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Filial Piety and Capital Transfer as Determinants in the Changing Patterns of Responsibility of the Elderly: Southeast and ,.E astem Asia as an accelerated Microcosm """

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Mario D. Garrett

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Filial Piety and Capital Transfer in the Changing Patterns of Responsibility for the Elderly : Southeast and Eastern Asia as an accelerated Microcosm Abstract This paper looks at the concept of filial piety and capital transfer as determinants in the care of the elderly within multigenerational households in Southeast and Eastern Asia. It highlights the balance between the government, community, family and the elderly themselves within an implicit, and sometimes, explicit contract of responsibility. On the basis of evolving demographic and economic pressures, emphasis is placed on informal adjustments in reciprocal family care that are expected to be made in response to a changing demographic, economic and political landscape. Because of its emerging dominance in the global economy and its reported reliance on filial piety as a strong determinant in elderly support, this region is argued to present a snap-shot representation of global change to patterns of care for the elderly. The thesis highlighted in the conclusion is that support for the elderly is perhaps better seen as an inclusive function of both capital transfer and filial piety. Future concerns address the vacuum caused by the decline of such capital accumulation by future elderly and by the decline of potential younger caregivers . Such concepts as filial piety and capital transfer are undergoing a semantic transition and their explanatory value as determinants of responsibility will theefore diminish. Introduction Global ageing has become the main international social issue for this decade. With the tenth anniversary of the United Nations World Assembly on Aging (1982), and the peripheral cacophony of activity su1'iounding this celebration, there is an emerging awareness of the Jack of distillation of concepts, ideas, programmes and policies in response to the ageing of populations. Although demographic projections tend to act as a soothsayer for gerontological concerns. there is a growing need lo develop further these gene_;a\ised scenarios to address specific processes of change in the responsibility for the care of elderly citizens especially within developing countries where demographic transitions are and will be sublime . Within this remit, Southeast and Eastern Asia can function as a microcosm. As a region this area does not present a unique demographic development. Inasmuch that Southeast and East Asia rank fifth and fourteenth in order of regions with the highest expected increase in the population of those sixty years and over (225% and 170% respectively) from 1990 to 2025. However, this geographic region, which faces west America across the Pacific Ocean, is one of the most diverse areas of this century. The economic chasm between Japan (GNP=US$ 23,730) and Lao PDR (GNP=US$ 170), tbe diversity in population size from China (1,100 million) to East Timor (0.7million), from the heterogeneity of cultures, religions and ethnicity found in Malaysia to the homogeneity in Japan, to the geographic spread of Indonesia (with 13,667 islands) to the cradled size and geographic position of Brunei Darussalam (5,770 square kilometres), if this region was not bound by its spatial proximity the only other distinguishing similarity is that most of the constituent countrie'> are considered as the most vibrantly thriving, or potentially thriving, economies in the world . If as Hoskins ( 1990) has argued, a "prerequisite for any successful old-a ge income is a viable and

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Filial Piety & Capital Transfer: Suu cheas r and !:'as!em A.l'la 3

expanding national economy", than this region has the potential to initiate a balance of care f<:>r the elderly which can prove to be a model for elderly care in recently industrialised countries . This paper presents a vignette of the region to serve as an exercise in establishing the significant processes involved in the changing patterns of elderly care as a model manipulated by economic , cultural and de mographic issues.

Background Tabulations by age categories within this geographic region (Table I) shows countries with an elderly populati o n of less than 5% of the total population (Democratic Kampuchea) to 17% , as reported fo r Japan . Of further significance is in the projected increases for 2025 . O verall it is projected that in 35 years the proportion of elderly people will double, reaching the highest level of 29 % in Japan and the lowest of 7 % in Mangolia . Within these generalised statistics , variation among countries and within different localities in each country are observable (China, Wu & Du , i991 ; Philippines, Watkin s & Ulack, 1991) as well as between ethnic minority groups. For example McCallum (I 989) has argued that by the year 2000, 8.4% of the elderly in Malaysi a are expected to be of Chinese race as compared with 7.1 % Indians and 6.4% Malays. Such discrepancies are also expected for the fifty seven ethnic groups in C hina .

Table 1 :::"

TOTAL POPULATiON, UNDER 14,15 TO 59 AND 60+, DEPENDENCY RATlO, AND ELDERLY, FOR EASTERN AND SOUTHEAST ASIA. FOR 1990 AND 2025.

PROl~ORTION

Nt rMBERS IN TIIOIJSANDS: Oepcnducy ntho i ~ du~ JltiJIIdation I.S.S? per 100 under 1-1 and 60+ only those t:oun lries \\ith

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popuh,tion ovcrJOO ,OOO included in this htblc

2025

1990

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'.\ l 08A76 Clmta H cm~Kons;

Japan Korea

D PR Korea

13\4D\9 11 1.)54% I 5841

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2227 4J0830 4 1 6~.1

8246

DcnlQCrauc Kampuchea

t:....asr Tm10r

Mal;~;·!>i:l.

Pllllhpp • nc~

Sll\gJp.>rc

Th
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2'702

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22855

77J9:!

8494

"~ 13090

11548

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931 16014 5 15491 2876

1178 253592 :!3500 4%3 4]9 !05%5 2128 10038 34103 1854 34070

263 63253 1737 6:.69 25013 617 181"8 :6352

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Filial Piety & Capital Transfer: Southel and Eastern As:a 4

These proportional growth in the elderly population tend to overwhelm. Recent practise has been to focus at later stages (75 years and over), especially when most of the health needs of the elderly tend to emerge (Myers, 1982).

However, until policy on the age of retirement changes,

which at present are set within the range of 60 - 65 years, than such broad age categories (60+) remain a necessary criterion. Caution must also be exercised when discussing forecast on tbe number of elderly people who will be alive in the future, since we have limited knowledge of late age mortality (Warnes, 1991) especially in developing countries. Nevertheless, with the present pattern of elderly care, with its heavy dependence

1

on

consanguinity and personal investments, such growth of the elderly population will act as a catalyst for change with government response determining the template for the overall pattern of responsibility . How the government plans and reacts to this expected shift in the population structure will have predominant consequences on how non-governmental organisations, fami Jy members and the elderly themselves respond to their assumed traditional responsibility . Discussion on the pattern of care for the elderly inevitably starts with government contribution, and, perhaps mimicking real experience, ends up with the onus of concern resting heavily on the elderly themselves .

The role of the govet·nment, non -governmental organisations and the community The balance between the support provided by the government and by the family is perhaps better e1C'pressed by McCallum ( 1992) when he argues that with increasing economic prosperity, and with an increase in government provisions , family support will decline , a fear already expressed by governments of developing countries (Tracy, 1991). Such analysis tends to suggest that filial piety can be used asa rhetorical guise, and perhaps the relationships between family members might be based on fa-~ets other than purely cultural. Within this region the role of the government in social

welfare

has historically been

managed on specific basis (eg housing subsidies) rather than as a societal provision, arguing that economic development will eventually benefit all members of society, without any need for special concern to pluralism (Dixon & I-lyung , 1987). China, as the last economic survivor of communist ideology , is often assumed to provide tbe fullest welfare coverage for its elderly citizens within this region.

However, although the

government provides for a retirement pension for all civil servants, government and some industrial employees, economic welfare for the elderly in rural regions tend to be based on the five guarantees. This system provides, from community funds, childless and infirm old persons with food, clothing, housing, medical care and burial expenses. Although 2.8 million benefited in 1986 from these guarantees, this accounted for only 0.75% of the total agricultural population for that year.

A similar pattern of government provisions for the urban elite and the lack of provisions

for the rural majority tend to exist throughout Southeast and Eastern Asia. Thailand, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore anti Indonesia follow a mixture of Provident

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Filial Piety & Capital Transfer: Southeast and Eastem Asia 5

Fund systems and Insurance Schemes which cover civil servants and some private sectQr employees with limited coverage.

Apart from Japan which has developed a comprehensive

system of retirement schemes, \vith Hong Kong and South Korea having an old-age allowance at65 years of age, other national coverage is presently limited to around 3%-20% of the elderly population (Thailand, Francese & Kinsella, 1992; Singapore, Cheung, 1992; S. Korea, Sung, 1992; China, Wu & Du; Asia general, Dixon & Hyung, 1985; General, U.S Department of Health and Human Services, 1987). As such, formal economic support for the elderly has a low coverage, with the majority of the elderly relying on other sources. Although an accurate definition of what these sources are can be elusive, centralised planning by the government tends to ultimately rest on the dictum that the family and the community should and ought to provide this source of support for their elderly members. The concept of community care is sometimes synonymous with government attempts at cutting its share of economic responsibility to the majority for the elderly. Even when community care has functioned as a cultural rather than as a political extension, as is the case in Hong Kong (Chow, 1986), the role of the government in providing for domiciliary services in support of such care 1s often lacking in reality (IIong Kong University, 1982). In othe~ countries within this region, community services, apart from those dealing with mother and c.hild health issues, have a low profile. As with philanthropic and non-government organisations. although their presence is well established they are governed more by the level of help and funding provided rather than by the need and demand on their services. Where community care is well established, as in thyexample of IIong Kong, 72% of help for the elderly is still provided by spouse and offsprings (Chow & Kwan, 1986). Although community care is not an exclusive service facility for the elderly, these studies show how much the elderly themselves and their family maintain most of the responsibility for care. The a·ole of the Family and the Elderly

Although changing demography and economic imperatives have started to influence the share of family responsibility as the main provider of caregiving support for the elderly, between 60% to 80% of the elderly in this region still live with their children (Western Pacific. Andrews. el

al, 1987; China, Wu & Du, 1991; South Korea, Choi, 1982; Singapore, Chen & Cheung, 1988;

Taiwan, Casterline,

el

al, 1991; Thailand, Caffrey,1992; Korea, Sung, 1992). These figures are

often cited as an example that the family system is still taking care of the elderly and that government intervention is argued, therefore, not to be so pressing. However it is only when we look behind these figures that we begin to perceive the dynamics of this reality. Within this region, under different guises but with the same kind of intensity, to be ungrateful to one's parents is considered morally wrong (Thailand, Klausner, 1977; Korea, Japan

& China, Choi, 1970) instilled at a young age through education (Maeda et al, 1989) and in some countries, responsibility for one's parents is a legal obligation (eg China and Japan; Hashimoto, L992) or made more economically attractive through incentives (eg Singapore, Cheung, 1992}.

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Filial Piety & Capital Transfer: Southeast and Eastem Asia 6

Such conditions enhance the availability of support not only in kind but also in cash . As found with the level of hardship that is caused by dispersing Southeast Asian refugee families in America (Weinstein-Shr & Henken, 1991 ), the family is not only a potential and likely caregiver but it is also an economic unit. Throughout the literature, support is often assumed to !low to the elderly. Especially in this region , the concept of filial piety acts as a tautology since reciprocal support is often not investigated (Jow-Ching Tu et al, 1993, Hermalin A. et a!, 1992) although there are concerns that such concepts as filial piety and its behavioral component of care-giving is becoming outdated (Martin, 1988). Nevertheless, even when discussing filial piety as a sociQcultural concept, as Streib (1987) bas argued, we cannot divorce the economic component. In general, economic status influences all other facets of care and is universally perceived as such by the elderly and the offsprings themselves. Within an economic concern, especially where the poverty levels in the region are high, we shou Jd not underestimate the influence of capital and its transfer between the elderly relative and younger members of the family as au element in the implicit contract of care. Of particular importance has been the dramatic rise in the value of private property. As the World Bank Report ( 1991) stressed, poverty and economic well-being is primarily dependent of the realty market and ownership patterns . This capital gain has acted as a buffer for a variety of reasons . For example the rapid social change that has occurred in Japan over the past few decades has not minimised the level Qf care by the-6ffsrpings for the elderly. The primary care-takers and givers are still the family and arc predicted to continue to be so till the end of the century (Maeda, 1983). The argument is that this has been primarily a function of how transference of property inheritance binds tbe children in an implicit but necessary contract where the elderly barter their accumulated capital for care in later stages of their life. Especially when the value of property has increased to such an extent that entry level into the market means that a growing number of the working population cannot reach this initial level of investment, tranference of capital from earlier investors (ie the elderly) to potential investors (their offsrpings) binds the generations into an implicit contract whereby the elderly provide economic security for care-giving duties by their children. With Japan, Hong Kong, Malaysia, Indonesia and Singapore having already experienced substantial increase in property values, and China and VietNam showing a lagged but significant increase si nee the 1990's, such national economic growth cannot be divorced from its cffccts on the economic situation of the cderly Such conditions tend to support the existence of an implicit contract whereby elderly parents provide economic suupport in exchange for filial care. Such economic models tend to support both an altruistic and a more strategic motive (Becker, 1991). This is also part of the Chinese practise to allocate a portion of land under the title yang lao (for support in old age) or yang shan (for support and care) as reported by Shiga (1978). These cultural assumptions , in particular the distinction between family property and personal property in reference to the wife's dowry, present unique settings for investigating pre-mortem capital transfers. Also of interest is the dimished standing of elderly widows once capital has been distributed , especially since this is

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Filial Piety & Capital Transfer: Southeasr and Eastern Asia 7

decided by I or on the demise of the elderly male head of household (Martin, 1990) Although as Williams & Domingo (1992) have shown that "once other variables such as age and health status are controlled, marital status is not found to be significant as a predicotr of household decisionmaking either for men or women". Recent studies emerging from America is throwing some light on this symbiosis which has a direct bearing on Southeastern and Eastern Asia. For example, Speare and Avery (I 993) have shown that unmarried children tend to benefit more and contribute less to extended household than married children

Although divorced, unmarried or widowed parents benefit more from living

with children than married parents, for unmarried children, parents tend to contribute more income to the household (Speare & Avery, 1993) This study further illustratedthat for married children, who
supports the work by Ward, Logan and Spitze (1993) who found that parents who were 65 years and over and were Jiving with thier adult children reported doing 79% of the housework, and where more likely to provide financial support to their adult children than to receive it (Hoyert,

1993). Very few studies exist which highlight the specific type of economic support and the ,.

process and timing of this transfer from the elderly to their offsrpings (see Li & Lin , 1992, below for the exception). This symbiosis is not a one -off contract but an ongoing process. The extent of support that elderly members themselves contribute to their families has been reported to be a primary factor in inter-generational relationships within the Asian context (Chow, L987)~1\..lthougb specific deati\s are difficult to obtain, data from the 1984 ASEAN survey (Domingo, 1990) show that more than half or the elderly provide some support to their children. This is more likely to be the case for elderly males, rural dwellers and the young-old (60-64) (Domingo, 1990), although female elerly, in the case of the Philippines, have been shown to provide a substantial support to their children as well (Domingo, 1992). Even though emerging studies are establishing such reciprocity of support within this region, it is still expressed as an unusual occurance, in one case cited as 'revealing' (Leiyu Shi, 1993). Lacking specific em pirica I data to investigate the influence of capital and its transfer to offsprings, such explicit determinants remain anecdotal and qualitative (Domingo & Casterline, 1992; Domingo et al, 1993) A significant exception to this is to be found in Li & Lin (1992), on the transfer of property to children in Taiwain, from the 1989 Survey of Health and Living Status of the Elderly in Taiwan. The authors

report that more than 68% of those surveyed responded

positively to the question that "it is important for old people nowadays to keep some proprty to make sure their family treats them with respect". Although consideration of tax benefits may promote pre-mortem divis1on of property, as in the West, ensuring that the elderly have some form of control over the economic well-being of their children might explain why age is related to this transfer of property

This singular empricial studies have highlighted how filial piety is au

ambiguous concept when dtscussed as an exclusive entity from its economic context.

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Future

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changes in the demographic composition of the population and the volatile economic transiton

that is being experienced within this region, will however, ensure that this relationship will 1Je modified. Such future concerns will expose a vacuum in the dynamics of support for the elder] y.

Future concerns With increasing longevity (Table 2), it is becoming more likely for spouses to have increased survival together, as well as the likelihood of having grandchildren. It is also of some semantic significance that although we might be referring to care of the elderly by their children, the children themselves might be elderly. In such cases we might find sexagenarian children looking after octogenarian parents. Where the projected number of offsprings is set to decline z and with internal migration the proximity of their residence will decrease, filial piety might become based on economic support rather than care -giving activities. Also, capital transfer might not be valid for all situations. Not all elderly have capital to transfer to their offsprings. As found for Thailand (Adi, 1982), we can expect a third of the elderly population living below the poverty \eve\. It is not surprising therefore, that a high proportion of the population in this region continue to work. Table 2 provides a conservative esti mate of the elderly population in full-time and registered empl oyment. Actual figures, from small sample surveys show much higher proportions, between 25 % to 50% of the elderly population, with increases at the younger (60-75) age groups (Hugo, 1988·, Jones, 1988). ,;:;

Table 2

LIFE EXPECTANCY AT 60 FOR MALES AND FEMALES AND THE PROPORTION OF GAINFUL, FULL-TIME EMPLOYMENT AT 60+ AND 65+ IN 1990 FOR EASTERN AND SOUTHEASTERN ASIA

Asia

Eastern Asia China Hong Kong Japan Korea D P R Korea Rep. Korea Mongolia Southeastern Asia Burma Democratic Kampuchea East Timor Indonesia Lao People's Dem. Rep. Malaysia Phillippincs Singapore Thailand Vtct Nam

1990

1990

Life Expectancy (in years) at 60 * l~ema\es Males

Proportion in full-time gainful employment at 60+ at65+ Total Iota\ 7.68 4.96 933 6.14

17.35 17.79 17.31 20.90

2121 14.01 13.95 14.01 16.17 16.79 15.80 13.84 13.25 17.47 l3.73 17.55 16.61 17.0() 16.67 16.00

20.72

n.TI 2156

27.50 28.72

21.06 2l.l3 2102 ]907 19.05 J818 15.53 1450

8.9 12.9

5.8 8.8

17.2 72 6.5 7.5 5.1 602 6.4

!1.7 4.6 4.1 4.8

3.2 3.78

19.01

4.9 5 6.3

4.1 2.9 2.9 3.9

15.7"2

4.9

3 (\

2184

s.s

1854

5.3 8.7 6.2 6.7

22.49 20.24 18.97

3 .7 3.4 5.6

3.9 4.4

SOURCE: UN medium V>lriltnl e.Mti•nRte:f ror Woa·ld Demoentphic EstimMt,es and J'roj.:ctions; 1950-2025. 1988 Jtcvisinn ,. M. Garr.:"tt (1990)

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Filial Piety & Capital Transfer: Southeast and Eastern Asia 9

With a decline in the number of children and the eldery live longer with a concomitant likelihood that

cou

their spouse will similarly share this longevity the concept of capital transfer wi II become undermined .

hou

Not only will the number of children decline , but it will be more likely that the offsrpings will not

rea

be living in the same community as their parents . With increases in longevity capital transfers might

wil

be delayed to a point where offsprings have already found alternative housing. Studies suggest that those that are more likely to have ga ineJ such cap ital will live longer. Wolfson et at (1993), using one of the largest data bases on Ca nadian elderly men have shown a significant gradient with higher

Th(

earnings, prior to age 65, associated with lower mortality during the following 9 years. These findings

on·

supported a British study reported by Townsend and Davidson (1988) who concluded that dtsparities

uti I

mortality rates by social class were considerable and that they were continually widening. With

hav

fewer children, longer life-expectancy and increases in their realty capital, the economic context

tax

111

seems to dictate that the future elderly will be disposing of their income on themselves, primarily their health care.

lo\-1

Wt Such a scenario will severely diminish the potential to transfer capital to offsprings. Although it has

(IS

for sometime been assumed that an increase in life-expectancy is directly related to increase in

car

disability, recent studies are chipping-away at this assumed direct r;lationship. Manton, Corder &

car

Stallard (1993) have indicated from their study that increases in life expectancy above the age of 65 were associated with declines in the age-specific prevalence of chronic disability and mortality improvements for disabled persons.

OPI at:

me With longer longevity, co-surVIVOrship of spouse and the slim likelihood or improved Jn"6rbidity levels, those that have capital to transfer will be delaying this transfer. An important consideration will be the increased JikelihooJ for the grandchildren to be th e recepieuts of such accumulated capital rather than the offsprings. The indication is that with a decline in the number of offsrpings, and their habitat proximity, filial piety will

110

longer carry the same meaning and might extend to cover the

respect and support of grandchildren. Conclusion \Ve should perbaps look at societal changes as a whole rather than to focus on the reJuctionist unit of the elderly as a distinct social group. A reduction in population growth through the encouragement of a decline in the Total FertJlity Rate, as an advertised strategy for development ought to take into account, as a matter of procedure, the effect of such policies on the total population and not only on children and the working population. The Inability of governments to take a more coordinating role because of their implicit policy to act as a safety net only, will ensure that such an arrangement will not be made possible. As a result, governments will be compelled to extend formal provisions. As Hoskins ( 1990) has argued in the introduction, that a viable economy is a prerequisite for cffecl!ng welfare programmes, some

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Filial Piecy & capital Trmljjer: Southeast and Eastern Asia 10

countries 111 this regwn with their viable economy have the potential to coordinate anJ establish housing, domiciliary and family support subsidies which can transform informal care to a feasible reality, without which this such infromal pattern of care cannot be maintained. Such an opportunity will provide a model for other regions of the world. The alternative of remaining on the sideli.lle will ensure that the government will not be able to depend on the family to care for the elderly since what wiJI remain, in size, of the family would have already utilised its combined resources to survive the economic realities of the day. For those elderly wbo have property to transfer and are compelled to execute such transfers to alleviate post-mortem tra11sfer tax from their children, as Li & Lin (1992) have argued, "it may be in the government's interest to lower the inheritance lax .. to mitigate incentives for the elderly to transfer properties prematurely"Where property or capital transference are not evident pawns in this contractual pi"OCess, as Walker (1987) has already advocated, the government will need to promote circumstances in which informal care networks can be successfully stimulated, enhanced and reinforced without overburdening the carers or overpricing this support. If the pre-elderly working population are not provided with the opportunity to accumulate such implicit "old-age insurance" because of national economic imperatives at minimising j;:tbour costs, than this existing inter-generational symbiosis will be jeopardised, thus modifying the pattern of care from the informal to the formal. Such a scenario would not provide any solutions to viable care for the elderly.

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Filial Piety & Capital Transfer: Soucheast and Eastern Asia 11

Footnotes

1

Dependence is used in preference of the popular but ill-defined term 'burden', see Warnes (1993).

2

Such projected scenario is however not an accepted policy for all the countries within this region . For example, while some countries in this region have developed pro-natalist measures (Martin, 1991) other have applied a stingent and sometimes punati ve population control measures. Singapore's pro-natalist measures are broadranging aud also cover, since 1980, restrictive regulations on abortions. Democratic Kampuchea limits access to modern methods of contraception, while Mongolia levies a tax on unmarried adults and childless parents, wi tb Mynmar controlling contraceptive availability and making abortion illegal. Malaysia, with its policy to reach a population of 10 million by 2100 bas a wide range of economic incentives to increase the fertility rate. This is in contrast with China's one-child per family policy (restricted in practise to Urban areas), Vic::t Nam's two-child per family norm, and Indonesia's and Korea DPR's general policy to reduce population growth (United Nations, 1987 a,b,c). Whether their is a pro, or anti-natalist policy the general trend is a decline in the Total Fertility Rate thorughoul this region.

;:"

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Filial Piety & Capital Transfer: Southeast and Eastern Asia 12

11 References !\di. R. (1982). The Aged in the Homes for the Aged in Jakarta: Status and perceptions. Pusat Penelitian, Universitas Katolok Indonesia, Arma Jaya, Jakarta. Andrews, G.R., Esterman, A.J , Braunack-Mayer, A., & Rungie C.M. (1986), Aging in the Western Pacific : A Four-Countrv Study. Western Pacific Reports and Studies No. !. World Health Organization, Regional Office for the Western and Pacific, Manila. Becker, G.S. (1991). A Treatise on the Family. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press . . For

have

sures

Burr, J A., & Mutcher, J. E. (1993), Nativity, Acculturation and Economic Status: Explanations of Asian AMerican Living Arrangements in Later Life, Journal of Gerontology, 48 (2), pp555-563 .

chea

and

ysia, es to ctise cy to y the

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Ya

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Yaug, H. ( 1989), Population Dynamics and Kinship of the Chinese Rural Elderly: A microsimulation study. Journal of Cross-Cultural Gerontology, 7, pp 135-150. Unless otherwise stated, all figures and data have been obtained from the following publications: United Nations (1988), World Demographic Estimates and Projections 1950-2025. Department of International Economic and Social Affairs, New York.

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