Higher Education in Review

The Politics of State Higher Education Funding David A. Tandberg

The Invisible Immigrants: Revealing 1.5 Generation Latino Immigrants and Their Bicultural Identities Holly Holloway-Friesen

The Spellings Commission on the Future of Higher Education: Global Competitiveness as a Motivation for Postsecondary Reform Casey E. George-Jackson

A Phenomenological Study of How Selected College Men Construct and Define Masculinity Jerry L. Tatum & Ralph Charlton

Getting It Almost, Approximately, Just About Right

Patrick T. Terenzini & Ernest T. Pascarella

Volume 5 2008

Volume 5 2008

Higher Education in Review

The Politics of State Higher Education Funding David A. Tandberg

The Invisible Immigrants: Revealing 1.5 Generation Latino Immigrants and Their Bicultural Identities Holly Holloway-Friesen

The Spellings Commission on the Future of Higher Education: Global Competitiveness as a Motivation for Postsecondary Reform Casey E. George-Jackson

A Phenomenological Study of How Selected College Men Construct and Define Masculinity Jerry L. Tatum & Ralph Charlton

Getting It Almost, Approximately, Just About Right

Patrick T. Terenzini & Ernest T. Pascarella

Volume 5 2008

Volume 5 2008

The Invisible Immigrants: Revealing 1.5 Generation Latino Immigrants and Their Bicultural Identities Holly Holloway-Friesen Claremont Graduate University The dual identities of 1.5 Generation immigrants have the potential to marginalize them from both their culture of origin and their new culture. Bicultural competence appears to buffer immigrants from acculturative stress and protect their self-esteem. Using the bicultural competence model proposed by LaFromboise, Coleman, and Gerton (1993), this study examined the experiences of 1.5 Generation Latino/a immigrant college students (n=8) to understand participants’ self-perceptions as bicultural individuals. Five dimensions of bicultural competence emerged: knowledge of cultural heritage, a positive attitude toward Latino and White American cultures, bicultural efficacy, communication ability in Spanish and English, and role repertoire. These findings are important in light of the large gap in college graduation rates between U.S.-born Americans (including U.S.born Latino/as) and Latino/a immigrants.

Holloway-Friesen, H. (2008). The invisible immigrants: Revealing 1.5 generation Latino immigrants and their bicultural identities. Higher Education in Review, 5, 37-66.

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Higher Education in Review The Invisible Immigrants: Revealing 1.5 Generation Latino Immigrants and Their Bicultural Identities

The term “1.5 Generation” has been used to describe Latino/a immigrants who came to the United States as children or adolescents (Hurh, 1990; Kim, Brenner, Liang, & Asay, 2003; Menijívar, 2002). This designation distinguishes these individuals from first generation immigrants, who came to the United States as adults, and second generation Latino/as, who were born in the United States. It recognizes potential differences between adaptation processes and experiences of this population of immigrants and first and second generation immigrants. Much of the literature focuses on the experiences of adult immigrants and individuals born in the United States to immigrant parents; few researchers have studied the 1.5 Generation immigrant population in general and 1.5 Generation Latino/a immigrant college students in particular (Hurh, 1990; Kim et al., 2003; LaFromboise, Coleman, & Gerton, 1993; Park, 1999). This study, therefore, explores the experience of 1.5 Generation Latino/a immigrant college students. Please note that the author recognizes the tremendous cultural and racial diversity among Latino/as, who represent over two dozen countries with unique cultures and traditions. However, for the purposes of this study, the general category of Latino/as will be used throughout the paper, despite the inherent limitations of grouping these diverse cultures together. Latinos are the fastest growing ethnic group in the United States (Berstein, 2007). They presently constitute 18.3 percent of the traditional college-aged population, but they make up only 11 percent of total enrollment (Latino Leadership Link, 2005). In addition, the Latino Leadership Link reports that Latino/as are approximately 10 percent less likely than non-Hispanic Whites and 5 percent less likely than African Americans to attend college. Moreover, Latino immigrant parents often come to the United States with less education than other immigrant groups (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001). It has been shown that students whose parents did not attend college are at a distinct disadvantage when it comes to accessing postsecondary education. Those who overcome barriers and enroll in college often have lower retention and graduation rates than students who parents’ possessed a post-secondary degree (Choy, 2001). When compared with the 41.9 percent of Chinese immigrant parents who possessed a college degree, only 18.8 percent of South American and 2.6 percent of Mexican immigrant parents had post-secondary degrees

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(Portes & Rumbaut, 2001). Portes and Rumbaut found that educational attainment of parents correlates with the mean income of the families. Latino immigrant families with undereducated parents also lived in socioeconomically depressed regions with poorer performing schools and higher crime rates than the general U.S. population (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001; Rumbaut, 1994; Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 2001). The rate of college attendance by 1.5 Generation Latino/a immigrants is the same as second and later generation Latino/as, but 1.5 Generation Latino/as have the added burden of adjusting to U.S.culture (Partida, 1996; Portes & Rumbaut, 2001; Suárez-Orozco, C. & Suárez-Orozco, M., 2001). This adjustment is often associated with confusion, anxiety, and depression. It can include feelings of marginality and alienation, along with psychosomatic ailments and identity confusion. Berry and Annis (1974) define this negative reaction as acculturative stress. Biculturalism For college educators to serve 1.5 Generation Latino/a immigrant students effectively, they need to understand students’ acculturation process. Berry (1995) defines acculturation as the changes that occur at the population level in response to interaction with other cultures. When this phenomenon occurs at the individual level it is called psychological acculturation and it is defined as the change process an individual experiences when adjusting to a new culture. According to Berry’s (1995) model, bicultural individuals maintain the culture of origin through daily interactions with others from that culture and concurrently desire to participate in the new culture. Ramirez and Castaneda (1974) define a bicultural individual as a person who extensively socializes and experiences life in two cultures and actively participates in both cultures. Immigrants who function well in both their culture of origin and mainstream White American culture experience greater mental health and less stress (Berry, 1995; Garcia Coll & Magnuson, 1997; LaFromboise et al., 1993; Portes & Rumbaut, 2001; Ramirez, 1983; Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 2001; Szapocznik, Kurtines, & Fernandez, 1980; Valenzuela, 1999). These individuals possess bicultural competence through which they successfully meet the demands of both cultures (LaFromboise et al., 1993). LaFromboise et al. (1993) postulated a six-dimensional model of assessing bicultural competence that can be applied to 1.5 Generation Latino/a immigrant college students. The first dimension of this model

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requires knowledge of cultural beliefs and values. That is, an individual must understand the history, institutions, rituals, and everyday actions of two cultures. The second dimension of this model requires having a positive attitude toward both the majority and minority cultures. Individuals who maintain this attitude hold both groups in high esteem without perceiving one in a higher, more notable position. The third dimension, bicultural efficacy, describes the belief or confidence in one’s ability to live effectively without compromising a sense of cultural identity within both cultures. This belief supports an individual as he or she adjusts into the new culture and faces the potential of rejection by one or both groups. The fourth dimension of this model, communication ability, is defined as an individual’s ability to communicate ideas verbally and nonverbally within both cultures. The fifth dimension, role repertoire, refers to the range of culturally appropriate behaviors or roles, such as gender roles, religious practices, political issues, and societal conventions that an individual possesses. The greater the variety of behaviors and roles the individual implements, the higher the level of bicultural competence he or she exhibits. The sixth dimension is groundedness, or the possession of a stable social network in both cultures. Groundedness helps an individual cope with the pressures of living biculturally if he or she is able to reach out, develop, and use this network of family and friends. The Difficulties Associated with Biculturalism Experts acknowledge that biculturalism is not easy to achieve. Gomez and Fassinger (1994) discovered in a study of 244 Latina college students at an Eastern state university that Latinas were more acculturated to White American culture than to Latino culture. Only 16 percent of the women were shown to be truly bicultural. This finding could be explained by the fact that the Latina participants in this study possessed greater opportunities for involvement in White American culture than in Latino culture. Most researchers agree that biculturalism produces more benefits to individuals than monoculturalism (Berry, 1995; Garcia Coll & Magnuson, 1997; LaFromboise et al., 1993; Partida, 1996; Portes and Rumbaut, 2001; Ramirez, 1983; Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 2001; Szapocznik et al., 1980; Valenzuela, 1999). However, Gomez and Fassinger (1994) and Keefe and Padilla (1987) argue that biculturalism is not the ideal state. Keefe and Padilla interviewed several hundred Mexican Americans and found that the participants described bicultural life as tumultuous in that it required difficult decisions about ethnic loyalty. Gomez and Fassinger’s

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research supported this finding in that Latina immigrants in their study felt internally torn as they attempted to identify with two cultures. Significance of Study This study is significant for several reasons. First, the 1.5 Generation immigrant population has been understudied, as the majority of research on immigrants examines first, second, and later generations (Hurh, 1990; Kim et al., 2003). Second, further knowledge about this unique and growing population is needed. Although the LaFramboise et al. (1993) model is cited frequently, to date no researcher has examined this model of bicultural competence as it applies to Latino/a immigrant college students. Third, despite the increasing size of the Latino/a immigrant community into the United States, 1.5 Generation Latino/a immigrants are attending college in smaller numbers than non-Hispanic Whites, Asian Americans, and African Americans (Fuligni & Witkow, 2004; Lowell & Suro, 2002). Although 1.5 Generation Latino/a immigrants on average complete more years of education than immigrants who are educated abroad, their educational achievement lags behind the general U.S. population. According to Lowell and Suro, Latino immigrants complete high school and college 10 percent less frequently than the average matriculation rate of the U.S. population as a whole. When college graduation rates are examined independently, the gap is even wider: 35 percent of native-born U.S. citizens (including U.S.-born Latino/as) complete college, while Latino immigrants have a graduation rate of 18 percent. Thus, it is of critical importance to study this particular group to find ways to help them achieve educational success. Fourth, the benefits of biculturalism over monoculturalism are many, especially for immigrants. Bicultural immigrants possess the ability to be flexible and thus can apply appropriate problem-solving, coping, interpersonal, and communication skills from the two cultures in different situations. In addition, they often report higher levels of self-esteem, lower levels of acculturative stress, and less depression. These benefits contribute to good mental health and positively impact higher education achievement (Berry, 1995; Garcia Coll & Magnuson, 1997; LaFromboise et al., 1993; Portes & Rumbaut, 2001; Ramirez, 1983; Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 2001; Szapocznik et al., 1980; Valenzuela, 1999). Methodology and Methods Following a review of the literature and development of interview protocol, data were gathered at a medium-sized public university in Los

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Angeles through audio-recorded interviews with 1.5 Generation Latino/a immigrant students enrolled at the university. The interviews were focused on participants’ perceptions of themselves as bicultural individuals with particular emphasis on the six dimensions of bicultural competence included in LaFromboise et al.’s (1993) theoretical framework. Grounded Theory Since little is known about 1.5 Generation Latino/a immigrant college students, the researcher attempted to generate descriptive information using a qualitative research method known as grounded theory. The researcher chose to use the grounded theory method because it is a useful technique to understand the experiences, perspectives, and the inner world of the participants and how they manage their lives as bicultural individuals. The basic premise of the grounded theory approach is to read (and reread) the data (which in this case included transcribed notes from interviews) and identify important themes and thematic interrelationships (Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Strauss & Corbin, 1990). The researcher used constant comparison to emphasize the similarities between and among, though not losing sight of the differences in the data attained from interviews with the participants. Participants Eight Latino/a immigrant students (four male and four female) participated in this study. The student population of the university at the time of the study was 33 percent Asian/Asian American, 24 percent Hispanic/Latino, 24 percent White, 14 percent unknown, 3 percent African American/Black, and 1 percent Native American. The eight participants were selected because they were born in a Latin American country and immigrated to the United States as children. Three participants emigrated from Mexico, two from Peru, one from Paraguay, one from Venezuela, and one from El Salvador. All participants were educated in the United States after immigrating. At the time of immigration, participants were between the ages of 2 and 12, with the average age being 6.75 years. At the time of this study, participants had spent between 10 and 26 years in the United States ( x =17.6 years). They ranged in age from 18 to 31 ( x =24 years). Two graduate students, four seniors, one junior, and one first-year student participated in the study. All participants reported growing up in the Los Angeles metropolitan area; five participants reported living in a neighborhood

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with 75 to 100 percent Latino population, and the rest reported living in majority White and Asian neighborhoods. Initial participants were recruited from an introductory Career and Life Planning course and were offered course credit for participation. Interested students who had emigrated from a Latin American country as children were invited to meet with the researcher. This recruitment process yielded three participants. The researcher also recruited one student from a résumé critique service offered by the university’s career center and another student was recruited through a referral from the Educational Opportunity Program. From this initial group of five participants, the researcher used snowball sampling to recruit three additional participants. Through snowball sampling, existing participants recruit additional participants from among their friends and acquaintances (Krathwohl, 1998). This sampling technique is useful for finding hidden populations, such as 1.5 Generation Latino/as who are not easily distinguishable from later-generation Latino/as. Data Collection A qualitative study was conducted to gain a better understanding of the participants’ view of themselves as potentially bicultural individuals. Kvale (1996) asserts that qualitative interviews are a way to understand subjects’ world view, to make known the meaning of peoples’ experiences, and to reveal their “lived world” (p. 253). In designing the interviewing protocol, the researcher sought to establish a framework through which the participants could respond in ways that would accurately represent their perspectives on their bicultural existence. After reviewing the relevant literature on the acculturation of immigrants and the experiences of bicultural individuals, open-ended interview questions were developed, with particular emphasis on the sixdimension model posed by LaFromboise et al. (1993). Creating an interview guide as suggested by Lofland and Lofland (1984), interview questions were devised for each of the six dimensions (see Appendix for interview protocol). The intention of posing the same open-ended questions to all the participants was to ensure a focused direction of responses without predetermining comments. Based on participant responses, the researcher pursued various topics in a semi-structured manner with freely generated questions. The researcher obtained informed consent from each of the participants and agreed to retain their confidentiality. Thus, a pseudonym was assigned to each participant.

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The interview sessions ranged from 45 to 60 minutes in length and were audio-taped and transcribed. Field notes were taken in the course of the interviews and were used to understand further the bicultural competence of participants. The transcriptions were reviewed and the grounded theory method (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) was used to identify repetitions and patterns within the data and themes within the six dimensions of bicultural competence. To analyze the data embedded in the interviews, the researcher used open coding in an attempt to identify life as a 1.5 Generation Latino immigrant. Going further, axial coding was used to complete a thorough re-examination of the data and identify consistent themes that described the participants’ bicultural experiences (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). Results Table 1 highlights demographics of the participants including pseudonyms, ages at the time of the study, and ages at which they arrived in the United States. Analysis of the data of the participants’ responses produced 22 themes within LaFromboise et al.’s (1993) bicultural competence model. Examination of the data led to the identification of Table 1. Participant Demographics Name

Gender

Age

Age at Immigration

Leti

Female

23

3

Iris

Female

23

10

Vero

Female

20

10

Cynthia

Female

31

8

Pedro

Male

23

6

Osvaldo

Male

28

2

Beto

Male

28

12

Carlos

Male

18

3

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five dimensions: knowledge of cultural heritage, communication ability, positive attitude toward both White American and Latino cultures, cultural efficacy, and role repertoire. No themes emerged within the groundedness dimension of LaFromboise et al.’s model. Table 2 illustrates the categories and the frequencies for each dimension. Responses illustrating a thematic dimension provided by a frequency of seven or more participants were labeled as “general.” Responses given by four to six participants were labeled as “typical,” and those offered by two or three participants were labeled as “variant.” Knowledge of Cultural Beliefs and Values A biculturally competent person is one who understands, appreciates, and internalizes the basic tenets of two cultures or societies. This first dimension of LaFromboise et al.’s (1993) model requires knowledge of cultural beliefs and values, including the history, institutions, rituals, and everyday actions of two cultures. This dimension includes an awareness of gender roles, religious practices, political issues, and societal conventions that govern the way people carry themselves within each culture. All eight participants reported some knowledge of the values and beliefs of their culture of origin. They discussed the importance of the food and music of their Latino culture in their lives as well as a sense of pride in the contributions of their native countries to the sciences, the arts, mathematics, and sports. Participants’ knowledge of Latino cultural heritage, however, developed mostly within the United States. Three participants had not returned to their native country since emigrating, and four participants have only visited a few times in their lives (all visits occurred before the age of 16). This comment, shared by Beto, demonstrates the pride these 1.5 Generation Latino immigrants felt about Latino culture: My family tells me all the great things about Mexico to counter the negative things we hear in America about illegal immigrants. They tell me about the famous artists, poets, writers, and musicians as well as those in the TV industry who are Mexican. In Mexico, the Olympics, the World Cup, and renowned artists are always mentioned. It is the 12th most powerful country in world and the 14th most industrialized nation. Beto felt a strong connection toward his birth country and displayed pride in being Mexican. He learned about Mexican culture from his parents,

Positive attitude toward both majority and Latino cultures

Typical Typical Variant Variant Typical

Partially identify with White American culture

Completely Identify with White American culture

No identification with either Latino or White American cultures

Prefer gatherings with diverse people

Typical

Speak English with friends and siblings

Strong connection to both cultures

General

Speak Spanish with parents

General

General

Speak English better than Spanish

Some connection to both Latino & White culture

General

Fairly fluent Spanish speaking ability

Typical

Infrequent visits to country of origin

Communication ability

General

Some knowledge of Latino culture

Knowledge of cultural heritage

Frequency

Themes

Dimension

Table 2. Themes within the Six Dimensions of LaFromboise et al.’s (1993) model

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Variant

General

Desire for more egalitarian relationship with significant other

No difference in roles when with Latinos and Whites

General

Traditional gender roles within family

Typical

Typical

Rejected subtly by Whites

Assume different roles with Latinos and Whites

General

Typical

Typical

Typical

General

Rejected overtly by Latinos

Belief in ability to develop strong relationships with Whites and Latinos No difference in depth of friendships between Whites and Latinos Men only: Belief that it is possible to live in both cultures without compromising oneself Women only: Do not believe it is possible to live in both cultures without compromising oneself

General indicates seven or more cases. Typical indicates four to six cases. Variant indicates two or three cases. Categories with one case were dropped.

Role repertoire

Bicultural efficacy

Table 2, cont.

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who purposefully shared positive facts about Mexico with him to counter the negative messages he received growing up in America. Like Beto, other participants noted that their parents intentionally emphasized certain important aspects of their culture, connecting them to their countries of origin and leading them to claim these cultures as their own. Positive Attitude toward Both Latino and Majority Cultures According to La Fromboise et al.’s (1993) model, for an individual to possess bicultural competence, a positive attitude toward both cultures is necessary. A truly bicultural person will perceive both cultures in an egalitarian rather than hierarchical fashion, even if they prefer one culture over another. In this study, five participants felt positive about and strongly connected to Latino culture, while two more felt somewhat connected. A strong connection to either or both cultures indicates a deep appreciation, admiration, and identification with elements of the culture(s), including values, languages, and socially-acceptable roles. The designation of being somewhat connected to the culture indicates an affinity towards certain aspects of the culture, but identifying less with the culture in its entirety. For some participants, admiration of their culture of origin was new as they sought to learn more about who they are as Latino Americans. For example, Pedro shared his new respect for Peruvian culture: In this last year I’ve felt connected to [Peruvian culture] because prior to that I was assimilated into American culture. This last year I’ve been more interested in learning about it and now I kind of want to go back and see how my life could have been. This interest emerged for Pedro through the medical school application process, in which he was asked to reflect on his life and how his ethnic background will influence his practice of medicine. Interest and appreciation for Latino culture might not be expressed through participation in Latino cultural events, but rather though an awareness of the culture and its meaning. For instance, Iris shared: I feel very connected with my roots. I don’t feel connected in that I practice all these things and do all these [celebrations] like Dia de Los Muertos [Day of the Dead] and everything like that. But I feel connected because I know what they are. Cynthia felt saddened by Latinos who assimilate into White American culture and minimize their Latino heritage. Her comments described the internal tension that the 1.5 Generation Latino immigrants in this study

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experienced through living within and between two cultures. She explained how one of her close friends would change her appearance to look more White by dyeing her hair blond, wearing blue contact lenses, and dating White men. But I always get very depressed amongst my colleagues or friends who forget about being Latinos. [One friend] felt White on the inside and brown on the outside and to me that’s depressing. How can you forget your culture? At least remember it. They try not to identify … and that depresses me. Cynthia ached over her friend’s decision to hide her Latino appearance and heritage, and wished her friend would appreciate their shared Latino culture. To participants, White American culture is a culture that places significance on speed, convenience, and independence. They also said that Whites value education, live in bigger homes, exhibit independent thinking, work excessively, and often ignore family needs. Interestingly, when asked with which of these values they identified, seven of eight respondents reported at least partial identification, and three participants reported complete identification. After exploring the participants’ identification with White American culture, the researcher delved into the experiences of the two participants who felt disengaged from both Latino and White American cultures. Their alienation stemmed from the fact that they did not perfectly mirror others in either culture. Since participants do not sufficiently fit either the White American or the Latino paradigm, they are excluded by friends and family. Expressing this dichotomy, Beto, a Peruvian male, shared: “Part of me doesn’t feel a hundred percent Peruvian. I think growing up here has made me more American. So I consider myself American in some aspects and Peruvian in other aspects.” Some participants struggled with this dual identity because they do not completely relate to either culture, as noted by Leti, “I don’t really identify with Hispanics that much, so it’s hard for me, and I don’t really identify with Whites either, so I’m kind of in the middle ground, and I don’t know which way to go.” Her unmet desire to belong to both American and Venezuelan cultures caused her great pain: There’s a song in Spanish that talks about people who are extranjeros [foreigners], you know that you never have a culture ... because here I don’t feel like I’m fully American…but then I go back there and [they say] “she has an accent, she dresses

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Higher Education in Review different,” so over there I was always la gringa [the White girl] or la Americana [the American] you know, and over here I don’t fit in fully either. So you feel really torn being from another culture. It’s really sad. You don’t have una patria [a country]. It’s really depressing.

Participants described a sense of wandering between cultures without truly belonging to either group. They felt isolated, lonely, and misunderstood. The pitfall of being a 1.5 Generation immigrant is the potential marginalization from both cultures. These individuals were a hybrid of both and did not fit in with either culture, a characteristic of 1.5 Generation immigrants. Participants were asked whether they preferred to socialize with Latinos or with other ethnic groups. More than half of the respondents said that they preferred a diverse group of friends to an exclusively Latino group, and that they felt comfortable around different types of people. To them, personality and socioeconomic class level mattered more than ethnicity. For example, Osvaldo, who was born in Mexico, remarked: I’ve gone to parties where there are these intellectual Hispanic people, you know, Ivy League kids, who went to Berkeley and what not. Just there was no connection. It doesn’t mean because they’re Hispanic and I’m Hispanic that there’s going to be a connection, at least for me. It’s personality for me. Similarly, Iris noted: “I go to country clubs where there’s not one Mexican there. I’ve gone to hip hop clubs where it’s very diverse. You know it doesn’t really matter.” The social circle of these participants included individuals from diverse backgrounds, which highlights their level of comfort in relating to people from outside Latino culture. Comfort in social circles within both cultures is a characteristic of bicultural competence. Bicultural Efficacy Another element of LaFromboise et al.’s (1993) model is bicultural efficacy, or confidence in one’s ability to live successfully within two cultures without conceding one’s sense of cultural identity. This belief helps to sustain an individual as he or she acculturates into a new culture and faces the possibility of rejection by one or both groups. Gender differences. In this study, male participants felt it was possible to navigate both cultures effectively without any self-compromise, while the women did not. For instance, Osvaldo shared that he would be the same individual here as he would be in his native Mexico: “I’m just me.

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You know a Mexican American Hollywood kid growing up. It’s just me.” Conversely, all the female participants felt that one’s sense of self is compromised when trying to live in both cultures. Addressing this notion, Iris stated, “Like, if I were to pick myself and be in a completely Caucasian culture, I could never give up my food, I could never give up my language, I could never give up the way that I am.” For these women, the idea of living in two cultures required yielding one culture to the other, whereas the men believed it was possible to support two identities within themselves. Overcoming rejection. Bicultural efficacy buffers individuals if and when they experience rejection from the dominant culture or from their own ethnic group. In this study, seven of eight participants reported experiencing overt rejection and discrimination from other Latinos. They indicated that this rejection was more overt and hostile than the rejection they experienced from Whites. Candidly sharing how Latinos shunned her because of her lighter skin color, Leti remarked: What I’ve noticed is that since so many Latinos reject Caucasians in general, and I look Caucasian, they’ll definitely reject me for that. They still won’t fully accept me because I look White. A lot of times, especially here in California…even though I’m speaking Spanish they won’t comprehend. [Other Latinos will say] “You’re still White. You’re still not like me.” You kind of have to prove yourself to them…They [other Latinos] are born here and they still think they have more Latino ancestry than me, even though I was born in Venezuela. Leti continued by saying that at a concert by Maná, a popular Latin rock music group, a crowd of Latino males shouted out to her, “‘Do you even know what Maná means, stupid White girl?’” For some individuals, such an experience is very damaging to their sense of self-worth, while for others it has no deleterious impact. Iris commented on the pressure she received from second and third generation Mexican American youth to participate in harmful behavior: I chose not to go join a gang or anything like that and they didn’t like me because of it, but I didn’t really care. They would say that I was White-washed or that I sold out. I don’t feel White-washed; I just think I am who I am.

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Sharing a similar sentiment, Osvaldo commented: “I didn’t click much with all the Hispanics, ‘cause they always said I was White-washed… because I dressed a certain way and they didn’t.” Despite the rejection these students experienced from other Latinos, their sense of self remained intact. To explore further the topics of racism and prejudice, participants were asked to describe the rejection they experienced by Whites. Participants reported less discrimination from White Americans than from Latino Americans. Two participants shared that they had never experienced prejudice from Whites and reported having many White friends. Five students reported that rejection from Whites was less overt than from Latinos, ranging from criticism of their accents to subtle exclusion. Communication Ability LaFromboise et al. (1993) include communication ability into the bicultural competence model, defining it as an individual’s ability to communicate ideas verbally and non-verbally within both cultures. In this study, all eight participants spoke Spanish, but with difficulty. They were able to communicate in Spanish with members of their families, including parents, aunts, uncles, and grandparents, but they described it as requiring more thought and concentration than speaking English. Among some of the participants, there were feelings that their lack of Spanish proficiency caused problems, including shyness, loneliness, and difficulty maintaining relationships with family members. Seven of the participants reported that they speak and understand English better than Spanish. A comment from Iris, a Mexican-born woman, is representative of how English became the dominant language of the participants: Now I would say [I prefer] English because it’s the one I feel most comfortable with. But, had you asked me a couple of years ago, I’d say Spanish. I guess now it’s English because I’ve studied the language more and that’s what I’ve learned everything I know in. So like I couldn’t really be able to, you know, do science or things like that if they weren’t in English because I learned them in that language. A shared theme among the participants was that they longed to remain intimately connected with their Spanish language roots, but they found it difficult to do so in an English-speaking society. Losing fluency in Spanish inspired sadness and mourning among some participants because they felt it weakened their connection to their country of origin. Cynthia, a

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woman from El Salvador, shared: “Now I feel like I know English better than Spanish…which is sad for me. Well, because I was taught, never forget where you came from. Don’t forget your Spanish. Practice Spanish, read Spanish so you won’t forget.” Spanish must be “practiced,” whereas English is used in day-to-day life, including conversations with friends and siblings. Five participants reported preferring to speak English even when both parties spoke Spanish. The participants explained that using Spanish felt awkward for these relationships, and it took a concerted effort to speak Spanish with friends and siblings. Role Repertoire Role repertoire, another facet of LaFromboise et al.’s (1993) bicultural competence model, refers to the range of culturally appropriate behaviors or roles that an individual possesses. The more behaviors and roles the individual uses appropriately, the more bicultural competence he or she exhibits. In this study, the researcher explored how culturally-specific values influenced participants’ behaviors. All eight participants shared that their families pressured the women to conform to traditional domestic roles. Vero’s description of her conversation with her father exemplified the expectation of daughters to uphold the traditional values of the Paraguayan patriarchal society: My father says to me, “You have to learn how to cook or else who’s going to want to marry you if you don’t know how to cook?” And I’m like, “What are you talking about? I’m smart. What do you mean?” “Well no husband is going to marry you unless you learn how to cook.” Latino immigrant families perceive females as the carriers of culture to the next generation and thus want them to remain at home to maintain the traditional practices (Phinney, Horenczyk, Liebkind, & Vedder, 2001; Valenzuela, 1999). Seven of eight participants reported the practice of traditional gender roles within their families, whereby their fathers would earn income while their mothers would care for the home. All four Latinas in this study resented the traditional expectations placed on them because of their gender. They desired equity with men, yet they still submitted to traditional Latino values while at home. Leti shared: Usually the women are in the kitchen and the men are watching the game on TV. The women are the ones to put the table on. And yeah, I could be a rebel and outlaw and sit with the men and not

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Higher Education in Review help, but you always get the push from the women to come help them serve.

Leti went on to say, “A woman’s career is always seen as supplemental. My family tells me, ‘You’re going to be the housewife when you get pregnant.’ If I have a master’s degree and I make more than my husband – that is not supplemental.” In order to investigate participants’ gendered experiences further, participants were questioned about the role they assume with their significant others, or expect to assume in future relationships. All eight participants desired a more egalitarian way of relating to a partner. In peer relationships outside the home, the female participants rejected the traditional subservient Latina role. For example, Iris commented that she will prepare food for her father, but she will tell her boyfriend to cook for himself. Leti shared a conversation she had with her boyfriend, Marcos, about their future distribution of power. Leti said to Marcos, “I’m going up in this world and if you make less [income] than me, then you have to be prepared to stay at home and take care of our children!” Leti challenged this assumption of Latino culture and demanded respect as an individual with a thriving career. Male participants also shared this desire for more equitable relationships. Carlos, a Mexican-born male, reflected this desire in his comments: “I see myself in the future being in a family where both of us can talk and no one says who has more power over who – sort of equal.” Based on their responses, it appears that both male and female participants have perceived and internalized the White American value of equality of the sexes. In addition to the various roles these 1.5 Generation Latino immigrant college students play with their families and significant others, more than half of participants reported playing different roles with their Latino and White friends as well. Leti commented that she is flexible about distinguishing between the two cultures: You’re timid. You know it’s more of a passive kind of thing and you’re more flirty, more feminine around other Latinos. Whereas with Whites, there’s loud women who are in your face. I like that, and I’ll be more professional, more opinionated when I am around White women. In Latino culture if you’re opinionated you’re kind of like a bitch, so I’ll become more timid, but I think there’s still a part of me that has the strong value for being opinionated and vocal.

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According to LaFromboise et al. (1993), bicultural individuals are able to make behavioral changes based on the cultural expectations of the moment. The participants in this study switched easily between socially appropriate roles for both the Latino and White American cultures with family, friends, and community members. Groundedness According to LaFromboise et al.’s (1993) model, groundedness describes the social network that immigrants develop in their native country and their new country. The individual must possess the ability to reach out, develop, and use this network of family and friends to navigate two cultures successfully. Groundedness helps the person cope with the pressures of living biculturally. No themes emerged among the participants regarding the family social network within Latin America. In the United States, each participant had a unique situation, with some participants reporting strong social connections and others citing weak associations. Discussion The results of this study provide useful information for university educators and college student affairs professionals who work with 1.5 Generation Latino/a immigrant students. A number of researchers, including Berry (1995), Garcia Coll and Magnuson (1997), La Fromboise et al. (1993), Portes and Rumbaut (2001), Ramirez (1983), Suárez-Orozco and Suárez-Orozco (2001), Szapocznik et al. (1980), and Valenzuela (1999), report that immigrants who attain a bicultural worldview reap significant benefits including flexible behavior and the ability to draw upon different problem-solving, coping, interpersonal, and communication strategies from both cultures. These benefits may positively impact the educational experiences for these students. The participants in this study exhibited this flexibility as their behaviors, responses, and manner of speech changed depending on the cultural environments they encountered. According to Tobias (2003), students who possess more complex cognitive abilities, such as the advanced problem-solving techniques accompanying bicultural competence, are more likely to attend college and excel academically. Additionally, students who possess advanced interpersonal and communication strategies will likely have strong relationships with others, enhancing their quality of life on the college campus and beyond. College educators and administrators who are aware of the bicultural competence of 1.5 Generation Latino/a immigrants can

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build on these skills and traits to encourage a positive higher education experience for these students. Elements of Bicultural Competence Ethnic knowledge. LaFromboise et al. (1993) assert that ethnic knowledge plays an important role in achieving bicultural competence. All participants reported some knowledge of their cultures of origin and that their parents intentionally emphasized certain aspects of those cultures. In turn, the participants claim these cultures as their own, which connects them to their countries of origin. The findings from this study support research by Knight, Bernal, Garza, Cota, and Ocampo (1993) on parent involvement and ethnic identity formation of Latino/a youth. Knight et al. found that parents’ ethnic knowledge influences what they teach their children about Latino culture. Moreover, by conveying this ethnic knowledge, parents influenced their children’s commitment to ethnically-based values, a component of ethnic identity. This model suggests that ethnic identity formation of Latino/a youth is influenced by parental reinforcement of ethnic behaviors and teaching traditions, beliefs, and values associated with their cultural background. Ethnic knowledge appears to be an important component to the development of ethnic identity. Phinney (1992) showed that students with high ethnic identity achievement also had higher academic achievement in terms of their grade point average. Thus, for 1.5 Generation Latino/a immigrant college students, knowledge of their cultural heritage may positively impact their academic achievement in college. By encouraging students to explore their ethnic heritage, student affairs practitioners can foster the development and maintenance of students’ bicultural competence and possibly enhance their academic performance. One way students can do this is through enrolling in relevant ethnic studies courses that examine cultural symbols, history, politics, traditions, ceremonies, and cultural family values. These courses will enhance students’ familiarity and connection with their culture of origin, and potentially foster ethnic identity development. Spanish language competency. The ability to communicate in one’s native language highly correlates with bicultural competence (LaFromboise et al., 1993). However, some participants in this study felt that their lack of Spanish proficiency caused problems such as shyness, loneliness, and difficulty maintaining relationships with family members. Though the students in this study spoke Spanish, nearly all preferred and excelled at

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speaking English. This finding is supported by Portes and Rumbaut (2001), who found that 88 percent of immigrant high school students preferred English over their native languages. This current study also correlates with Olsen’s (1997) findings that 1.5 Generation immigrant students mourn the loss of fluency in Spanish. If these participants continue to use English without maintaining their Spanish language skills, they may eventually lose current knowledge of the language. Language maintenance is a primary way of remaining connected to one’s culture. Without the ability to communicate, 1.5 Generation Latino/a immigrants may find it difficult to continue to learn about their culture of origin. Moreover, their loss of Spanish language skills may negatively impact their relationships with Spanish-speaking relatives and friends. Stress created by the inability to communicate effectively with loved ones may negatively impact 1.5 Generation Latino/a immigrants’ mental health. One resource colleges and universities can provide to assist students in language and culture maintenance is the opportunity to study abroad in students’ native countries. The study abroad experience will likely improve Spanish fluency. Students who also choose to live with relatives while studying abroad may strengthen familial relationships and find a greater sense of belonging to their culture of origin. Student affairs professionals can also foster bilingualism by establishing forums where students can maintain their Spanish speaking skills. For example, Pomona College, a small private liberal arts college in Southern California, devotes a residence hall to students’ cultural and language development. Students who live in the Spanish section of the hall must speak Spanish at all times. A native-speaking Language Resident manages the section and organizes study breaks and cultural events for interested residents, while the lounges contain numerous periodicals and books in Spanish, as well Satellite television with broadcasts for foreign news and other programming. The facility also sponsors language dining tables where students learning or maintaining a language other than English eat together and converse only in that language (Pomona College Olderborg Center, 2008). Instituting similar forums for communicating in Spanish will likely help 1.5 Generation Latino immigrant college students maintain their bilingualism and foster their bicultural competence. The Role of Bicultural Competence in Easing Identity Confusion The fact that participants conveyed positive attitudes toward both White American and Latino cultures is highly relevant for educators and

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administrators who work with this population on college campuses. In this study, five participants felt a deep appreciation and identification with their Latino culture. This finding supports research by Kim et al. (2003), who found that 1.5 Generation Asian immigrant college students had a shared sense of connectedness to the people and the environment of their countries of origin. Two students in this current study recently began to explore their ethnic identity and are at an early stage in Phinney’s ethnic identity model (Phinney, 1990, 1992). These students may be in the second stage of Phinney’s model, the Moratorium phase, where one intensely searches out his or her identity as an ethnic minority. Other participants have already achieved a strong sense of ethnic identity characterized by a clear, confident sense their Latino ethnicity. They have accepted and internalized their Latino heritage and are able to interact positively and connect with both Latino/as and Whites (Berry, 1995; Phinney, 1990, 1992). Two students, however, felt displaced from both cultures and unable to find a place of belonging. They looked to each culture to define their identities and find affirmation, but they were rejected because they were not “American” or “Latino” enough. The excluded students live in this turbulent state as they seek to define who they are as Latino Americans. The pitfall of being a 1.5 Generation immigrant is the potential marginalization from both the culture of origin and the new culture. Due to the stress these students experience, they may be more at risk of academic failure or attrition. DeBerard, Spielmans, and Julka (2004) found that social support was a predictor of collegiate academic achievement in students of color. It seems likely that during times of increased stress associated with being bicultural, social support may be a useful way of insulating students from the harmful impact of stress. Student activities that foster relationshipbuilding may assist students in attaining the necessary social support to help with cultural identity issues. Also, counseling centers staffed by psychologists trained in immigrant identity issues could assist students’ development of coping mechanisms for handling the stress of a bicultural life. This will likely enhance their sense of self and improve their overall college experiences. Bicultural competence appears to buffer immigrants from acculturative stress and protects their self-esteem (Berry, 1995; Garcia Coll & Magnuson, 1997; La Fromboise et al., 1993; Portes & Rumbaut, 2001; Ramirez, 1983; Ramirez & Castaneda, 1974; Rumbaut, 1994; Suárez-Orozco & SuárezOrozco, 2001; Szapocznik et al., 1980). As shown in Friedlander, Reid, Shupak, and Cribbie (2007), low stress is a predictor of improved overall,

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academic, emotional, and social adjustment in college students. Friedlander et al. also found that increased self-esteem predicted decreased depression and increased academic and social adjustment. Thus, 1.5 Generation Latino/a immigrants who possess bicultural competence may adjust better to college life and have more academic and social success than those without it. Overcoming discrimination. In this study, participants drew upon their self-confidence to overcome the rejection they experienced from both Latino/as and Whites. These findings support the idea that prejudice is not isolated to situations in which participants have different racial backgrounds. The question remains: Why did these participants experience more intense and overt rejection from fellow Latino/as than from Whites? Based on their dress, speech, and educational pursuits, participants were labeled as “White-washed,” and some were shunned because of their lighter skin color. One explanation may originate in their gradual blending in to mainstream White American culture. For some participants, as they matured and lost their accents, the rejection ceased. For others, their lighter skin color assisted them in blending into White culture. Most participants adopted the dress and values of the dominant culture. These traits may increase their acceptability in the White culture and reduce the differences that could make them susceptible to discrimination. For 1.5 Generation Latino immigrant students, it is important that they are able to address the hostile and rejecting attitudes they experience from both Latinos and Whites. University-sponsored diversity retreats can create a safe environment away from campus where students can challenge stereotypes and become transparent with one another, revealing their vulnerabilities and true experiences. Latino college students from the 1.5 Generation have unique issues that distinguish them from secondgeneration Latino students. Student affairs educators should make it a priority to create safe settings where students can engage in cross-cultural dialogues that assist them in ethnic meaning making. Gender differences. The ability to successfully negotiate two cultures without compromising one’s sense of self was manifested differently by women than by men. In this study, the men believed they could achieve this successful adaptation into two cultures, whereas the women did not. Compared to female participants, male participants seemed to be less aware of the dissonance created by maintaining two worldviews and felt less compelled to meet cultural expectations. In contrast, the Latinas felt the

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clash of cultures and compartmentalized their lives to reduce the internal turmoil associated with accommodating different cultural expectations. This dichotomy highlights the tension 1.5 Generation Latina immigrants feel as a result of the competing value systems of the two cultures. The White American ideal of women’s empowerment directly challenges the emphasis on child-rearing in Latino culture (Dion & Dion, 2001; Phinney et al., 2001; Valenzuela, 1999). In response to this threat, immigrant families often restrict and monitor daughters’ behavior more strictly than sons’ behavior (Dion & Dion, 2001). This monitoring is especially severe in the area of peer relationships and cross-gender relationships. Though some Latino immigrant families may encourage daughters to pursue higher education and career opportunities in the broader U.S. society, they also expect them to embody traditional cultural ideals. Behaviors that are viewed positively in the new culture, such as independence and free-thinking, may cause problems within the immigrant family when they are brought home. This tension is inherently stressful and may adversely impact their success in college (Friedlander et al., 2007). The ability to assume different gender roles as appropriate to the cultural situation assists 1.5 Generation Latino/a immigrants in avoiding stressful and strained social interactions. These students tended to relate differently with their Latino/a and White friends in terms of communication styles, humor, and gender-appropriate behavior. These findings reveal that flexibility and adaptability allow 1.5 Generation Latino/as to adjust to particular situations. This ability to assume culturally-appropriate roles reveals that the participants display some level of bicultural competence (LaFromboise et al., 1993). Caveats, Limitations, and Future Research Several important caveats and limitations about research on biculturalism in general and within the current study in particular warrant notice. The researcher recognizes that Los Angeles County, the location of this study, is a unique cultural context in that 47.3 percent of the population is Latino/a (U.S. Census Bureau, 2004). Overall, participants’ levels of bicultural competence were rather high; however, in other regions of the United States with a smaller Latino community, these results may differ. Additionally, the findings are based on only eight participants. While the results are not generalizable, the goal of this qualitative study was to lend voice to the experiences of these particular bicultural individuals. In addition, these findings were based on a sample of well-educated 1.5

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Generation Latino/a immigrants pursuing postsecondary degrees. Similar results may not appear with 1.5 Generation Latino/a immigrants who are less educated. The wide age range of participants and the variance in length of residence in the United States are additional limitations. For example, the bicultural competence of a 31-year-old graduate student may not be comparable with an 18-year-old freshman. Thus, the findings in the present study should be examined further using a larger sample size. This study uncovered a distinct gender difference in terms of compromising one’s identity while navigating two cultures. Additional research with a larger sample size would be beneficial to confirm this gender difference and its effect on bicultural competence. Much variation exists among immigrant communities, suggesting a need for a multifarious way of understanding their biculturalism and acculturation experiences. Moreover, the psychological process of how immigrants navigate their dual cultural perspectives is complex, and understanding it requires a nuanced examination. The bicultural competence model posed by LaFromboise et al. (1993) was helpful in assessing the participants’ level of biculturalism. As an exploratory study of the topic, this study provides a foundation for additional research on 1.5 Generation Latino immigrants, their bicultural competence, and the accuracy of the LaFromboise et al. model in this particular context. References Berstein, R. (2007). Minority population tops 100 million. U.S. Census Bureau News. Washington, DC: U.S. Census Bureau. Berry, J. W. (1995). Psychology of acculturation. In N. R. Goldberger & J. B. Veroff (Eds.), The culture and psychology reader (pp. 457-488). New York: New York University Press. Berry, J. W., & Annis, R. C. (1974). Acculturative stress: The role of ecology, culture, and differentiation. Journal of Cross Cultural Psychology, 5, 382406. Choy, S. (2001). Students Whose Parents Did Not Go to College: Postsecondary Access, Persistence, and Attainment. Findings from the Condition of Education (Report No. NCES–2001-126). Washington, DC: National Center for Educational Statistics. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED460660). DeBerard, M. S., Spielmans, G. I., & Julka, D. L. (2004). Predictors of academic achievement and retention among college freshmen: A longitudinal study. College Student Journal, 38, 66-80.

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Dion, K. K., & Dion, K. L. (2001). Gender and cultural adaptation in immigrant families. Journal of Social Issues, 57, 511-521. Friedlander, L. J., Reid, G. J., Shupak, N., & Cribbie, R. (2007). Social support, self-esteem, and stress as predictors of adjustment to university among firstyear undergraduates. Journal of College Student Development, 48, 259-274. Fuligni, A .J., & Witkow, M. (2004). The postsecondary educational progress of youth from immigrant families. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 14, 159-183. Garcia Coll, C., & Magnuson, K. (1997). The psychological experience of immigration: A developmental perspective. In A. Booth, A. C. Crouter, & N. Landale (Eds.), Immigration and the family: Research and policy on U.S. immigrants (pp. 91-131). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Glaser, E. M., & Strauss, A. (1967). The discovery of grounded theory: Strategies for qualitative research. Chicago: Aldine. Gomez, M. J., & Fassinger, R. E. (1994). An initial model of Latina achievement: Acculturation, biculturalism, and achieving styles. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 41, 205-215. Hurh, W. M. (1990). The “1.5 generation”: A paragon of Korean-American pluralism. Korean Culture, 11(1), 21-31. Keefe, S. E., & Padilla, A. M. (1987). Chicano ethnicity. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. Kim, B. S., Brenner, B. R., Liang, C.T., & Asay, P. A. (2003). A qualitative study of adaptation experiences of 1.5-Generation Asian Americans. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 9, 156-170. Knight, G. P., Bernal, M. E., Garza, C. A., Cota, M. K., & Ocampo, K. A. (1993). Family socialization and the ethnic identity of Mexican American children. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 24, 99-114. Krathwohl, D. R. (1998). Methods of educational and social science research: An integrated approach. Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press. Kvale, S. (1996). Interviews: An introduction to qualitative research interviewing. London: Sage. LaFromboise, T., Coleman, H. L., & Gerton, J. (1993). Psychological impact of biculturalism: Evidence and theory. Psychological Bulletin, 114, 395-412. Latino Leadership Link. (2005). Latinos and college access: Ensuring young Latinos can achieve the American dream. Retrieved October 16, 2007, from http://menendez.senate.gov/pdf/HigherEdLLL072407eng.pdf Lofland, J., & Lofland, L. H. (1984). Analyzing social settings. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. Lowell, B. L., & Suro, R. (2002). The improving educational profile of Latino immigrants [Pew Hispanic Center Report]. Washington, DC: Pew Hispanic Center.

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Menijívar, C. (2002). Living in two worlds? Guatemalan-origin children in the United States and emerging transnationalism. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 28(3), 531-552. Nora, A., & Cabrera, A. F. (1996). The role of perceptions of prejudice and discrimination on the adjustment of minority students to college. Journal of Higher Education, 67, 119-48. Olsen, L. (1997). Made in America: Immigrant students in our public schools. New York: New Press. Park, K. (1999). I really do feel I’m 1.5!: The construction of self and community by young Korean Americans. Amerasia Journal, 25, 139-163. Partida, J. (1996). The effects of immigration on children in the Mexican American community. Child and Adolescent Social Work Journal, 13, 241-254. Phinney, J. S. (1990). Ethnic identity in adolescents and adults: Review of the research. Psychological Bulletin, 108, 499-514. Phinney, J. S. (1992). The multigroup ethnic identity measure: A new scale for use with diverse groups. Journal of Adolescent Research, 7, 156-176. Phinney, J. S., Horenczyk, G., Liebkind, K., & Vedder, P. (2001). Ethnic identity, immigration, and well-being: An interactional perspective. Journal of Social Issues, 57, 493-510. Pomona College Olderborg Center. (2008). Retrieved March 14, 2008 from http:// www.oldenborg.pomona.edu Portes, A., & Rumbaut, R. G. (2001). Legacies: The story of the immigrant second generation. Berkeley: University of California Press. Ramirez III, M. (1983). Psychology of the Americas. New York: Pergamon Press. Ramirez III, M., & Castaneda, A. (1974). Cultural democracy, bicognitive development and education. New York: Academic Press. Rumbaut, R. G. (1994). The crucible within: Ethnic identity, self-esteem, and segmented assimilation among children of immigrants. International Migration Review, 28, 748-794. Strauss, A., & Corbin, J. (1990). Basics of qualitative research: Grounded theory procedures and techniques. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Suárez-Orozco, C., & Suárez-Orozco, M. (2001). Children of immigration. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Szapocznik, J., Kurtines, W. M., & Fernandez, T. (1980). Bicultural involvement and adjustment in Hispanic-American youths. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 4, 353-365. Tobias, J. (2003). The effects of cognitive ability and high school quality on college entry decisions: Nonparametric estimation of parameters of interest. Applied Economics, 35, 209-215.

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Torres, V. (2004). Familial influences on the identity development of Latino firstyear students. Journal of College Student Development, 45, 457-469. U.S. Census Bureau. (2004, August). The foreign-born population in the United States: 2003. Retrieved May 13, 2006, from http://www.census.gov/prod/ 2004pubs/p20-551.pdf Valenzuela, A., Jr. (1999). Gender roles and settlement activities among children and their immigrant families. The American Behavioral Scientist, 42, 720742.

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Appendix: Interview Protocol 1) Knowledge of cultural heritage a. Do you celebrate any Mexican/Peruvian/Venezuelan/etc. holidays? If so, with whom? b. How often do you visit your country of origin? c. How many years did you spend in school in your country of origin? d. What cultural dances or rituals do you celebrate? e. What are important symbols of your cultural heritage? 2) Communication ability a. How would you describe your Spanish speaking, reading, and writing abilities? b. How would you describe your English speaking, reading, and writing abilities? c. When do you speak Spanish? With friends? Family? What kind of social settings? d. When you are with your Mexican/Peruvian/Venezuelan/etc. friends what language do you prefer to speak in? Why? e. When you are with your family what language do you prefer to speak, and why? 3) Positive attitude toward both majority culture and Latino culture a. How do you identify yourself? Latino/Chicano/Mexican American, American, Venezuelan, etc.? b. Describe your attitude toward your Latino culture? How connected do you think you are to Latino culture? c. What does being American mean to you? d. Do you feel proud of your American identity? e. Describe White American culture for me. How much of that description do you identify with it? f. Would you rather go to a party where most of the people are Mexican/ Peruvian/Venezuelan/etc.? Why or why not? g. Do you identify more with White American culture or Latino culture? 4) Cultural efficacy a. Do you believe you can develop strong relationships with others from your culture of origin? b. Do you believe you can develop strong relationships with Whites?

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Higher Education in Review c. Is there a difference in the depth of relationship for you? d. Do you believe you can live with both cultures without compromising your sense of Mexican/Peruvian/Venezuelan identity? e. Have you experienced rejection in any way from either Mexican/ Peruvian/Venezuelan individuals based on decisions you’ve made or based on who you are? f. Have you experienced rejection in any way from Whites based on decisions you’ve made or based on who you are? g. How do you maintain your relationships in both cultures?

5) Role repertoire a. As a female Latina, how does your family treat you in comparison to the males in your family? (Worded in the opposite way with males) i. When you are with your family do you feel a sense of duty to behave more traditionally Latina than with friends? Describe this? b. When you are in a situation with mostly Mexican/Peruvian/ Venezuelan individuals, how do you feel and behave? c. When you are in a situation with mostly White individuals, how do you feel and act? d. What differences do you notice in your behavior in these two environments? 6) Groundedness: A network in both cultures a. Do you have a relationship with people in Mexico/Peru/ Venezuela/etc. such as family or friends? How close do you feel to these individuals? b. Tell me about your circle of friends here in the U.S.? Of your closest friends, what ethnicity are they? What makes you feel close to them?

Holly Holloway-Friesen is a PhD student in higher education and human development at Claremont Graduate University. She is an adjunct faculty member in the Department of Higher Education and Organizational Leadership at Azusa Pacific University (APU), and also serves as APU’s Associate Director of Career Services. She can be reached at hholloway@ apu.edu.

Information for Contributors Higher Education in Review is an independent, refereed journal published by graduate students of the Higher Education Program at the Pennsylvania State University. Our mission is to make a substantive contribution to the higher education literature through the publication of high-quality research studies, scholarly papers, and literature reviews in areas related to the university, the four-year college, and the community college. In so doing, we provide graduate students first-hand experience with the publishing process. Higher Education in Review welcomes manuscripts that employ qualitative, quantitative, or mixed methods; literature reviews that disclose relevant gaps in existing research on a relevant topic; theoretical analyses of important issues in higher education; policy analysis papers; reports of preliminary findings from a larger project (e.g., a dissertation); and historical papers. Submitted papers should have a clearly specified research question, a theoretical or conceptual framework, employ appropriate methods, and contribute new knowledge to the body of the higher education literature. Submissions are accepted year-round, with annual publication in April. Please visit the Higher Education in Review web site, http://www. clubs.psu.edu/up/hesa/HER/, for complete submission guidelines. Manuscripts should be submitted as Microsoft Word documents to [email protected].