outside the country. The question of the ‘Status Law’ implemented, and later amended to serve their benefit, divides not only the political parties but respondents as well. Resolving the problem of Hungarians living beyond the borders of the country is deemed exceedingly challenging by the interviewees.

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Respondents are hopeful that Hungary’s present Eastern identity will alter with accession. In twenty years, Hungarian individuals are believed to represent little dots within the great mass of the EU, whose sense of Hungarian identity will not be expressed through state borders but in the act of sufficiently representing and preserving his culture in multi-coloured Europe. What consequently poses a challenge to Hungarians is the acceptance of Eastern European people to be considered European within European representations.

REFERENCES Blanz, M., Mummendey, A., Mielke, R. & Klink, A. (1998) Responding to negative social identity: a taxonomy of identity management strategies. European Journal of Social Psychology, 28, 697-729. Canter, D.V. & Monteiro, C. (1993) The lattice of polemic social representations: A comparison of social representations of occupations in favelas, public housing, and middle class neighbourhoods of Brazil. In Breakwell, G.M. & Canter, D.V. (Eds) Empirical Approaches to Social Representations. (pp. 223-247) Oxford: Clarendon Press. Chryssochou, X. (2000) The representation(s) of a new superordinate category. European Psychologist, 5, 269-277.

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De Rosa, A.S. & Bombi, A.S. (1999) Se sentir hereux d’etre Italiens? La construction de l’identité nationale et supranationale dans les representations sociales de son pays ou du pays d’autrui chez des enfants et chez des adolescents. In. Rouquette, M-L., Garnier, C. (Eds) La genèse des representations sociales (pp. 136-170). Montréal: Éditions Nouvelles. Doise, W., Clémence, A., Lorenzi-Cioldi, F. (1993) The Quantitative Analysis of Social Representations. London: Harvester Wheatsheaf. Doise, W., Spini, D., Clémence, A. (1999) Human rights studied as social representations in a cross-national context. European Journal of Social Psychology, 29, 1-29. Eurobarometer

National

Report:

Hungary

2004.1

(http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/archives/eb/eb61/nat_hu.pdf) (accessed: 26-11-2005) Kiss P. (2003) Between East and West: Hungarians Perceiving Other Nations and Europe. European PhD thesis, manuscript. Kiss P. (2005a) Hungarians about their Nation, Others, and Europe: identification and representation processes in public. Applied Psychology in Hungary (Alkalmazott Pszichológia angol nyelvű különszáma), 5-6, 85-102. Kiss P. (2005b) Nemzeti identitás és EU-integráció: problémák, kihívások. In Tamás P., Erőss G. és Tibori T. (szerk.) Nemzetfelfogások. Kisebbség-többség, 28-36.o. Budapest: Új Mandátum Könyvkiadó.

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Kiss P. & Hunyady Gy (2005) Nation, State and National Identity in Modern Hungary. In Spohn, W. és Ichijo, A. (eds.) Entangled identities: Nations and Europe, 119-136.o. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Ltd.. Kiss, P, Kováts I, Tölgyesi J. & Vásárhelyi M. (2002): Nation and Europe in answers to international change or crisis: Some components of the political

party

discourse

in

Hungary.

Project

report

,

http://www.iue.it/RSCAS/Research/EURONAT/200405Rep.H.EURON AT.pdf (accessed: 26-11-2005) Kuhn, M.H., McPartland, T.S (1954): An empirical investigation of self-attitudes, American Sociological Review, 19, 68-76. Moscovici, S (1984) The phenomenon of social representations. In Moscovici, S & Farr, R. (Eds.) Social Representations, pp. 3-69. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Moscovici, S. (1988) Notes towards a description of social representations. European Journal of Social Psychology, 18, 211-250. Tajfel, H. (1978) Differentiation between social groups. London: Academic Press. Tapia, C. (1997) Les jeunes face à L’Europe. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.

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Table1: Sampling and interviewees 1958-1973

1940-1956

Women

Men

Women

Men

I1 - 45 years old

I2 - 43 years old

I3 - 56 years old

I4 - 56 years old

Eastern Hungary

Eastern Hungary

Western Hungary

Western Hungary

entrepreneur by

miller

district-nurse

bricklayer

I5 - 38 years old

I6 - 31 years old

I7 - 50 years old

I8 - 47 years old

Western Hungary

Western Hungary

Eastern Hungary

Eastern Hungary

doctor

regional representative

institution head

pastor

SES low necessity Village

SES high of a commercial firm

SES low

City

I9 - 35 year old

I10 - 38 years old

I11 - 59 years old

I12 - 63 years old

Western Hungary

Western Hungary

Eastern Hungary

Eastern Hungary

unemployed

entrepreneur

tailor

private enterpriser

I13 - 37 years old

I14 - 30 years old

I15 - 47 years old

I16 - 54 years old

Eastern Hungary

Eastern Hungary

Western Hungary

Western Hungary

teacher

commercial

teacher

technologist

SES high representative I17 – 31 years old

I18 - 41 years old

I19 - 55 years old

I20 - 58 years old

unemployed

security guard

cosmetician

entrepreneur

I21 – 36 years old

I22 – 30 years old

I23 – 61 years old

I24 – 52 years old

researcher

typographer

teacher

remedial teacher,

SES low

Budapest SES high

sociologist

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Table 1: Comparison of the responses of our interviewees and those of the Hungarian population given at the referendum ‘Do you support the idea of the Hungarian Republic joining the European Union?’ Responses

Our sample

At referendum

YES

75,00%

84%

NO

25,00%

16%

100,00% DID NOT VOTE

21%

No response

13%

100,00% 55%

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Figure 1

I m drawing a big character, and little one. The big character is forever calling and calling the little one, who is just … reluctant to go … and then the EU says: Come on! Come!, and this little one here is just waving, saying We’ll come, we’ll come … there is also a wall here that we will have to jump over, we’ll run up, and then use the spring-board to get over it… (I23)

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Figure 2

There used to be a joke about the Council for Mutual Economic Aid (COMECON): ‘What is the symbol of the COMECON?’ ‘7 skinny cows milking one another in a red field’. And this is what always comes to my mind about the EU- 26 skinny cows in some respect. I know the situation is not exactly analogous, but this is what always comes to my mind first, as it is in fact a rather difficult situation… let’s say Hungary is a steam engine … here are its tracks and the EU is in fact the electric cable. So this is how I imagine the relationship between the two, and I could be, lets say, one of the passengers travelling on the train… I am sitting right here, with quite a few others. (I22)

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i

This paper is based on the work done in ’Euronat’ a research project funded by the European

Commission Research DG, Key Action Improving the Socio- Economic Knowledge Base (contract no. HPSE-CT2001-00044), project reports available at: http://www.iue.it/RSCAS/Research/EURONAT/Projectsdetail.htm#5 (accessed: 26-11-2006) ii

Correspondence to: Paszkál Kiss ([email protected], ELTE Institute of Psychology, H-1064 Budapest, Izabella u.46, Tel: 461-2600) iii As this latter data is naturally based on personal reports, the distortion discussed above may also contribute to this larger percentage. iv

MIÉP, short for Magyar Igazság és Élet Pártja [‘Party of Hungarian Justice and Life’], is far

right-wing party. v

Consonant with this idea is the popular analogy between the EU and a club. Accordingly,

Hungarian accession is viewed as admission to a restricted, prestigious club.

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