Negative Imperatives in Quechua Cuzco Quechua distinguishes between two different negative heads in indicative (1) a, b. and imperative (2) a, b. sentences: (1) a. Mana-‐m waqa-‐chka-‐n-‐chu. NEG-‐FOC.EVID cry-‐PROG-‐3.S-‐NEG.FOC “S/he does not cry.” b. Manam papa-‐ta-‐chu miku-‐chka-‐n. NEG potato-‐NEG.FOC eat.PROG-‐3.S “S/he does not eat POTATOES.” (2) a. Ama waqa-‐y-‐chu. NEG cry-‐IMP-‐NEG.FOC “Do not cry.” b. Ama papa-‐ta-‐chu miku-‐y. NEG potato-‐NEG.FOC eat-‐IMP “Do not eat POTATOES.” Previous analyses of negation in Quechua have argued that in (1) –chu is the syncretic spell out of an agree relation between the Neg (mana) and Focus heads and the projection in the scope of negation (Sánchez 2010). In imperatives Agree between a different lexical head (ama) and the constituent in the scope of negation is also spelled out as -‐chu. In this paper, I propose that both mana and ama are syncretic morphemes that are the spell out of features in Force P (Rizzi 1996) and the features of a Neg head. Mana is the spell out of [+declarative] in ForceP and Neg while ama is the spell out of Neg, IMP, and [+addressee] in Speech Act, and –chu is only the spell out of Focus: (3) [Force P [Focus P [NegP mana [VP ... –chu] (4) [Speech Act [Force P [Focus P [NegP ama [VP ...-‐y –chu] This analysis posits a series of Agree relations that should be in principle susceptible to intervention effects. In fact, the distribution of the emotive suffixes –má and –yá (Cusihumán 1971/1996) as the spell out of a left peripheral Evaluative Mood head (Cinque 1999) located between Speech Act and Force P shows that in order to avoid the blocking effects of negation these suffixes must be spelled out on the Neg head in both cases (Sanchez 2010) as shown for ama in (5) a and b. This supports the view that there is a complex interplay of agree relations in the left periphery that must take place above NegP:
(5) a. *Ama phiña-‐ku-‐y-‐ña-‐chu-‐yá NEG.IMP.ADDR upset-‐REFL-‐IMP-‐DISCONT-‐FOC-‐EMOT “Please do not get upset.” (6) b. Ama-‐yá phiña-‐ku-‐y-‐ña-‐chu. NEG.-‐IMP.ADDR-‐EMOT upset-‐REFL-‐IMP-‐DISCONT-‐FOC “Please do not get upset.” Support for the difference between ama and mana in terms of only the first one being the spell out of a [IMP] feature in the Speech Act head is the fact that, while both mana and ama license negative polarity items (7, 8) only ama allows for a free choice any interpretation that is possible in positive imperatives (9) but not allowed in declaratives (negative (7) or affirmative (10)) (Sánchez 2010): (7) Mana-‐n ima-‐ta-‐pas ranti-‐rqa-‐ni-‐chu. NEG.DECL-‐FOC.EVID INDEF-‐ACC-‐ADD but-‐PST.ATT.1.S-‐FOC “I did not buy anything.” (√NPI, *free choice interpretation) (8) Ama ima-‐ta-‐pas apamu-‐y-‐chu. NEG.IMP.ADDR INDEF-‐ACC-‐ADD bring-‐IMP-‐FOC “Don’t bring anything.” (√NPI, √ free choice interpretation) (9) Ima-‐ta-‐pas apamu-‐y. INDEF-‐ACC-‐ADD bring-‐IMP “Bring anything.” (10) *Ima-‐ta-‐pas mikhu-‐rqa-‐ni. INDEF-‐ACC-‐ADD eat-‐PST.ATT.1.S “I ate something.” The difference is summarized in: Free choice NPI Mana (+NEG, +DECL) -‐ + Ama (+NEG, IMP, +ADDR) + + If imatapas is in the scope of NEG and [DECL] it cannot receive a free choice interpretation, however if it is in the scope of Speech Act [+Addressee] and [IMP] it can receive either the Free Choice interpretation licensed by IMP in Force or the NPI interpretation licensed by NEG. The analysis proposed shows a complex interplay of left peripheral features that supports the view that negative imperatives in Quechua are what Zeijlstra (2006) labels True Negative Imperatives (TNIs), namely, those that do not require a verbal form different from the one in affirmative imperatives. In Quechua –y is the morphological marker of affirmative and negative imperatives. Zeilstra argues that TNIs arise when the Imperative operator is outside the scope of Neg. In this case, Imp features are higher than Neg features and ama is the spell out of Neg and imperative features but it does not block imperative concord between IMP features in Force head and –y in (4). In the same way a free choice interpretation of the indefinite in (8) arises because the IMP features are outside the scope of NEG.
NEG potato-âNEG.FOC eat-âIMP. âDo not eat POTATOES.â Previous analyses of negation in Quechua have argued that in (1) âchu is the syncretic spell out of ...
Negative Imperatives in Quechua. Cuzco Quechua distinguishes between two different negative heads in indicative (1) a, b. and imperative (2) a, b. sentences: (1) a. Mana-âm waqa-âchka-ân-âchu. NEG-âFOC.EVID cry-âPROG-â3.S-âNEG.FOC. â
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