Man and Woman in Socialist Iconography Author(s): Eric Hobsbawm Source: History Workshop, No. 6 (Autumn, 1978), pp. 121-138 Published by: Oxford University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4288195 Accessed: 22/05/2009 18:07 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=oup. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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Man and Woman in Socialist Iconography by Eric Hobsbawm above: MilletLiberty on the Barricades below- DelacroixLiberty on the Barricades (detail)

Womenhave often pointedout that male historiansin the past, includingmarxists, havegrosslyneglectedthe femalehalf of the humanrace. The criticismis just; the presentwriteracceptsthat it appliesto his own work. Yet if this deficiencyis to be remedied,it cannot be simplyby developinga specialisedbranchof history which deals exclusivelywith women, for in humansociety the two sexes are inseparable. Whatwe needalso to studyis the changingforms of the relationsbetweenthe sexes, both in social realityand in the image which both sexes have of one another. The presentpaperis a preliminaryattemptto do this for the revolutionaryand socialist movementsof the 19thand early20th centuriesby meansof the ideology expressed in the imagesand emblemsassociatedwith these movements.Sincethese wereoverwhelminglydesignedby men, it is of courseimpossibleto assumethat the sex-roles theyrepresentexpressthe views of most women. However,it is possibleto compare these imagesof roles and relationshipswith the social realitiesof the period, and

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with the more specifically formulatedideologies of revolutionaryand socialist movements. Thatsucha comparisonis possible,is the assumptionwhichunderliesthis paper. It is not suggestedthat the images here analyseddirectlyreflect social realities, exceptwheretheywerespecificallydesignedto do so, as in picturesintendedto have documentaryvalue, and even then they clearly did not only reflect reality. My assumptionis merelythat in imagesdesignedto be seen by and to have an impact upon a wide public,e.g. of workers,the public'sexperienceof realitysets limits to the degree to which they may diverge from that experience.If the capitalistin socialistcartoonsof the BelleEpoquewereto have been habituallypresentednot as a fat man smokinga cigarand in a top hat, but as a fat woman, these permissible limitswouldhavebeenexceeded,andthe caricatureswouldhave been less effective; for most bosseswerenot only conceivedas malesbut weremales. It does not follow that all capitalistswere fat with top hats and cigars, though these attributeswere readily understoodas indicatingwealth in a bourgeois society, and had to be understoodas specifyingone particularformof wealthandprivilegeas distinctfrom others, e.g. the nobleman's.Such a correspondencewith realitywas evidentlyless necessaryin purelysymbolicand allegoricalimages,and yet even herethey werenot completelyabsent;if the deityof warhadbeenpresentedas a woman,it wouldhave been with the intention to shock. To interpreticonographyin this manner is naturallynot to makea seriousanalysisof imageand symbol. My purposeis more modest. Let us begin with perhapsthe most famous of revolutionarypaintings,though one not createdby a revolutionary:Delacroix'Libertyon the Barricadesin 1830. The picturewill be familiarto many:a bare-breastedgirl in Phrygianbonnetwith a banner,steppingoverthe fallen, followedby armedmen in characteristiccostumes. The sourcesof the picturehave been much investigated.[2] Whateverthey are, its contemporaryinterpretationis not in doubt. Libertywas seen not as an allegorical figure, but as a real woman (inspiredno doubt by the heroic Marie Deschamps, whose feats suggested the picture). She was seen as a woman of the people, belongingto the people, at ease among the people: C'est une forte femmeaux puissantesmamelles, a la voix rauque,aux dursappas qui.....

Agile et marchanta grandspas Se plait aux cris du peuple.... Barbier, La Cure'e

(A strongwoman, stout bosom'd, With raucous voice and rough charm ...

She stridesforwardwith confidence, Rejoicingin theclamourof thepeople. TheBandwagon She was for Balzac,of peasantstock: 'dark-skinnedand ardent,the very imageof the people'.[31She was proud, even insolent (Balzac'swords), and thus the very oppositeof the public image of women in bourgeoissociety. And, as the contemporariesstress,she was sexuallyemancipated.Barbier,whose La Cur6eis certainly

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one of Delacroix' sources, invents an entire history of sexual emancipationand initiativefor her: qui ne prendses amoursque dans la populace, qui ne preteson large flanc qu'a des gens forts comme elle (who takes her lovers only from among the masses, who gives her sturdybody only to men as strong as herself) after having, 'enfantde la Bastille'('child of the Bastille'),spreaduniversalsexual excitementaroundher, tired of her early lovers and followed Napoleon's banners and a 'capitainede vingt ans' ('20 year old captain'). Now she returned, toujoursbelle et nue (my emphasis,EJH) avec l'echarpeaux trois couleurs (still beautifuland naked with the tricoloursash) to win the 'Trois Glorieuses'(the July Revolution)for her people.[4] Heine, who comments on the picture itself, pushes the image even further towardsanotherambiguousstereotypeof the independentand sexuallyemancipated woman, the courtesan: 'a strange mixture of Phryne, fishwife and goddess of freedom'.[51The themeis recognizable:Flaubertin EducationSentimentalereturns to it in the context of 1848, with his image of Libertyas a common prostitute in the ransacked Tuileries (though operating the habitual bourgeois transitionfrom the equation liberty = good to that of license = bad): 'In the antechamber,bolt uprighton a pile of clothes, stood a woman of the streetsposingas a statueof liberty'. The same note is hintedat by FelicienRops, who had actually represented'the Commune personified by a nakedwoman, "a soldier'scap on her head and sword at her side"'[6], an image which came not only to his own mind. His powerful Peuple is a naked young woman, in the posture of a whore dressed only in stockings and a night cap, possibly hinting at the Phrygian bonnet, her legs openingon her sex.[7] Felicien Rops People

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The noveltyof Delacroix'Libertythereforelies in the identificationof the nude female figurewith a real woman of the people, an emancipatedwoman, and one playingan active- indeeda leading- role in the movementof men. How far back this revolutionaryimage can be traced is a question which must be left to arthistoriansto answer.[8] Here we can only note two things. First, its concreteness removes it from the usual allegoricalrole of females, though she maintainsthe nakedness of such figures, and this nudity is indeed stressed by painter and observers.She does not inspireor represent:she acts. Second, she seems clearly distinctfrom the traditionaliconographicimage of woman as an active freedomfighter,notablyJudith,who, with David, so often representsthe successfulstruggle of the weakagainstthe strong.Unlike David and Judith, Delacroix'Libertyis not alone, nor does she representweakness. On the contrary, she representsthe concentratedforce of the invincible people. Since 'the people' consists of a collectionof differentclassesand occupations,and is presentedas such, a general symbolnot identifiedwithany one of themis desirable.Fortraditionaliconographic reasonsthis was likelyto be female.But the womanchosenrepresents'the people'. The Revolutionof 1830seemsto representthe highpointof this imageof Liberty as an active, emancipatedgirl accepted as leader by men, though the theme continuesto be popularin 1848,doubtlessbecauseof Delacroix'influenceon other painters. She remains naked in her Phrygian cap in Millet's Liberty on the Barricades,but her contextis now vague.She remainsa leader-figurein Daumier's draftof The Uprisingbut, once again, her contextis shadowy.On the other hand, of the Communeand of Libertyin 1871, thoughtherearenot manyrepresentations they tended to be naked (as in the design of Rops mentionedabove) or barebreasted.[9]Perhapsthe notablyactivepartplayedby womenin the Communealso accountsfor the symbolisationof this revolutionby a non-allegorical(i.e. clothed) and obviouslymilitantwomanin at least one foreignillustration.[l0] The revolutionaryconceptof republicor libertythus still tendedto be a naked, or morelikelybare-breasted,female.The CommunardDalou's celebratedstatueof the Republicon the Place de la Nation still has at least one breast bared. Only researchcould show how far the revelationof the breastretainsthis rebelliousor at least polemicalassociation, as perhaps in the cartoon from the Dreyfus period (January1898) in which a young and virginalMarianne,one breast exposed, is protectedagainsta monsterby a matronlyand armedJusticeover the line: 'Justice: Haveno fearof the monster!I am here'.[11]On the otherhandthe institutionalised Republic,Marianne,in spite of her revolutionaryorigins,is now normallythough lightly,clothed.Thereignof decencyhas beenre-established.Perhapsalso the reign of lies, since it is characteristicof the allegoricalfemale figureof Truth- she still appearsfrequently,notably in the caricaturesof the Dreyfus period-that she shouldbe naked.[12]And indeed,evenin the iconographyof the respectableBritish labourmovementof VictorianEngland,she remainsnaked,as on the emblemof the AmalgamatedSociety of Carpentersand Joiners, 1860,[13] until late Victorian moralityprevails. Generally,the role of the female figure, naked or clothed, diminishessharply with the transitionfrom the democratic-plebeian revolutionsof the 19th centuryto the proletarianand socialistmovementsof the 20th. In a sense, the mainproblemof this paperconsistsin this masculinisationof the imageryof the labourand socialist movement. For obviousreasonsthe workingwomanproletarianis not muchrepresentedby

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artists, outside the few industrieswhich were predominantlyfemale. There was certainlyno prejudice.ConstantinMeunier,the Belgianwho pioneeredthe typical idealisationof the male worker,painted- and to a lesserextent sculpted- women wage-workersas readilyas men; sometimes,as in his Le retourdes mines (Coming back from the mines) (1905) workingtogether with men- as women still did in Belgianmines.[14]However, it is probablethat the image of woman as a wageworker,and an active participanttogetherwith males in politicalactivity[15],was largelydue to socialist influence. In Britainit does not become noticeablein the trade union iconography until this influence is felt.[16] In the emblems of pre-socialistBritishtradeunions, uninfluencedby intellectuals,real women appear mainly in those small images by which unions advertisedtheir fraternalhelp to membersin distress: sickness, accident and funeral benefit. They stand by the bedsideof the sick husbandas his matescome to visit him adornedwith the sash of theiruniorn.Surroundedby children,theyshakehandswith the union representative who handsthem money after the death of the breadwinner. Of coursewomen are still presentin the form of symbol and allegory, though towardsthe end of the centuryin Britainunionemblemsareto be found withoutany femalefigures,especiallyin such purelymasculineindustriesas coal-mining,steelsmeltingand the like.[17] Still, the allegoriesof liberal self-help continue to be largely female, because they had always been. Prudence, Industry(=diligence) Fortitude,Temperance,Truthand Justicepresidedoverthe Stone Masons'Friendly Societyof 1868;Art, Industry,Truthand Justiceover the AmalgamatedSociety of Carpentersand Joiners.Fromthe 1880son one has the impressionthat only Justice and Truth, possibly supplementedby Faith and Hope, survive among these traditionalfigures. Howeveras socialismadvances,other female personsenterthe iconographyof the left, though they are in no sense supposedto representreal women. They are goddessesor muses. Thus on a bannerof the (leftwing)Workers'Union, 1898-1929,a sweetyoung lady in whitedraperyand sandalspoints to a risingsun labelled 'A betterlife' for the.benefit of a numberof realisticallypaintedworkersin working dress. She is Faith, as the text below the picturemakes clear. A militantfigure, also in white draperiesand sandals,but with swordand bucklermarked'Justice& Equality',not a hairout of place on her well-styledhead, standsbefore a muscularworkerin an open shirtwho has evidentlyjust defeateda beast labelled'Capitalism'which lies dead on the groundbefore him. The banneris labelled'The Triumphof Labour', and representsthe Southend-on-Seabranch of the National Union of General Workers,anothersocialistunion. The Tottenhambranchof the sameunion has the sameyoung lady, this time with flowing hair, her dressmarked'Light, Education, IndustrialOrganisation,Political Action and Real International',pointingout the promisedlandin the shapeof a children'splaygroundto the usualgroupof workers. Thepromisedlandis labelled'gainthe CooperativeCommonwealth',and the entire bannerillustratesthe slogan 'Producersof the Nation's Wealth, Unite! And have your shareof the world.'[18] Theseimagesareall the moresignificantbecausetheyareobviouslylinkedto the new socialistmovement,which developsits own iconography,and because(unlike the old allegoricalvocabulary)this new iconographyis in part inspiredby the traditionof Frenchrevolutionaryimagery,from which Delacroix'Libertyis also derived.Stylistically,in Britainat least, it belongsto the progressivearts-and-crafts movementand its offshoot, art nouveau,which providedBritishsocialismwith its

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he has besidehim a pickand a shovel,whileshe, carryinga basketof corn, and with a rakeby her side, representsnatureor at most agriculture.Curiouslyenough, the same divisionoccursin Mukhina'sfamous sculptureof the (male) workerand the (female)kolkhozpeasanton the SovietPavilionat the ParisInternationalExposition of 1937:he the hammer,she the sickle.

Man and Woman in Socialist Iconography

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Of course actual women of the workingclassesalso occurin the new socialisticonography,and embodya symbolicmeaning,at least by implication. Yet they are quite different from the militant girls of the Paris Commune. They are figures of suffering and endurance. Meunier, that great pioneerof proletarianart and socialist realism- both as realism and as idealisation- anticipates them, as usual. His Femme du Peuple (Woman of the People) (1893) is old, thin, her hair drawn back to tightly as to suggest little more than a naked skull, her witheredflat chest suggestedby the very(anduntypical)nakednessof her shoulders.[21]His evenbetter-known Le Grisou(Firedamp)has the female figure, swathed in shawls, grieving over the corpse of the dead miner. These are the suffering proletarian mothers best known from Gorki's novel or Kaethe Kollwitz' tragic drawings.[22]And it is perhapsnot insignificantthattheirbodiesbecome invisible under shawls and headcloths. The typical image of the proletarianwoman has been desexualizedand hides behind the clothes of poverty. She is spirit, not body. (In real life this image of the suffering wife and motherturned militant is perhapsexemplifiedby the blackclad eloquence of La Pasionaria in the days of the SpanishCivil War). Yet while the female body in socialist iconographyis increasingly dressed, if not concealed, a curious thing is happeningto the male body. It is increasinglyrevealed for symbolic purposes. The image which increasinglysymbolizesthe working classis the exact counterpartto Delacroix' Liberty, namely a topless young man: the powerfulfigure of a masculine labourer, swinging hammer or pick and naked to the

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waist. This image is unrealistic in two ways. In the first place, it was by no means easy to find many nineteenth-century male workers in the countries with strong labour movements labouring with a naked torso. This, as Van Gogh recognized, was one of the difficulties of an era of artistic realism. He would have liked to paint the naked bodies of peasants, but in real life they did not go naked. [23] The numerous pictures representing industrial labour, even under conditiohs when it would today seem reasonable to take off one's shirt, as in the heat and glow of ironworks or gasworks, almost universally show them clothed, however lightly. This includes not merely what might be called broad evocations of the world of labour such as

Earlom, An Iron Forge

Madox Ford's Work, or Alfred Roll's Le Travail(1881)- a scene of open-air buildingwork-but realisticpaintingsor graphic reporting.[24]Naturally baretorsoed workerscould be seen-for instanceamong some, but by no means all, Britishcoal-faceworkers.In such cases workerscould be realisticallypresentedas semi-nudes,as in G. Caillebotte'sRaboteursde Parquet(Floor-polishers)[25],or in the figureof a coal-heweron the emblemof the Ironfounders'Union (1857).[26]In real life, however, these were all special cases. In the second place, the image of nakednessis unrealisticbecauseit almostcertainlyexcludedthe vast body of skilled and factoryworkers,who would not have dreamedof workingwithout their shirts at any time, and who, incidentally,in general formed the bulk of the organized labourmovement. When the bare-torsoedworkerfirst appearsin art is uncertain.Certainlywhat mustbe one of the earliestsculpturedproletarians,Westmacott'sslate-workeron the Penrhynmonument,Bangor(1821)[27],is dressed,while the peasantgirl near him is, perhapssemi-allegorically,ratherdecollet&e.At all events from the 1880son he was familiarin sculpturein the workof the Belgian,ConstantinMeunier,perhapsthe first artist to devote himself wholeheartedlyto the presentationof the manual worker;possibly also of the CommunardDalou, whose unfinishedmonumentto labour contains similar motifs. Obviously he was much more prominent in sculpture,which had, by long tradition,a much strongertendencyto presentthe human figure nude than painting. In fact, Meunier'sdrawingsand paintingsare muchmoreoften realisticallyclothed,and, as has been shown for at least one of his themes, dockersunloadinga ship, were only undressedin the three-dimensional designfor a monumentof labour.[28] Perhapsthis is one reasonwhy the semi-nude figureis less prominentin the periodof the SecondInternational,when the socialist movementwas not in a positionto commissionmanypublicmonumentsas yet, and

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comesintOhis own after 1917in Soviet Russia, whereit was. Yet, though a direct comparisonbetweenpaintedand sculptedimage is thereforemisleading,the bare male torso may already be found here and there on two-dimensionalemblems, bannersand otherpicturesof the labourmovementevenin the 19thcentury.Still, in sculpturehe triumphedafter 1917in SovietRussia,undersuch titles as Worker,The Weaponsof theProletariat,Memorialof Bloody Sunday1905etc.[29]The themeis not yet exhausted,since a statuecalled 'Friendshipof the Peoples' of the 1970sstill presentsthe familiartopless Herculesswinginga hammer.[30] Paintingand graphicsstill found it harderto breakthe links with realism.It is not easy to find any bare-torsoedworkers in the heroic age of the Russian revolutionaryposter.Eventhe symbolicpaintingTrud(Toil) presentsa designof an idealised young man in working clothes, surroundedby the tools of a skilled artisan[31] ratherthan the heavy muscledand basicallyunskilledtitan of the more familiar kind. The powerful hammer-swingerengaged in breaking the chains bindingthe globe, who symbolizedthe CommunistInternationalon the coversof its periodicalfrom 1920, wore clothes on his torso, though only sketchy ones. The symbolic decorationsof this review in its early numberswere non-human:five pointedstars, rays, hammers,sickles, ears of grain, beehives, cornucopias,roses, thorns,crossedtorchesand chains. While therewere more modernimagessuch as stylisations of smoking factory chimneys in the art-nouveau fashion[32] and driving-bandsof transmission-belts,there were no bare-chestedworkers. Propagandaphotographsof suchmendo not becomecommon,if they occurat all, before the first Five-Year Plan.[33] Nevertheless, though the progress of the twodimensionalbaretorso was slowerthan might be thought, the image was familiar. Thus it is the symbol decoratingthe cover of the French edition of the Compte RenduAnalytiqueof the 5th Congressof Comintern(Paris 1924). Why the bare body? The question can only be briefly discussed,but takes us backboth to the languageof idealisedand symbolicpresentationand to the needto developsucha languagefor the socialistrevolutionarymovement.Thereis no doubt that eighteenth-century aesthetictheorylinked the nakedbody and the idealisation of the humanbeing;often quiteconsciouslyas in Winckelmann.An idealisedperson (as distinctfrom an allegoricalfigure)could not be clothed in the garmentsof real life, and- as in the nude statues of Napoleon- should if possible be presented without garments.Realismhad no place in such a presentation.When Stendhal criticisedthe painterDavid, becauseit would have been suicidalfor his warriorsof antiquityto go into battlenaked,armedonly with helmet,swordand shield, he was simplydrawingattention,in his usual role as provocator,to the incompatibilityof symbolicand realisticstatementin art. But the socialist movement,in spite of its profoundattachmentin principleto realismin art- an attachmentwhichgoes back to the Saint-Simonians -required a languageof symbolicstatement,in which to state its ideals. As we have seen, the emblemsand bannersof the British trade unions- rightlydescribedby Klingenderas 'the true folk-artof nineteenthcentury Britain'[34]- are a combinationof realism,allegory and symbol. They are probably the last flourishingform of the allegoricaland symbolic languageoutside public monumentalsculpture. An idealised presentationof the subject of the movement,the strugglingworkingclassitself, mustsooneror laterinvolvethe use of the nude-as on the bannerof the Export Branchof the Dockers' Union in the 1890s, where a naked muscularfigure, his loins lightly draped, kneels on a rock wrestlingwith a largegreen serpent,surroundedby suitablemottoes.[35] In short,

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though the tension between realism and symbolism remained, it was still difficult to devise a complete vocabu...... ... .... lary of symbol and ideal without the nude. On the other hand, it may be suggested that the total nude was no longer acceptable. It cannot have been easy to overlook the absurdity of the 1927 'Group: October'[36] which consists of three muscular men, naked except for the red-army cap worn by one of them, with hammers and other suitable paraphernalia. Let us conjecture that the bare-torsoed image expressed a compromise between symbolism and realism. There were after all real workers who could be so presented. We are left with a final, but crucial question. Why is the struggling working class symbolised exclusivelyby a male torso?Herewe can only speculate.Two lines of speculationmay be

suggested. The first concerns the changes in the actual sexual division of labour in the capitalistperiod,both productiveand political.It is a paradoxof nineteenth-century industrialization thatit tendedto increaseand sharpenthe sexualdivisionof labour between(unpaid)householdworkand(paid)workoutside,by deprivingthe producer of control over the means of production.In the pre-industrialor proto-industrial economy(peasantfarming,artisanalproduction,smallshopkeeping,cottageindustry, putting-outetc.) householdand productionweregenerallya singleor combined unit, and thoughthis normallymeantthat womenweregrosslyoverworked- since they did most of the houseworkand sharedin the rest of the work- they were not confinedto one type of work. Indeed, in the great expansionof 'proto-industrialism' (cottage industry)which has recentlybeen investigatedthe actual productive processesattenuatedor even abolishedthe differencesin work between men and women, with far-reachingeffects on the social and sexualroles and conventionsof the sexes.[37] On the other hand in the increasinglycommon situation of the worker who labouredfor an employerin a workplacebelongingto the employer,home and work wereseparate.Typicallyit was the male who had to leave home every day to work for wagesand the womanwho did not. Typicallywomen workedoutside the home (wheretheydid so at all) only beforeor, if widowedor separated,after marriage,or wherethe husbandwas unableto earn sufficientto maintainwife and family, and very likely only so long as he was unable to do so. Conversely,an occupationin which an adult man was normally unable to earn a family wage was- very understandably -regarded as underpaid.Hence the labour movementquite logically developedthe tendencyto calculatethe desirableminimumwage in terms of the earningsof a single (i.e. in practicemale) breadwinner,and to regarda wageworking wife as a symptom of an undesirableeconomic situation. In fact the

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situationwas often undesirable,and the numberof marriedwomenobligedto work for wages or their equivalentwas substantial,though a very large proportionof them did so at home-i.e. outside the effective range of labour movements.[38] Moreover,evenin industriesin whichthe work of marriedwomenwas traditionally wellestablished- as in the Lancashiretextileregion- its scope can be exaggerated. In 1901 38%7o of marriedand widowed women in Blackburnwere employed for wages, but only 150o of those in Bolton.[39] In short, conventionallywomen aimed to stop workingfor wages outside the house once they got married.Britain,where in 1911 only 11%oof wage-working women had husbandsand only 10% of marriedwomen worked, was perhapsan extremecase;but even in Germany(1907)where30%oof wage-workingwomenhad husbandsthe sex-differencewas striking.For everywife at wage-workon the agegroups from 25 to 40 years, there were four wage-workinghusbands.[40] The situation of the marriedwoman was not substantiallychanged as yet by the tendency- rather marked after 1900- for women to enter industry in larger numbers,and,by the growingvarietyof occupationsand leisureactivitiesopen to unmarriedgirls.[41]'Thetrendtowardsa largernumberof marriedwomenhavinga specifiedoccupationhad not been firmlyestablishedat the turnof the century'.[42] The point is worthstressing,since some feministhistorians,for reasonsdifficultto industrialisation(unlike understand,have attemptedto deny it. Nineteenth-century twentieth-centuryindustrialisation)tended to make marriageand the family the majorcareerof the working-classwomanwho was not obligedby sheerpovertyto take other work.[43]Insofar as she worked for wages before marriage,she saw wage-workas a temporary,though no doubt desirable,phase in her life. Once married,she belongedto the proletariatnot as a worker,but as the wife, motherand housekeeperof workers. Politicallythe pre-industrial struggleof the poor not only producedampleroom for womento takepartbesidemen- neithersex had suchpoliticalrightsas the right to vote- but in some respectsa specificand leadingrole for them. The commonest form of strugglewas that to assertsocialjustice, i.e. the maintenanceof what E.P. Thompsonhas called 'the moral economy of the crowd' throughdirect action to control prices.[44] In this form of action, which could be politicallydecisive-we recall the marchof the women on Versaillesin 1789- women not only took the lead, but wereconventionallyexpectedto. As LuisaAccatirightlystates:'in a large numberof cases(I wouldalmostsay in practicallyall cases)womenhave the decisive role, whetherbecauseit is they who take the initiative,or becausethey form a very large part of the crowd'.[45] We need not here consider the well-known preindustrialpracticein whichrebelliousmentake action disguisedas women, as in the so-calledRebeccaRiots of Wales(1843). Furthermore,the characteristic urbanrevolutionof the pre-industrialperiodwas not proletarianbut plebeian. Within the menu peuple, a socially heterogeneous coalition of elements, united by common 'littleness'and poverty ratherthan by occupationalor class criteria,womencould play a politicalrole, providedonly they could come out on the streets.They could and did help to build barricades.They could assist those who fought behind them. They could even fight or bear arms themselves.Even the image of the modern 'people's revolution'in a large nonindustrialmetropoliscontains them, as anyone who recalls the street scenes of Havanaafter the triumphof Fidel Castrowill testify. On the otherhandthe specificformof struggleof the proletariat,the tradeunion

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and the strike, largelyexqludedthe women, or greatlyreducedtheir visible role as active participants,except in the few industries in which they were heavily concentrated.Thus in 1896 the total numberof women in British trade unions (excludingteachers)was 142,000or somethinglike 8%;but 60'1oof these werein the but though extremelystronglyorganizedcottonindustry.By 1910it was above 10%7o, therehadbeensomegrowthin tradeunionismamongwhite-collarand shopworkers, the greatbulk of the expansionin industrywas still in textiles.[46] Elsewheretheir role was indeed crucial, but distinct, even in small industrialand mining centres whereplaceand work and communitywere inseparable.Yet if in such placestheir rolein strikeswas public,visibleandessential,it was neverthelessnot that of strikers themselves. Moreover,where men's work and women's work were not so separateand distinctthat no question of intermixturecould arise, the normalattitudeof male tradeunioniststowardswomenseekingto entertheiroccupationwas, in the wordsof S. and B. Webb, 'resentmentand abhorrence'.[47] The reason was simple: since theirwageswereso muchlower,theyrepresenteda threatto the ratesand conditions of men. They were-to quote the Webbsagain-'as a class, the most dangerous enemiesof the artisan'sStandardof Life', thoughthe men's attitudewas also- in spite of the growing influence on the left -strongly influenced by what would today be called 'sexism':[48] 'the respectableartisanhas an instinctivedistastefor the promiscuousmixingof men and womenin dailyintercourse,whetherthis be in the workshopor in a social club'.[49]Consequentlythe policy of all unionscapable of doing so was to excludewomen from their work, and the policy even of those unionsincapableof doing so (e.g. the cotton weavers)was to segregatethe sexes or at least to avoid women and girls working'in conjunctionwith men, especiallyif (theyare)removedfrom constantassociationwith otherfemaleworkers'.[50] Thus both the fear of the economiccompetitionof womenworkersand the maintenance of 'morality'combinedto keep women outside or on the marginsof the labour movement- exceptin the conventionalrole of family members. The paradoxof the labourmovementwas thus that it encouragedan ideologyof sexual equalityand emancipation,while in practicediscouragingthe actual joint participationof men and women in the process of labour as workers. For the minorityof emancipatedwomen of all classes, includingworkers,it providedthe bestopportunitiesto developas humanbeings,indeedas leadersand publicfigures. Probablyit providedthe only environmentin the 19thcenturywhichgave them such opportunities.Nor should we underestimatethe effect on the ordinary,even the married,workingclass women of a movementpassionatelycommittedto female emancipation.Unlikethe petty-bourgeois'progressive'movementwhich,as among the FrenchRadicalSocialists, virtuallyflauntedits,male chauvinism,the socialist labour movement tried to overcome the tendencieswithin the proletariatand elsewhereto maintainsexual inequality,even if it failed to achieveas much as it wouldhavewished.[51]It is not insignificantthatthe majorworkby the charismatic leaderof the Germansocialists,AugustBebel- and perhapsthe most popularwork of socialistpropagandain Germanyat that period- was his Womanand Socialism.[52] Yet at the same time the labour movementunconsciouslytightenedthe bonds which kept the majority of (non-wage-earning)married women of the workingclass in their assignedand subordinatesocial role. The more powerfulit becameas a massmovement,the moreeffectivethese brakeson its own emancipatory theory and practice became; at least until the economic transformations

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destroyedthenineteenth-century industrialphaseof thesexualdivisionof labour.In a sensetheiconographyof themovementreflectsthisunconsciousreinforcementof the sexual division of labour. In spite of and against the movement's conscious intentions,its imageexpressedthe essential'maleness'of the proletarianstrugglein its elementaryform before 1914, the tradeunion struggle. It shouldnow be clearwhy, paradoxically,the historicalchangefrom an era of plebeianand democraticto one of proletarian-socialist movementsshouldhaveled, iconographically,to a decline in the role of the female. However, there may be anotherfactorwhichreinforcedthis masculinisationof the movement:the declineof classicalpre-industrial millennialism.Thisis an even morespeculativequestion,and I touch on it with.cautionand hesitation. As has alreadybeen suggested,in the iconographyof the left, the female figure maintainedherselfbest as an imageof utopia: the goddessof freedom,the symbol of victory, the figurewho pointed towardsthe perfect society of the future. And indeedthe imageryof the socialistutopia was essentiallyone of nature,of fertility and growth, of blossoming,for which the female metaphorcame naturally: Les generationsecloses Verrontfleurirleursbebes roses Commeeglantiersen Floreal Ce sera la saison des roses ... Voila l'avenirsocial E. Pottier [53] (The buddinggenerations Will see their rosy babies flower Like briarsin the spring. It will be the season of roses ... That's the people's future.) EugenePottier,the Fourieristauthorof the Internationale,is full of such imagesof femaleness,even in its literalsense of the maternalbreast: pour tes enfants longtempssevres reprendsle rOledu mamelle (L'Age d'Or) Ah, chassons-la.Dans l'or des bles Mere apparais,les seins gonflees a nos phalangescollectives (La fille du Thermidor) Du sein de la nourrice,il coule ce beau jour Une inondationd'existenceet d'amour. Tout est fecondite,tout pulluleet foisonne (Abondance) Nature- toi qui gonfles ton sein pour ta famille entiere (La Cremaillere)

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History Workshop (To your children,thoughweanedlong ago, Give once again your breast. The GoldenAge In the golden meadowscome to us Mother, Your breastsfull for the collectivehosts. Daughterof Thermidor This beautifulday flows from the nurse'sbreast, A flood of life and love. All is fruitfulness,everythingswarmsand abounds. Abundance Nature-you whose breasthas swell'd To feed your entirefamily... Celebration)

etc. So, in a less explicitlyphysicalway, is WalterCranewho, as we have seen, was largelyresponsiblefor the themesof socialistimageryin Britainfrom the 1880s on. It was an imageryof spring and flowers, of harvest(as in the well-known'The Triumphof Labour'designedfor the 1891MayDay demonstration),of girlsin light flowing dressesand Phrygianbonnets.[54] Ceres was the goddess of communiism.[55] It is not surprisingthat the periodof socialistideologymost deeplyimbuedwith feminism,and most inclinedto assigna crucial,indeedsometimesa dominant,role to women, was the romantic-utopianera before 1848. Of courseat this period we can hardlyspeak of a socialist 'movement'at all, but only of small and a-typical groups. Moreover, the actual number and prominenceof women in leading positionsin suchgroupswas far smallerthanin the yearsof the non-utopianSecond International.Thereis nothingto comparein the Britainof Owenismand Chartism with the role of women as writers,public speakersand leadersin the 1880s and 1890s,not only in the middleclass ambianceof the FabianSociety,but in the much more working-classatmosphereof the IndependentLabourParty, not to mention such figuresas EleanorMarxin the tradeunion movement.Moreover,the women who thenbecameprominent,like BeatriceWebbor Rosa Luxemburg,did not make their reputationbecause they were women, but because they were outstanding irrespectiveof sex. Nevertheless,the role of women's emancipationin socialist ideology has neverbeen more obvious and centralthan in the period of 'utopian socialism'. This was partly due to the crucial role assigned to the destructionof the traditionalfamilyin the socialismof thatperiod;[56]a rolewhichis still veryclearin TheCommunistManifesto.The familywas seen as the prison-housenot only of the women,who werenot on the whole veryactivein politics, or indeedas a mass very enthusiasticabout the abolitionof marriage,but also of young people, who were muchmoreattractedto revolutionaryideologies.Moreover,as J.F.C. Harrisonhas rightly pointed out, even on empiricalgroundsthe new proletariansmight well concludethat 'theirrudelittlehomeswerea restrictiveand circumscribing influence, and that in communitythey would have a meansof breakingout of this: "we can affordto live in palacesas well as the rich... werewe only to adoptthe principleof combination,the patriarchalprincipleof largefamilies,suchas that of Abraham"'. [57] It has been the consumer-society,combined- paradoxically- with the replacementof mutual aid by state welfare, which has weakenedthis argument againstthe privatisednuclearfamily-household.

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Yet utopiansocialismalso assignedanotherrole to women,which was basically similar to the female role in the chiliastic religious movementswith which the utopianshad much in common. Here women were not only-perhaps not even primarily- equal, but superior. Their specific role was that of prophets, like Joanna Southcott, founder of an influentialmillennialmovementin early nineteenth centuryEngland,or the 'femme-mere-messie' of (woman-mother-messiah) the SaintSimonianreligion.[58]This role incidentallyprovidedopportunitiesfor a publiccareerin a masculineworldfor a smallnumberof women.The foundressesof ChristianScience and Theosophycome to mind. However, the tendency of the socialist and labour movementsto move away from chiliasmtowards rationalist theoryand organization('scientificsocialism')made this social role for women in the movementincreasinglymarginal.Able women, whose talents lay in filling it, werepushedout of the centreof the movementinto fringereligionswhichprovided morescope for them. ThusAnnie Besant,secularistand socialist, found fulfilment and her major political role after 1890 as high priestess of Theosophy and throughTheosophy-an inspirerof the Indiannationalliberationmovement. All that remainedof the utopian/messianicrole of womenin socialismwas the imageof the femaleas inspirationand symbolof the betterworld. But paradoxically this imageby itself was hardlydistinguishablefrom Goethe's 'das ewig weibliche ziehtuns hinan'('the eternalfeminineraisesus to the heavens').In actualityit could be no differentfrom the bourgeois-masculine idealisationof the femalein theory, whichwas only too readilycompatiblewith her inferiorityin practice.At most the femaleimageof theinspirerbecametheimageof a Joanof Arc, easilyrecognizablein WalterCrane'sdesigns.Joanof Arcwasindeedan iconof women'smilitancy,butshe didnotrepresenteitherpoliticalor personalemancipation,or indeedactivism,in any sensethatcouldbecomea modelfor realwomen.Evenif we forgetthat she excluded the majorityof womenwho wereno longervirgins- i.e. womenas sexualbeingstherewas,by historicdefinition,roomfor onlya veryfewJoansof Arc in the worldat any given moment. And, incidentally,as the increasinglyenthusiasticadoption of Joan of Arc by the Frenchrightwingdemonstrates,her imagewas ideologicallyand politicallyundetermined.She mightor mightnot representLiberty.She mightbe on the barricades,but she did not - unlike Delacroix'girl- necessarilybelong there. Unfortunatelyit is at presentimpossibleto continuethe iconographicanalysisof the socialistmovementbeyonda pointof historywhichis alreadyfairlyremote.The traditionallanguageof symbol and allegoryis no longer much spoken or understood, and with its declinewomenas goddessesand muses, as personificationsof virtue and ideals, even as Joans of Arc, have lost their specific place in political imagery.Eventhe famousinternationalsymbolof peacein the 1950swas no longer a woman,as it wouldalmostcertainlyhavebeen in the 19th century,but Picasso's dove. The sameis probablytrueof masculineimages,thoughthe hammer-wielding Prometheanman survivedlongeras the personificationof movementand struggle. Theiconographyof the movementsince, say, WorldWar II, is non-traditional.We do not at presenthave the analyticaltools to interpretit, e.g. to make symbolic readingsof the mainmoderniconographicmedium,whichis ostensiblynaturalistic, the photographor film. Iconographycan thereforenot throwsignificantlight at presenton the relations betweenmenand womenin the mid-twentieth-century socialistmovement,as it can for the 19th century.Still, it can make one final suggestionabout the masculine image. This, as has alreadybeen suggested,is in some senses paradoxical,since it

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typifiesnot so muchthe workeras sheermusculareffort; not intelligence,skill and experience,but brutestrength.Even, as in Meunier'sfamousIron-puddler,physical effort whichvirtuallyexcludesand exhauststhe mind. One can see artisticreasons for this. As Brandtpoints out, in Meunier'the proletariatis transformedinto a Greekathlete',[59]and for this form of idealisationthe expressionof intelligenceis irrelevant.Onecan also see historicalreasonsfor it. Theperiod1870-1914was above all the period in which industryrelied on a massive influx of inexperiencedbut physicallystrong labour to performthe very large proportionof labour-intensive and relativelyunskilledtasks; and when the dramaticenvironmentof darkness, flame and smoke typified the revolutionin man's capacityto produce by steampoweredindustry. As yet, as we know, the bulk of the militantsof organizedlabourin this period consisted, if we leave aside the admittedly important contingent of miners, essentiallyof skilledmen. How is it that an imagewhichomits all the characteristics of their kind of labour, establisheditself as the expressionof the workingclass? Threeexplanationsmay be suggested.The first, and perhapspsychologicallythe most convincing,is that for most workers,whatevertheir skill, the criterionof belongingto their class was preciselythe performanceof manual,physicallabour. The instinctsof genuinelabour movementswere 'ouvrieriste':a distrustof those who did not get theirhandsdirty.Thisthe imagerepresented.The secondis that the movement wished to stress precisely its inclusive character. It comprised all proletarians,not merelyprinters,skilledmechanicsand theirlike. The third, which probablyprevailedin the periodof the ThirdInternational,was that in some sense the relativelyunskilled,purelymanuallabourer,the miner or docker, was consideredmorerevolutionary,since he did not belongto the labouraristocracywith its penchant for reformismand social-democracy.He represented'the masses' to whom revolutionariesappealedover the heads of the social-democrats.The image was reality,insofaras it representedthe fundamentaldistinctionbetweenmanual and non-manualwork;aspirationinsofaras it implieda programmeor a strategy. How realisticit was in the secondrespectis a questionwhichdoes not belongto the presentpaper. But it is neverthelessnot insignificantthat, as an image, it omitted muchthatwas mostcharacteristic aboutthe workingclassand its labourmovement.

1 Thispapergrewout of a conversationwith PeterHAnakof the HungarianAcademyof Sciences,Instituteof History,abouta paperby Efim Etkind(formerlyof Leningrad,now of Nanterre)on " 1830in EuropeanPoetry". On the art-historicalside I havesince had essential help from Georg Eisler, Francisand LarissaHaskell, and Nick Penny. In a sense this is thereforea co-operativework, thoughthe interpretationsand errorsare all my own. 1 H. Adhemar'La Libertesurles Barricadesde Delacroix,etudieapresdes documents', Gazette de Beaux Arts 43 February1954; G. Hamilton, 'The IconographicOrigins of Delacroix'"Libertyleadingthe People"' Studiesin Art and Literaturefor Belle da Costa Greene,edited by Dorothy Miner, Princeton1954;H. Lidecke, EugeneDelacroixund die PariserJulirevolution,Berlin,1965;Efim Etkind,'1830in dereuropaischenDichtung', Wien undEuropazwischendenRevolutionen1789-1848,WienerEuropagesprach 1977,Vienna1978.

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3 T.J. Clark, TheAbsoluteBourgeois,London 1973,p.19. 4 Etkind, 1830. 5 HeinrichHeine, GesammelteWerke,Vol. IV Berlin1956-7,p.19. 6 E. Ramiro,FelicienRops, Paris 1905, pp.80-81. 7 EduardFuchs,DieFrauin derKarikatur,Munchen1906,p.484. FuchsdescribedPeuple notimplausiblyas 'MegareVolk'or 'ThePeopleas Virago';Ramiro,Rops,p.188.A lessexplicit versionof the same figure, becauseomittingthe lower half of the woman'sbody, is on an unpaginatedplate of FranzBlei, FelicienRops, Berlin1921. 8 M. Agulhon, 'Esquissepour une archeologiede la Republique:L'allegoriecivique heroineis almost simultaneously feminine',Annales28, 1973, pp.5-34. A non-revolutionary presentedin the oppositemannerto Delacroixin DavidWilkie'sDefence of Saragossa,1828, (WilkieExhibition,RoyalAcademy1958).TherealSpanishheroineis shownfully dressedbut in allegoricalpose, while a male partisancrouchesbesideher, nude to the waist. (I owe this referenceto Dr. N. Penny). Byron, who discussesthe role of the Spanishfemale freedomfightersandthe Maidof Saragossaat length,and admiringly(ChildeHarold 1, 54 ff.) stresses the apparentlyunfeminineheroism:'Her lover sinks-she sheds no ill-timedtear;/Herchief is slain- she fills his fatal post;/ Her fellows flee- she checks their base career;/ The foe retires- she headsthe sallyinghost.' But he also stressesthat she remainswithinthe rangeof what male superiorityregardsas desirablein women: 'Yet are Spain's maids no race of Amazons,/ But formedfor all the witchingarts of love.' In fact, theirs-unlike Liberty'sis 'the fiercenessof the dove'. 9 See Jean Duche, 1760-1960Deux siecles d'histoirede Francepar la caricature,Paris 1961,pp.142, 143, 145. 10 J. Bruhat,Jean Dautry,EmileTersen,La Communede 1871 Paris 1971, p.190- an Englishpicture. 11 Jean Grand-Carteret, L 'AffaireDreyfuset l'Image,Paris 1898p.150. L'AffaireDreyfus, pls. 61, 67, 106, 251. 12 Grand-Cartaret, 13 R.A. Leeson,UnitedWeStand:an illustratedaccountof tradeunionemblems,London 1971,p.26. 14 LucienChristophe,ConstantinMeunier,ps. 6, 7, 8, 9, 21, Antwerpen1947. 15 FransMasereel,Die Stadt, Munchen1925. 16 JohnGorman,BannerBright:an illustratedhistoryof the bannersof the BritishTrade Unionmovement,London 1973p.126. 17 Leeson, United,pp.60-70. 18 Gorman,BannerBright,pp.122-123. 19 W. Crane,Cartoonsfor the Cause:A Souvenirof the InternationalSocialist Workers and TradeUnion Congress1886-96,London 1896. 20 JosephEdwards(ed.), LabourAnnual 1895, Manchester. 21 Christophe,Meunier,pl.12. 22 See E. and M. Dixmier,L'Assietteau Beurre,pl. ix, Paris 1974. 23 'To draw a peasant'sfigure in action, I repeat, that's what an essentiallymodern figureis, theverycoreof modernart, whichneitherthe Greeksnorthe Renaissancenor the old Dutch have done ... People like Daumier- we must respectthem for they are among the pioneers.The simplenudebut modernfigure,as Henn-rand Lefevrehave renewedit, ranks high. . . But peasantsand labourersare not nude, after all, and it is not necessaryto imagine themin the nude.The morepaintersbeginto paintworkmens'andpeasants'figures,the better I shall like it...' Vincentvan Gogh, The CompleteLettersof Vincentvan Gogh Vol. 11 London 1958,pp.400, 402. (I owe the referenceto FrancisHaskell). 24 F.D. Klingender,Art and the IndustrialRevolutionLondon, 1947,pls. 10, 47, 57, 90, 92,103;PaulBrandt,SchaffendeArbeitundbildendeKunst,Vol. 11, Leipzig1927-8,pp.240ff. 25 Brandt,SchaffendeArbeit, p.243, pl. 314. 26 Leeson, United,p.23. 27 Nicholas Penny, ChurchMonumentsin RomanticEngland New Haven & London 1977,pl. 138. 28 Brandt,SchaffendeArbeit, p.270. 29 I.E. Grabar,V.N. Lazarev,F.S. Kamenov,IstoriyaRusskogoIsskusstva,Vol. XI, Moscow, 1957, pp.33, 83, 359, 381, 431. 30 Tsigal, Burganov,Svetlov, Chernov(eds), SovietskayaSkulptura74, Moscow 1976, p.52. 31 Grabaret al., Istoriya,p.150.

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32 In Russiathis motif occursas earlyas 1905-7. 33 In a workcelebratingthe 15thanniversaryof theOctoberRevolution,the firstphoto of this kind('Socialistman and his enthusiasmare the motorof construction')only occursin the year 1932.FunfzehnEiserneSchritte,Ein Buch der Tatsachenaus der Sowietunion,Berlin, 1932. 34 Klingender,Art, pl. XV. 35 'An injuryto one is an injuryto all', 'We will fight and may die, but we will never surrender','This is a holy war/and we will not cease/until all destitution/prostitutionand exploitation/issweptaway.' Gorman,BannerBright,p. 130. 36 Grabaret al., Istoriya.pl. XI p.431. 37 Peler Kriedte,Hans Medick, JurgenSchlumbohm,Industrialisierung vor der IndustrialiserungGottingen,1977,chapters2-3. 38 Thus in France56'7oof all women employedin industryin 1906 workedin clothing, whichalso employed5007 of thosein Belgianindustry(1890),25%oof those in German(1907), and 3607oof those in Britishindustry(1891). Peter N. Stearns,Lives of Labour: Workin a MaturingIndustrialSocietyLondon, 1975, AppendixIII p.365. 39 D.C. Marsh,TheChangingSocialStructureof Englandand Wales1871-1961,Revised edition, London, 1965, p.129. 40 W. Woytinsky,Die Weltin Zahlen, Vol. II, Berlin, 1926, p.76; GertraudWolf, Der in den Hauptkulturstaaten, Frauenerwerb Munchen1916, p.251. 41 PeterN. Stearnsin MarthaJ. Vicinus(ed.), SufferandBe Still: Womenin the Victorian Age, Bloomington& London 1973, p.118. 42 Marsh,ChangingSocial Structure,p.129. 43 The problemherehintedat has been admirablypresentedin LouiseA. Tilly and Joan W. Scott, Women, Workand Family New York 1978, esp cap. 8 and pp. 228-229. This excellentdiscussionconfirmsthe presentanalysisespeciallyinsofaras it situatesthe riseof that phaseof the economywhen 'the new organizationof manufacturingrequiredan adult male laborforceprimarily'andwhen'duringmostof hermarriedlife a womanservedas a specialist in childrearingand consumeractivitiesfor her family'preciselyin the periodwhen the mass labourmovementemergedin the industriallyadvancedcountries. 44 E.P. Thompson, 'The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century',Past & Present,50, 1971. 45 L. Levi Accati, 'Vive le roi sans taille et sans gabelle:una discussionesulle rivolte contadine', QuaderniStorici, September-December1972, p.1078; Heine's comment on Delacroixreflectsthe role of the marketwomen('fishwife'). 46 H.A. Clegg, Alan Fox and A.F. Thompson,A Historyof BritishTradeUnionssince 1889, Vol. 1, Oxford 1964, pp.469-70. 47 S. and B. Webb, IndustrialDemocracy,London 1897,p.496. 48 Webbs.p.497. 49 Webbs.pp.496-7. 50 Webbs.p.497. 51 See Jean Touchard,La Gaucheen Francedepuis1900, Paris, 1977,p.113. 52 Bebel'sfeminismmaynot be unconnectedwithhis enthusiasmfor Fourier,aboutwhom he also wrote a book. FrederickEngels' influentialOrigin of the Family should also be mentioned. 53 EugenePottier, OeuvresCompletes,Rassemblees,presenteeset annoteespar Pierre Brochon,Paris, 1966. 54 Gorman,BannerBright,p. 126. 55 The image of utopia increasinglyshifted from one based on naturalfertilityto one based on technologicaland scientific productivity.Both were clearly present in utopian socialism- see Pottier'spoemL 'Aged'Or,quotedabove:'Oh nations,olus de torDeur./Mille reseauxvousont nouees./ L'electricite,la vapeur/sont vos servantsdevoues'etc. (Oh nations awake! You are linked to a thousand networks.Electricityand steam are your faithful servants.)Howevericonographically nature/fertilityprevailedover technology,certainlyuntil 1917. 56 J.F.C. Harrison,RobertOwenand the Owenitesin BritainandAmerica:the questfor the new moral world,London 1969, pp.58-62. 57 Harrison,Owen,pp.60-61. 58 Harrison,Owen,pp.98, 102, 121 for frequencyof femalemessiahsin this period. 59 Brandt,SchaffendeArbeit, p.269.