Institute for Public Affairs in Zimbabwe (IPAZ) Gravitas International Women’s Day Special Issue No.3/2017 Editorial Contact: [email protected] International Women’s Day Issue: Editorial Keeping the Bastards Accountable: Women’s Rights & the New Constitution. The beginning point is the soldiering words of Freedom Nyamubaya when she says ‘Freedom may remain a myth, Until we claim it’ (by way of a poem called Mysterious Marriages Continued). The second act listens to the words of Maya Angelou when says ‘Alone, All alone, Nobuddy but Nobody Can make it out here alone’ (by way of poem called Alone). To these veteran voices we add a third act of pure subversion, that of the roaring voice of spoken word poet Linda Gabriel, when she unfurls the contradictions of our society in which she reminds us of the ‘sins of our mothers, who give their teenage aged daughters to men who are older than the fathers in exchange for bread and a kanga cloth or a bar of soap’ (by way of a poem called Sins of Our Mothers) This is speaking truth to power without reservation. The articles in this Special Issue are in commemoration of International Women’s Day on the 8th of March 2017. The articles and the poem at the end, by Freedom Nyamubaya, brings into sharp relief the long winding struggle for women’s rights in Zimbabwe and the context within which these contestations have taken place. The articles also place an agenda on the table: that women’s liberation is a critical question in Zimbabwe’s decayed political economy especially because women suffer disproportionately, are subjected to violence, systemic exclusion and pressured by sociocultural institutions which must be transformed.

Women Representation in State Institutions: A Critique Rachel Rufu∗ Enter the New Constitution: Why Women Voted Yes In 2013 Zimbabwe introduced a new Constitution which is extremely progressive and sets a good framework of enhancing women’s rights. The Constitution established a Gender Commission, talks to the question of gender parity and importantly prohibits discrimination. Teresa Mugadza, argued that she was voting yes because the constitution provided for the ‘supremacy of the constitution over all other laws and policies’ and this would mean ‘the guarantee of women’s rights at the highest level’ and also that the constitution had provisions to ‘promote the full participation of women in all spheres of life’. These gains were won by a very vocal and sophisticated women’s movement which has been active stretching back into the liberation movements, in the 1980s, in the National Constiutional Assmebly. That women’s movement crystallised their demands in the Women’s Charter of 2000.

We would like to express our gratitude to Grace Kwinjeh for help in bringing out this special issue without being paid a cent. Conversations started in Gravitas will continue through the week on our social media and also in selected independent media platforms. Tamuka C. Chirimambowa & Tinashe L. Chimedza. Gravitas Co-Editors



Shemurenga: Cover of Book (via Weaver Press) While a definitive history of Zimbabwe’s women movement is still to be written its evolution has been partially documented in Shereen Essof’s 1

Shemurenga: The Zimbabwe Women’s Movement 1995-2000. This article assesses the ‘success’ that the women movement has achieved by shining light on women representation in the political terrain especially in the institutions of government. While there has been progress this article observes women still face extensive gender based barriers in accessing political power and that cultural constraints still pervade the socioeconomic system pressing constraints on women’s access to and control of resources, visibility and participation in social and political affairs. Executive, Legislature and Judiciary Women Representation: Is it tokenistic? There are two related questions we need to confront; firstly what is the numeric representation of women in institutions that govern society? Secondly is the representation effective or just tokenistic? Here I am more concerned with ‘substantive representation’ which is distinguished as concerned with advancing women’s policy preferences and interests. It underlines the importance of involving women in policy making because women play a crucial role in developing meaningful gender mainstreaming strategies that focus on gender equality. It is important to note that women are not not significantly (numerically) represented within the executive arm in Zimbabwe. There has been been a very small almost insignificant appointment of women to the Cabinet and it seems this is done as a practice of silencing them and those that area appointed seem to be restrained by a ‘patronage politics’ meaning they hardly introduce radical feministic policies because it increases the risk of being sidelined in future cabinet nominations. It seems while the ruling elites are happy to have women as voters they are not very keen on having the same women lead political parties and or the state proportionately to the size of their population. The effect is such that powerful state and party positions are associated with men and not women.



Lawyer, Hon MP Jesse Majome: Booted off from Chairing the Powerful Legal Parliamentary Committee. Currently Zimbabwe has a President supported by two Vice-Presidents none of which are women. Out of the cabinet 26 are male and only 3 are women; of the 270 seats in the National Assembly 184 are men and only 84 are women; in the Senate out of 80, 38 are women and 42 are men and out of the 10 provincial minsters 4 are women. On the other hand, gender distribution within the judiciary seems more balanced. This could be attributed to efforts being made by the European Union funded International Commission Jurist (ICJ) to reinforce judicial reforms to guarantee access to justice and the rule of law. At another level there is notable male headed militarization of government institutions probably to wield political power around the executive and weed out any possible ‘opposition’ supporters. These former military personnel are considered disciplined, loyal and trained to preserve the incumbent’s hold onto power. Importance of the 2013 constitutional legal quota provision Zimbabwe has a new constitutional legal quota system that reserves 60 seats for women distributed among political parties on a proportional representation basis. The core assumption is that numbers matter and that an increase in women’s descriptive (numerical) representation in parliament will translate into an increase in substantive representation of women interests or concerns.

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Firstly, women constitute half the population and have the right to half the seats (Justice Argument). Women constitute 6,738 877 (52%) of the country’s 12.9 million population while the male population is 48% (6 234 931) according to the 2012 census report by the Zimbabwe Statistics Agency (ZIMSTATS, 2012). In some instances, educated women’s proficiencies or credentials are trivialised comparable to male counterparts (Election Resource Centre 2013:15).Secondly, Women have different experiences (biological or social) that ought to be represented (the experience argument). In line with this argument women should enter into positions of power because they will engage in politics differently based on concrete lived realities. Thirdly, women politicians represent women’s goals, concerns and interests (supposed). The supposition is that women articulate and represent other women’s needs, sensitivities and interests in a better way than man. This corrects the societal constructed patriarchal bias. Fourthly, democracy argument, equal representation enhances democratisation (UN Women 2005:8). All citizen participation is the cornerstone of representative democracy. Critique of the quota system This constitutional provision might significantly limit women from becoming directly elected as representatives of constituencies. Political parties are likely to adopt a tendency to choose male candidates for the elected constituency seats in the national assembly, because female candidates have a greater chance of election as party-list candidates. This relegates female politicians to the women's wings of the political parties. These female composed associations are used to chant party slogans at political rallies or national events, an extremely offensive positioning of women in politics in modern politics.

of state position, probability is low because she does not have ‘liberation struggle credentials’. Political campaigning requires time and money yet women are committed to other societal ascribed roles and have a lower economic status. This inevitably demotes the status of women in politics. Furthermore, there are ideological and psychological, cultural – patriarchal structures, traditional roles ascribed to women unconsciously erodes women’s confidence and capabilities within the political realm. This is reinforced by the perception that politics is a dirty game hence should be the prerogative of men only. In contemporary political settings, media influences public opinion and consciousness. Conclusion: Beyond Mere Numbers Given the status quo, the increase of women in Zimbabwe’s parliament has failed to strongly challenge the executive and legislature on gender equality because it remains a mammoth task to raise women’s concerns in male dominated institutions. While the quota system is meant to increase the percentage of women in parliament, the appointed women vote for policies on a patronage basis at the expense of a real women’s agenda because they fear victimization or being whipped into line by their political parties. Substantive representation has also not been realized because women are appointed to nonstrategic ministerial positions such as women’s affairs or social services. Strategic ministries such as defence, finance and health have historically been led by men.

Obstacles to women’s political participation in Zimbabwe Women as political actors have a price to pay for participation. They face negative sexual or political labelling, socioeconomic challenges, coupled with ideological, psychological and media influenced barriers. Zimbabwe has a masculine dominated model of politics. Male supremacy informs the current succession pattern within the incumbent ZANU PF party. Literally, women lack political power in political parties’ nomination processes. Despite insinuations that the First Lady, Grace Mugabe is being strategically positioned for the prime head

Women of Zimbabwe Arise Marching. While constitutional, statutory and policy pronouncement on gender parity, equality and 3

inclusion are part of the solution the real substantive change will only be possible when women defend their rights, participate in politics, form solidarity networks and mobilize to effect structural changes. I believe in a philosophical ideal that I would call Equality in Diversity which entails positive appreciation of gender differences and capabilities to enrich society. Therefore, governments need to understand that women should be involved in policy making because they can bring policy ideas that men cannot yet this result can only be secured by a very active women’s movement. Author Profile ∗Rachel Rufu from is a Political Science, International Relations, Gender Studies and Public Administration Lecturer at Arrupe College, Mount Pleasant & part time International Law and Human Rights Law Lecturer for Bindura University. Rachel studied Political Science at UZ, Masters of International Relations, & a Master of Human Rights at Gothenburg (Sweden) Gender Based Violence in Politics: Peering into the Contestations. By Nomazulu Thata* International Women’s Day 2017: Third Letter to the women of Zimbabwe: This article peers into the historical conundrums around women’s rights that have brought Zimbabwe where it is now: a collapsed society where women’s dignity is violated without regard to fundamental rights. As we commemorate International Women’s Day we need to find ways of dealing with issues of violence against women but also be aware of what structural and social institutions (culture, religion etc) that keep women subordinated. Sadly, the subjection of women to violence was pervasive in the liberation movements as men resorted to masculinemisogynistic domination of women.



Joice Mujuru then known as Teurai Ropa. In the 1980s a movie called Flame was initially banned because it showed the subjection of young women to violence by their ‘comrades’. The level of violence was corroborated in Fay Chung’s memoirs (Re-living the Second Chimurenga: Memories from the Liberation Struggle in Zimbabwe, 2006). The same issue was also highlighted in Professor Josephine NhongoSimbanegavi’s For Better for Worse: Women and ZANLA in Zimbabwe’s Liberation Struggle (2000). Yet in the contemporary framework we need to peer behind the scenes as well. Joice Mujuru: A Pawn in a Chess Game Played by Men? At independence, Mrs. Mujuru was quickly recruited to be part of the executive and it seems it was partly because she was wife to the ArmyGeneral Solomon Mujuru. By 2004 she had become Zimbabwe’s Vice-President and looked well poised to be Zimbabwe’s next President. Looked at closely it now seems she was appointed as a strategy to pacify General Mujuru and also appease the dissenting voices coming from political opponents. General Mujuru, it looked, was being a kingmaker again as he had spiritedly supported Mugabe to be president of Zanu PF during what was called the Mgagao Declaration. This time though it seems the General overplayed his hand and his fate was sealed in a suspicious fire.

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organisation she had known since she was a teenager of 16 years.

Joice Mujuru: Purged from ZANU PF. With the General off the political map and Joice Mujuru seemingly getting popular support it seems Mugabe began another purge. Joice Mujuru was accused of wanting ‘to poison the President’, of ‘wanting to usurp power’ and Mugabe charged that Mujuru was dabbling ‘witchcraft’ to secure the ZANU PF leadership. Zanu PF brutally purged her from the party and government. It is not easy to imagine how she felt emotionally to be humiliated by the person she loved and considered him to be his father: Robert Mugabe. Misogynistic Labels: Systematic Exclusion and Violence Against the Female Body As soon as Joice Mujuru formed an independent party called Zimbabwe People First (ZIMPF) now changed to National People’s Party (NPP) the mainly male colleagues in ZANU PF started throwing epithets. After 34 years in government she was ridiculed and her liberation war credentials openly questioned. If she wore a dress of her choice, it was wrong again: the dress is too short: its showing her knees! Using what has been called ‘culturally accepted’ norms of women’s dressing she has been accused of clothing herself and being accused of being sexually immoral. Zimbabwean society venerates men for being sexually active and even promiscuous while a woman is labelled ‘a slut’, ‘a whore’ and any other such socially stigmatising words. It is accepted for men to liberally display their sexuality but not for women. When her husband died under very suspicious circumstances Joice Mujuru seemed to accept that fate while playing into the hands of the men who were controlling state power. It seems Joice Mujuru underestimated the scheming that went on behind the lights and she eventually found herself out of the only political

The two factions in the party and government; one of which is headed by Dr. Grace Mugabe are the more cynical of the two. Some calculative and intellectual mind is behind Grace’s ascendency to power: to carve out a new life beyond her husband. As the manouevering hit fever it looks like she is being pushed to the front to dynastic privileges. Some have even started calling her “Her Excellency Dr. Grace Mugabe” with the well calculated approval of the sitting president: Robert Mugabe himself. Grace Mugabe has even claimed to have access to surveillance footage of Joice Mujuru in her private home. No regard to any right to privacy against the vicious party-state it seems.It is obvious from all her stage-managed rallies that she is not herself but the mouth-piece of hard-core hidden crooks: power hungry elements in the party are using her under the pretext of grooming her for presidency. She goes with it as she really and indeed has tasted power: power is sweet: she will stop at nothing to get the reins of her ageing husband Robert Mugabe. ‘Only a Mugabe for Presidency’: A dynasty for Zimbabwe? Mrs. Grace Mugabe is a willing parrot: her obvious display of insensitivity: she rubs shoulders with national intellectuals to prop her ideas. Her stage-managed rallies demonstrate perennial play of stupidity and tragic humour. She gets the microphone and blows it good heavens. Grace Mugabe is spoon-fed to ridicule Mrs. Mujuru in stage-managed rallies yet in the same act she had ended up ridiculing not only Mrs. Mujuru but the women of Zimbabwe and herself included.

Grace Mugabe: Brewing A Mugabe Dynasty? 5

She openly laughs at Mrs. Mujuru using those unpalatable words in the presence of nation’s dignitaries and growing children. She has dared anyone including the Vice President Emerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa and it seems she has openly positioned to be the open rival to Emerson Mnangagwa. She does not realize she is a useful cannon ball being used to fight bitter factional wars in ZANU PF and government. What does the Future Hold? I took the cases of Joyce Mujuru and the First Lady Mrs. Mugabe to demonstrate how a misogynistic soci0-political system abuses women and subjects them to ridicule. Zimbabwe culture and traditions did not have a high regard for women and this was also extended into the Chimurenga culture. In Zimbabwe men have latched onto feudal social stigmas as political weapons to disqualify women from full political participation. This misogynistic characterisation of women in politics begs one to ponder what the future holds for women in Zimbabwe.

∗Nomazulu Tata is a political activist & a former ZIPRA Combatant. Women & Electoral Violence: Will the Spiral End? Dr Janet Munakamwe∗ This article aims to share women’s experiences of violence associated with elections in Zimbabwe as we look forward to the imminent 2018 general elections. Reflecting back to Zimbabwe’s colonial times, one cannot dispute the significant role that women played in the struggle against colonialism. Narratives of resistance and confrontations during the liberation war are well documented. Despite such a valuable contribution, women are still entangled in patriarchal structures which restrict their lives, dignity and freedom as a result women suffer high rates of violence in both the private and public spaces and are more likely to be in abject poverty than their male counterparts what has been called the ‘feminization of poverty’. This victimisation was dramatized by Paul Matavire’s song ‘Tanga Wandida’ (Love me first, to get a job). While we have witnessed a radical change in laws and policies biased towards women, still gender based violence in the private homes is rampant coupled with political violence especially towards women activists. In fact, where some brave women attempt to express their agency as activists or leaders in political parties, they are very often played down through sexual violence and outright ridicule.

Thoko Khupe: the MDC Vice-Presidentship now a three some. It is even much sadder when one considers the ructions in the major opposition where Thokozani Khupe had to contend with being sandwiched by an overload male appointees and it seems this was designed to checkmate her growing influence in the party. It casts the future of Zimbabwean women politicians in doubt given that even ‘greenwood can burn like twigs’. One may not be wrong to say the ‘beautiful ones are not yet born’ and it is still aluta continua women of Zimbabwe!

A classic case in point is that of Dr Joyce Mujuru, the leader of the opposition party, Zimbabwe People First (ZPF) who has been labelled all sorts of names including being told ‘she belongs in the kitchen’. For women in the opposition the vulnerability comes at two levels; first as victims of arrests, torture (physical or psychological) and secondly, they also have to deal with some male chauvinistic characters in their movements. With another watershed election scheduled for 2018 elections it is highly likely women will bear the brunt of the ruling party machinery especially in rural areas where forms of protection are minimum.

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Elections : A Time of Terror for Women

In contemporary Zimbabwe, gender-based violence targeting women has become a trademark of Zimbabwe’s electoral processes. Women’s bodies have been reduced to sites of battles by man. The harrowing tales of pregnant women being bayoneted to make sure that they are not carrying a terrorist during Gukurahundi, arrest, torture or rape of women of perceived opposition supporters in a bid to punish their ‘selling out’ men are littered in Zimbabwe’s history. For instance, Judith Todd’s revelations of rape and the later admission by the perpetrator, yet he still walks a free man points to the challenges facing women in Zimbabwe. With the emergence of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in 2000, Zimbabwean women, have been exposed to more gruesome and brutal political atrocities and violence ranging from gang rape, abductions, torture, including unjustified detentions. We all remember the reported abduction and rape of women in 2008 (check Zimbabwe Human Rights Documentary by Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition) political violence reports for 2008.

the former was at some point locked up in male cells while the latter was sentenced to an unjustified twenty years jail sentence founded on false charges. A common thread that kneads throughout these violations, is that either the state or ruling party have been the instigators or accomplices in a bid to maintain state domination. Women in the rural areas are most likely more vulnerable as their cases are more likely not to be reported and some are denied access to drought relief handouts. Innocent women have been widowed as a result of brutal killings of their husbands (Tonderai Ndira, Kauzani and Gift Tandare) and ultimately forced to become breadwinners and single-handedly raise their children. To worsen matters, the ruling elite is unrepentant and has the guts to tell its victims on how to behave in a civilized and patriotic manner. All these atrocities are against the United Nations Security Council’s Resolution 1325 which denounces violence against women and children. The resolution emphasises the need to implement fully international human rights law that protects the rights of women and girls during and after conflict. For Zimbabwean women who opted to migrate in search of better economic opportunities or were exiled out of the country and settled in countries like South Africa, they are haunted by yet another ghost of violence in the form of xenophobia. While they are demanding their right to vote through the advocacy work by the newly established Zimbabwe Diaspora Vote Coalition (ZDVC), the prospect of achieving such a Constitutional right seems to remain a dream for all women in diaspora. Contesting the Violence Spiral: Seven Brief Strategies

Jestina Mukoko: Abducted by the State. The abduction and torture of renowned activists like Jestina Mukoko, Grace Kwinjeh, Traner Ruzvidzo and Sekai Holland in the run up to the 2008 election is still vivid in our memory. Most recently, we also witnessed unjustified detentions. Linda Masarira and Yvonne Musarurwa have been incarcerated in prison and

While the Government of National Unity (GNU) established a structure for national healing, inopportunely, it has done little to heal the wounds ranging from the Gukurahundi massacres; 2008 post-election violence in the runup to the shameful re-run; to the current wave of political violence. As a result, Zimbabweans have been polarised along ethnic lines making it difficult to rally behind a common agenda. Thus, it is difficult to talk of another election as this brings trauma and sorrow to all who are found on the opposition side. Here are a few pointers to what might work: I) we need more vigilance to prevent recurrence of election violence and civil society needs to 7

intensify the demand for a violent free election. For instance, deployment of external monitors from within the region and international community perhaps six months in advance and about three months in the post-election phase; (II) Lobby SADC, AU and international community to ensure pre- and post-election monitoring (against election violence); (III) Political parties need to observe the 50/50 gender re-presentation in key positions and to ensure women’s voices are amplified both within and outside parliament and to ensure a zero tolerance of violence in the pre- and post- 2018 elections; (IV) We need to engage women and ensure that they become a movement to influence political leadership within their parties to demand an end to the culture of violence and impunity in preand post-election phases; (V) Women need to unite for a common purpose and name and shame perpetrators of violence in both rural and urban areas; (VI) Promote dialogue among Zimbabwean women activists and mobilize them to take a proactive stance to ensure that security sector reforms in Zimbabwe form part of the transitional justice process (VII) women are traumatized by elections and it is critical to reflect and solicit views from grassroots women on the dimension and course of transitional justice and healing process.

prosecute perpetrators of political violence without impunity. ∗Dr Janet Munakamwe is a Research & Doctoral Fellow, African Centre for Migration and Society (ACMS)University of the Witwatersrand/Johannesburg

Freedom Nyamubaya: Poet, Teacher, Activist & Field Operation Commander. MYSTERIOUS MARRIAGED CONTINUED. After the mysterious disappearance Freedom still not found We can’t say she is dead No evidence of her whereabouts Police tired of investigating Probably they need a bribe For something to start happening. …Helicopters hover over diamond panners in Chiadzwa

M.Kademaunga: Younger Women Stepping Up.

2000 dead. Nobody gives a damn

It is the responsibility of the state to uphold the rule of law as provided for by our national Constitution and to ensure that women and children are protected against violence. Zimbabwe is a signatory to various regional and international instruments which call for peace and respect for human rights. Thus, the government is expected to be accountable and to

Diamonds are for members of the politburo only



Whether its Robert or Morgan Each can be two sides of the same coin Freedom may remain a myth Until we claim it!

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