University of Nairobi Department of Linguistics and Languages
16 December 2009
Luyia Tonal Dialectology Michael R. Marlo University of Maryland
[email protected] This talk presents an overview of the diverse tonal systems of Luyia, a Bantu language of western Kenya and eastern Uganda, which has at least 23 dialects. 1.
Luyia dialect situation
The Luyia people, distributed across the Kenya-Uganda border, are the 2nd largest ethnic group in Kenya, behind the Kikuyu, with population numbers roughly equivalent to their Luo neighbors. There could be as many as 7-8 million Luyia in Kenya and Uganda. The CIA Factbook estimates the Kenyan population to be 39,000,000 in July 2009, with the Luyia ethnic group constituting 14% of the population: 5.5 million.1 The 2002 Ugandan census adds about 1.75 million Luyias. As is common throughout Africa, ‘Luyia’ refers to a cluster of closely related dialects or languages, though the Luyia situation is especially heterogeneous. There are at least 19 Luyia dialects in Kenya and at least 4 in Uganda. Thanks to the efforts of Kenyan linguists, the most recent version of the Ethnologue (16th ed., Lewis 2009) has reclassified Luyia as a “macrolanguage”, the various former “dialects” now promoted to the status of “languages”. (1)
Luyia dialects and their population figures, as reported in the Ethnologue 15th ed. (Gordon 2005) 16th ed. (Lewis 2009) Masaba (Uganda) 751,253 (1991 census) 1,120,000 (2002 census) Buya, Dadiri, Gisu, Syan Bukusu 565,000 (1987 BTL) 565,000 (1987 BTL) Nyole (Uganda) 228,918 (1991 census) 341,000 (2002 census) Menya, Hadyo, Sabi, Wesi Logoori
135,000 (SIL 1980)
No estimate available.
Nyore
120,000 (Heine & Möhlig 1980)
120,000 (Heine & Möhlig 1980)
Kabaras
105,000 (SIL 1980)
No estimate available.
100,000 (Heine & Möhlig 1980) 90,000 (Heine & Möhlig 1980) 65,000 (Heine & Möhlig 1980) 65,000 (SIL 1980) 60,000 (SIL 1980)
100,000 (Heine & Möhlig 1980) 90,000 (Heine & Möhlig 1980) 65,000 (Heine & Möhlig 1980) No estimate available. No estimate available.
Tiriki Isukha Idakho Marama Khayo
2
197,000 (1987 BTL)
Wanga
2
1
197,000 (1987 BTL)
The 1989 Kenyan census reported a population of about 3.5 million Luyias; subsequent Kenyan census figures have not reported statistics in terms of ethnicity. Idakho, Isukha, and Tiriki are (incorrectly, in my view) considered a single language in the 15th and 16th editions of the Ethnologue with a combined population of 306,000 (1987 BTL).
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Kisa Marachi Saamia (Uganda) Saamia (Kenya) Tachoni Tsotso Gwe (Uganda) Nyala-East Nyala-West Songa (Uganda) Songa (Kenya) Tura (2)
60,000 (SIL 1980) 60,000 (SIL 1980) 225,378 (1991 census) 50,000 (SIL 1980) 47,000 (Heine & Möhlig 1980) 45,000 (SIL 1980) 40,000 (source unclear) 35,000 (SIL 1980) 35,000 (SIL 1980) 10,000 (source unclear) Unknown Unknown
No estimate available. No estimate available. 279,972 (2002 census) No estimate available. No estimate available. No estimate available. 75,257 (2002 census) 35,000 (SIL 1980) Unknown3 Unknown4 Unknown Unknown5
Luyia dialect map (Kenyan varieties, adapted from Heine & Möhlig 1980 and Leung 1991)
Tura
3
4
5
Nyala-East and Nyala-West are treated, incorrectly I believe, as dialects of a single language in the 16th edition of the Ethnologue. Although the 1980 survey indicates 35,000 speakers of Nyala-East and 35,000 speakers of NyalaWest—at least as it is reported in the 14th and 15th editions of the Ethnologue—both East and West varieties of Nyala are reported to have a total of 35,000 speakers in the 16th edition, though the same survey is cited. The 16th edition of the Ethnologue lists Songa as a dialect of Saamia spoken in Uganda. I have seen no evidence for a Ugandan variety of Songa and believe the 10,000 speakers of Songa in Uganda reported in the 15th edition of the Ethnologue may be a mistake. A 2004 survey by SIL Uganda provided to me by Prossy Nannyombi does not even mention Songa in its results. The 10,000 figure may apply to the Songa variety spoken in Kenya, though there may actually be fewer speakers, as the dialect, now found in Nyanza province is evidently under heavy pressure from Luo, and the few Songas I was able to interview in 2006 seemed to speak the Nyala West dialect. The Tura dialect is not reported in the Ethnologue. See Marlo (to appear, a).
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2.
Previous research on Luyia
There is a growing literature on the linguistic properties of the Luyia dialects, but there is much work to be done. In particular, none of the dialects has a comprehensive reference grammar or a dictionary that accurately marks tone and vowel length. (3)
Tone references Bukusu Khayo Logoori Nyala-West Nyore Saamia Tachoni Tiriki Tura
de Blois 1975, Mutonyi 1996, 2000 Marlo to appear, b, c Leung 1991 Ebarb et al. in prep, Ebarb & Marlo 2009, Marlo 2007, Onyango 2004, 2005, 2006 Key & Bosire 2003 Chagas 1976, Poletto 1998 Odden 2009 Kim & Paster 2007 Marlo to appear, a
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Other phonology references Bukusu Austen 1974a, b, de Blois 1975, Downing 2000, Mutonyi 1992, 1996, 2000, Wasike 2004 Kisa Sample 1976 Masaba Brown 1972 Nyala-East Ochwaya-Oluoch 2003 Nyole Schadeberg 1989 Saamia Marlo 2002, 2004, 2006, Marlo & Brown 2003 Tsootso Dalgish 1974, 1975a, b, c, 1976a, b, 1986
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Dictionaries / wordlists Bukusu “Luhya” (central varieties) Logoori Masaba
de Blois 1975, KWL 1998 Appleby 1943 Friends Africa Mission 1940, Ndanyi & Ndanyi 2005 Siertsema 1981
Grammatical descriptions “Luyia” Masaba Saamia
Appleby 1961, Williams 1972 Purvis 1907 Botne et al. 2006
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Morphology, syntax, semantics references Bukusu Austen 1974a, Diercks in prep, to appear, Sikuku in prep, Wasike 2007 Kisa Donohew 1973 “Luyia” Frajzyngier 1977, Gary 1977 Logoori Sample 1974
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Nyole Saamia Tsootso
Namulemu 2004 Botne 2004 Dalgish 1977
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Historical linguistics / classificatory references Bennett 1973, Hinnebusch et al. 1981, Kisembe 2005, Möhlig 1985, Mould 1981, Tucker & Bryan 1975, Williams 1973
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Other references “Luyia” Masaba Nyole
Itebete 1974, Kanyoro 1983, Myers-Scotton 1982, 2000 Brown 1968, Huntingford 1965, Siertsema 1968 Eastman 1972, Morris 1963, SIL 2004
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My research (see https://sites.google.com/site/michaelrmarlo/) Interviews with native speakers of various Luyia dialects since 2001, beginning with a field methods course on Saamia. Fieldwork in Kenya in 2006 (Busia: May – September, Nairobi: October – December) on the verbal tonal systems of Khayo, Marachi, Nyala-West, Tura, and Wanga. My dissertation (Marlo 2007): description and analysis of the Marachi and Nyala-West tonal systems Recent publications on tonal systems of Khayo (Marlo to appear, b, c) and Tura (Marlo to appear, a) Preparing a more definitive study of the Marachi tonal system, as well as: Current collaborations with Henry Nandelanga (former Ph.D. student at University of Southern California) on Bukusu; with Kris Ebarb (Indiana University), Jennifer Fischer (UCLA), and Peter Otiato (University of Illinois) on Nyala-West; and with Robert Botne (Indiana University) and various students on Wanga.
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Luyia dictionary project (see http://sites.google.com/a/indiana.edu/luyiadictionaryproject/) Goals: 2000-6000 word dictionaries for all Luyia dialects, with accompanying sound files demonstrating the pronunciation of each word. Method: digitized Appleby’s (1943) Luluhya-English Vocabulary; distributed copies to native speakers of 17 Kenyan Luyia dialects, who re-translated the dictionary into their dialect; 7 speakers were recorded pronouncing their dictionary entries; Alfred Anangwe has assisted in typing the hand-written materials, and I am soliciting other volunteers to assist in the further development of the dictionaries. Results to date: Bukusu: typed, edited, and tone-marked (thanks to Aggrey Wasike) Wanga: typed and edited (not yet tone-marked) Idakho: typed (not yet edited or tone-marked) Kabaras: typed (not yet edited or tone-marked) Kisa: typed (not yet edited or tone-marked) Tsotso: typed (not yet edited or tone-marked) Tura: typed (not yet edited or tone-marked) Other dictionaries (Khayo, Isukha, Logoori, Nyala-West, Nyore, Saamia, Tachoni, and Tiriki) remain hand-written.
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3.
Verbal tone in Luyia
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The Luyia dialects have a number of common cross-Bantu tonal properties. a. Privative tonal contrast (Hyman 2001, Stevick 1969): H (v́) vs. Ø (v, “toneless”) As we see below, some dialects have a three-way contrast: H vs. L vs. Ø.
b. Tone-Bearing Unit (TBU) = µ, (the “mora”, i.e., the vowel) c.
Tonal contrasts on long and short vowels: µ́µ́ vs. µµ vs. µ́µ vs. µµ́ vs. µ́ vs. µ Contour tones only on long (bimoraic) vowels: one tone per mora.
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Tonal melodies Tone plays a significant role in the grammatical system, marking tense-aspect-mood-negation and clause-type (matrix vs. relative) distinctions in verbs. Underlyingly floating H tones (“melodic Hs”) are assigned by rule to different positions of the verb [stem].
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Tonal melodies in Nyala-West (Ebarb & Marlo 2009)6 Pattern 1a H from σ2 to final Indefinite Future
xu-ri[paangúlúl-á]
‘we will disarrange’
βa-ná[paangúlúl-á]
‘they will disarrange’
Pattern 1b Near Future Pattern 2a Present Negative
H on µ1 of [σ2] si-i[mbaangúlul-a]
‘I am not disarranging’
si-β-a-xá[paangúlul-a]
‘they did not just disarrange’
Pattern 2b Immediate Past Neg. Pattern 3 ImperativeSg Pattern 4 Remote Past Pattern 5 Hodiernal Perfective Pattern 6 Conditional Past
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H on final [paangulul-á]
‘disarrange!’
H on µ1 βa-á[paangulul-a]
‘they disarranged’
H on µ1 and final xu[sáambuluul-é]
‘he de-roofed’
all toneless xu[paanguluul-e]
‘if we could disarrange’
Single-underlining indicates an underlying H; double-underlining indicates the surface position of a melodic H. The verb [stem] is indicated in square brackets.
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4.
Three types of tone systems in Luyia
The tonal systems of the Luyia dialects can be classified into three types: ‘conservative’, ‘reversed’, and ‘predictable’ (Marlo 2008). These categories reflect differences in the nature of lexical tone contrasts in verb roots and whether melodic H suffixes are found in all verbal contexts in the language. (15)
Map of Luyia tone systems
Predictable
Tura
Conservative
Reversed
4.1
Conservative tone systems
The known ‘conservative’ dialects of Luyia are found in the eastern part of Luyialand: Idakho, Logoori (Leung 1991), Tachoni (Odden 2009), and Tiriki (Kim & Paster 2007). These dialects maintain the historical distinction between two lexical classes of verbs: /H/ (“H-toned”) verbs have an underlying H on V1 (the stem-initial vowel/mora). /Ø/ (“toneless) verbs are underlyingly toneless. The underlying /H/ vs. /Ø/ contrast is seen clearly in tenses such as the Infinitive, which lack grammatical tonal suffixes (Goldsmith 1987’s “Simple Stem” pattern). (16)
Tachoni lexical tonal contrast in the Infinitive Infinitive H on V1 /H/ o-xu[káraang-a] all Ø /Ø/ o-xu[purux-a] Note: the infinitive prefix xu- is toneless.
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‘to fry’ ‘to fly’
Other tenses are inflected with melodic H suffixes, which target different positions of the stem. The tonal suffixes can interact with lexical tones, often resulting in opaque surface forms. (17)
Tachoni tonal melodies Indef Fut H from σ3 to penult /H/ βa-li[karaang-án-íl-a] H from σ2 to penult /Ø/ βa-li[βal-án-íl-a] Subjunctive /H/ /Ø/ Imp Neg /H/ /Ø/
Imperative
/H/ /Ø/
H on σ2 xa-βa[βek-án-il-e] H on σ2 xa-βa[yoombóól-an-il-e] all Ø o-xa[karaang-a] H on σ of V2 o-xa[láámbaal-a]
‘they will fry for e.o.’ ‘they will count e.o.’
‘let them shave for e.o.’ ‘let them spill for e.o.’
‘don’t fry’ ‘don’t lie down’
H from σ3 to penult [βotoox-án-íl-a] all Ø [yoomboox-a]
‘fry’ ‘spill’
In all four of these patterns, the lexical H of /H/ verbs fails to surface, i.e., V1 is [Ø]: the lexical H is deleted before the melodic H—a common phenomenon in Bantu tonal systems. Even though the lexical H is deleted on the surface, it affects the surface position of the grammatical H by limiting its leftward extent, e.g., in the Indefinite Future, the grammatical H begins on σ3 in /H/ verbs, but on σ2 in /Ø/ verbs. If it were not for tenses like the Infinitive, where V1 surfaces [H], we might think V1 is /L/ because it limits the leftward placement of the grammatical H and surfaces [Ø]. 4.2
Predictable tone systems (see Odden 1989 on other predictable Bantu languages)
The known ‘predictable’ dialects of Luyia are found in the western region: Khayo (Marlo to appear, b, c), Nyala-West (Ebarb & Marlo 2009, Ebarb et al. in prep, Marlo 2007, Onyango 2004, 2005, 2006), Saamia (Poletto 1998, Botne et al. 2006), Songa, and Tura (Marlo to appear, a). These dialects have lost the lexical tonal contrast in verb roots; there is only one tonal class of verb: /Ø/. (18)
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Nyala-West Infinitive *H verbs7 CV o-xú[ry-a]
*Ø verbs o-xú[sy-a]
‘to eat’
‘to grind’
The asterisk indicates the historical tonal value here, i.e., *H refers to historically H-toned roots, and *Ø refers to historically toneless roots.
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CVCV
o-xú[βek-á]
‘to shave’
o-xú[βal-á]
‘to count’
CVVCV
o-xú[deex-á]
‘to cook’
o-xú[reeβ-á]
‘to ask’
CVCVCV+
o-xú[βukúl-á] o-xú[karááng-á] o-xú[fukíírír-á]
‘to take’ ‘to fry’ ‘to agree’
o-xú[burúx-á] o-xú[laambáál-á] o-xú[βichíkál-á]
‘to fly’ ‘to sleep wildly’ ‘to belch’
Note that the Infinitival prefix xú- is H. All tenses are inflected with a grammatical H suffix. (19)
Tonal patterns in Nyala-West (repeated from (14) above) Pattern 1a H from σ2 to final Indefinite Future
xu-ri[paangúlúl-á]
‘we will disarrange’
βa-ná[paangúlúl-á]
‘they will disarrange’
Pattern 1b Near Future Pattern 2a Present Negative
H on µ1 of [σ2] si-i[mbaangúlul-a]
‘I am not disarranging’
si-β-a-xá[paangúlul-a]
‘they did not just disarrange’
Pattern 2b Immediate Past Neg. Pattern 3 ImperativeSg Pattern 4 Remote Past Pattern 5 Hodiernal Perfective Pattern 6 Conditional Past
H on final [paangulul-á]
‘disarrange!’
H on µ1 βa-á[paangulul-a]
‘they disarranged’
H on µ1 and final xu[sáambuluul-é]
‘he de-roofed’
all toneless xu[paanguluul-e]
‘if we could disarrange’
Note that like the Infinitive xú-, the tense prefixes of the Immediate Past xá- and Remote Past áare /H/. 4.3
Reversed tone systems
The known ‘reversed’ dialects of Luyia are found in the central region, between the conservative and predictable dialects: Bukusu (Mutonyi 2000), Marachi (Marlo 2007), and Wanga.
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Like the conservative dialects, but unlike the predictable dialects, the reversed dialects have an underlying tonal contrast on V1 between two classes of verbs: a ‘toned’ class and a ‘toneless’ class. Unlike the conservative dialects, but like the predictable dialects, all tenses are inflected with a melodic H, even in tenses like the Infinitive. (20)
Lexical tonal contrast in Marachi Infinitive H on σ1, H from σ2 to final *H o-xu[βó !dóóxán-á] (...) ‘to go around (…)’ H from tense prefix (xu-) to final *Ø o-xú[xwéésúlúl-á] (...) ‘to drag (…)’
Since there is no context which directly reveals the underlying tonal properties of the verb stem, it is difficult to determine the quality of the tone in the ‘toned’ class of verbs. Mutonyi (2000) and Marlo (2007) assume that historically *H verbs are synchronically /H/ in Bukusu and Marachi, respectively, while Austen (1974) and Marlo (2008) assume underlying /L/. The main reason to posit underlying /L/ is that, as in Tachoni, σ1 of *H verbs surfaces [Ø] in most tonal melodies Marachi. (The position of underlying /L/ is marked with a box.) (21)
Marachi tone patterns: σ1 is [L] Indef Fut H on V1 of σ2 and following V *H a-li[karááng-aang-a] H from V1 of σ2 to final a-li[karááng-ír-á] ... H on V1 and V2 *Ø a-li[lómálom-a] H from V1 to final a-li[sáámbúl-ír-á] ... Crast Fut *H *Ø
Imper Neg
*H *Ø
Imperative
*H *Ø
H on V1 of σ2 and following V n-aa[βodóóxan-eeng-e] (...) H on V1 of σ2 and following V ni-βa[lomálóm-an-ir-e] (…) all Ø o-la[βodooxan-a] dá H on V1 and V2 o-la[lómálom-a] dá H on final [karaang-á] (…) H on final [βakal-á] (…)
‘he will be frying’ ‘he will fry for ...’ ‘he will talk’ ‘he will de-roof for ...’
‘he will be going around (…)’ ‘they will talk for each other (…)’
‘don’t go around!’ ‘don’t talk!’
‘fry (…)!’ ‘spread to dry (…)!’
There are other tenses, such as the Infinitive, where σ1 surfaces [H], but there is evidence that this is not the lexical H.
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Marachi tone patterns: σ1 is [H] Infinitive H on σ1, H from σ2 to final *H o-xu[βó !dóóxán-á] (…) ‘to go around (…)’ H from tense prefix (xu-) to final *Ø o-xú[xwéésúlúl-á] (...) ‘to drag (…)’ Imm Pst *H
*Ø
Rem Pst 1 *H *Ø
H on σ1, H on V1 of σ2 and following V y-a-xa[ká !rááng-aang-a] H on σ1, H from σ2 to final y-a-xa[ká !rááng-ír-á] … H on σ1, H on V1 of σ2 and following V y-a-xa[xwéé!súlúl-a] H from tense prefix (xa-) to final y-a-xá[sáámbúl-ír-á] … H from tense prefix (a-) to σ1 y-aá[káraang-aang-a] (…) H from tense prefix (a-) to σ1 y-aá[lómalom-a] (…)
The H on σ1 originates synchronically on the preceding tense prefix, i.e., /xú-/, /xá-/, /á-/, and shifts/spread from there to the right. (23)
Prefix Hop H L H x x o-xu[βó !dóóxán-á]
Supporting evidence for this position comes from the facts that: Prefix Hop is a regular process affecting object prefixes in Marachi and Tachoni The same tense prefixes are unambiguously /H/ in Khayo and Nyala-West, as we have seen. The main complication for this analysis is the pattern of /Ø/ verbs in the Infinitive and in phrasemedial Immediate Past forms, where the H of the tense prefix does not shift to σ1 (presumably because it is deleted in this position). 5.
How did the predictable and reversed dialects develop from the conservative systems?
The key difference between the conservative tone systems and the reversed and predictable systems is that all tenses in the reversed and predictable systems are inflected with a melodic H suffix. How did this innovation come about? One possibility: A pattern of phrasal H-Tone Anticipation found in conservative dialects such as Logoori and Tiriki was reinterpreted as a melodic H.
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H-Tone Anticipation in Logoori /H/ verbs va-rá[záázam-a] va-rá[záá!zám-á] gáráha /Ø/ verbs va-ra[mɔrɔm-a] va-rá[mɔ́rɔ́m-á] gáráha
H ‘they will taste’ ‘they will taste slowly’ ‘they will talk’ ‘they will talk slowly’
H
va-rá[záá!zám-á] gáráha H va-rá[mɔ́rɔ́m-á] gáráha
Once all tenses possess a melodic H, there is no context that directly reveals the quality of the underlying tone in the ‘toned’ class of verbs, so determining the underlying tone of *H verbs becomes an analytical challenge. The reversed dialects reanalyzed *H as /L/, making tonal derivations more transparent than in the conservative dialects (though not without certain analytical complications). The [H] on σ1 of *H verbs was attributed to a prefix, which is possible since conservative dialects like Tachoni already have a rule of Prefix Hop (Odden 2009). How did the predictable systems develop? The Nyala-West tonal patterns correspond almost perfectly to (phrase-medial) /L/ verbs in Marachi.8 (25)
Comparison of predictable Tense Infinitive Indef Fut Imm Pst Rem Pst 1 Crast Fut Imp Neg Imperative
(Nyala-West) and reversed (Marachi) tone patterns Predictable (Nyala-West) Reversed (Marachi /L/ …) o-xu[βó !dóóxán-á] o-xú[karááng-á] xu-ri[paangúlúl-á] a-li[karááng-ír-á] βa-xá[deex-ér-án-á] y-a-xa[ká !rááng-ír-á] β-aá[paangulul-a] y-aá[káraang-aang-a] na-βa[βodóxan-e] n-aa[βodóóxan-eeng-e] o-ra[lomálom-a] o-la[βodooxan-a] dá [paangulul-á] [βodooxan-á]
The predictable tone systems eliminated the analytical ambiguity between /H/ and /L/ and between /L/ and /Ø/, choosing the tone patterns of /L/ verbs. Once the underlying tonal distinction is neutralized, a simpler analysis is that all verbs are /Ø/. The predictable dialects therefore underwent their own ‘reversal’: *H *L /Ø/. Why did the /L/ vs. /Ø/ opposition neutralize in the direction of /L/ in the predictable dialects? One possibility: /L/ (*H) verbs are more frequent or an inherently larger set, so their lexical class grew larger. (Unfortunately, there is no existing dictionary that can test this hypothesis.) Whatever the initial trigger, neutralization in this direction is apparent synchronically in Marachi.
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Aside from the position of the /H/-toned tense prefixes, which predictably move onto σ1 in Marachi, the only other difference in these surface tone patterns is in the Imperative Negative forms o-ra[lomálom-a] (Nyala-West) vs. o-la[βodooxan-a] dá (Marachi). This difference is superficial: the Marachi form derives from an intermediate representation where H is found on σ2 (Marlo 2007).
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*Ø /L/ in Marachi Some *Ø verbs freely vary between /Ø/ and /L/ pronunciations in all contexts. a-lá[léxúúl-á] ~ a-la[lé !xúúl-a] ‘he will release’ Some *Ø roots categorically have the /L/ tonal pattern. a-la[βyéé!tsékál-á] ‘he will belch’ cf. Tachoni /βeečakal-a/ All vowel-initial verb roots longer than VC are /L/, i.e., there are no VCV(V)C+ /Ø/ roots (though such stems can be derived by adding suffixes to /Ø/ VC roots).
6.
Fine-grained distinctions among the predictable dialects
In addition to the three main types of tonal systems within Luyia—conservative, reversed, and predictable—there are also more fine-grained differences among dialects within each of these types. For example, in the Indefinite Future, the predictable dialects Nyala-West, Khayo, and Tura all manifest the same general tone pattern in which the melodic H surfaces from σ2 to the final, but there are differences especially in shorter stems. All three dialects have a different tonal pattern in CVVCV stems in this tense. (27)
Indefinite Future (‘he/they will V’) Nyala-West CV a-ri[fw-a]
Khayo a-li[fw-á]
Tura a-li[fw-á]
CVCV
a-ri[rim-á]
a-li[βék-á]
a-li[βék-á]
CVVCV
a-ri[reeβ-á]
a-li[reéβ-á]
a-li[rééβ-á]
CVCVCV+
a-ri[βukúl-á] a-ri[karááng-á] a-ri[siindíx-á] a-ri[riingáál-á] a-ri[lomálóm-á] βa-ri[deex-ér-án-á]
a-li[βukúl-á] a-li[xalaáng-á] a-li[siindíx-á] a-li[liingaál-á] a-li[lomálóm-á] βa-li[deex-ér-án-á]
a-li[βukúl-á] a-li[karááng-á] a-li[siindíx-á] a-li[saangáál-á] a-li[lomálóm-á] βa-li[teex-ér-án-á]
Thus, tone can be useful not only in identifying major distinctions among the Luyia dialects (eastern/conservative vs. central/reversed vs. western/predictable), as well as more fine-grained differences among dialects from the same area (Nyala-West vs. Khayo vs. Tura). This motivates the further study of the Luyia verbal tonal systems, especially those dialects that straddle the eastern/conservative vs. central/reversed border—many of which have no documentation of their tonal systems (e.g., Kabarasi, Kisa, Marama, Nyala-East, and Tsotso)—and these systems may hold the key for determining exactly how the reversed systems developed from the conservative ones. 7.
References
Appleby, L. L. 1943. An English-LuLuhya Vocabulary. Maseno, Kenya: C. M. S. Appleby, L. L. 1961. A First Luyia Grammar. Nairobi, Kenya: The East African Literature Bureau. Austen, Cheryl. 1974a. Aspects of Bukusu Syntax and Phonology. Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University.
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