Association of Linguistic Typology (ALT VII) CNRS, Paris, France Sep 28th, 2007
On the Typology of Correlative Constructions Tommi Tsz-Cheung Leung University of Southern California/United Arab Emirates University
[email protected] Main claims: - The typology of correlative constructions (CORs) varies in the following areas: (i) Syntactic positions of the correlative clause (Cor-CP); (ii) Movement possibility of the Cor-CP; (iii) Syntactic positions of the relative morpheme (Rel) and the demonstrative morpheme (Dem); - (i) and (ii) are conceptually related which provides further support to the movement-based approach to syntactic derivation; - The variations in CORs are closely related to other constructions such as topicalization, left dislocation and free relatives. - The typology of correlatives hinges on the notion of Merge and Move in syntactic theory 1. Correlative constructions:1 (i) A non-local relativization strategy in which the relative clause is left-adjoined to the main clause.
(1) [IP [Cor-CP …REL(-XPi)…]i [IP … DEM(-XPi)…]]
(ii) It is a common relativization strategy of Indo-Aryan languages: (2) [CorCP Jo CD sale-par hai ], Aamir us Rel CD sale-on is Aamir Dem
CD-ko khari:d-ege. CD-Acc buy-will2
(Hindi)
‘Aamir will buy the CD that is on sale.’ (lit. ‘Which CD is on sale, Aamir will buy that CD.’) (3) [CorCP Kuis-an appa-ma uwatezzi n-za ], apas- at dai. Rel-Nom-s-him back-Prt brings Prt-Prt Dem-Nom-s-him takes ‘The one who brings him back takes him for himself.’
(Hittite)
(4) [CorCP Je mee-Ti okhane daRie ache], Se lOmba. Rel-girl-3Sg there stand-Conj is she tall
(Bangla)
‘The girl who is standing over there is tall.’ (5) [CorCP ye ‘ngara asans], te ‘ngiraso ‘bhavan. Rel-who coals were these Angiras became ‘Those who were coals became Angiras.’
(Sanskrit)
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(6) [CorCP Je dhobi maarii saathe aavyo], te DaakTarno bhaaii che. Rel washerman my with came that doctors brother is
(Gujarathi)
‘The washerman who came with me is the doctor’s brother.’ (7) [CorCP Jun keTilai Ramle dekhyo], ma tyo keTilai cinchu. Rel girl-Dat Ram-Erg saw I-Nom Dem girl-Dat know-1Sg-Prt
(Nepali)
‘I know the girl who Ram saw.’ (8) [CorCP Je bidyarthi kailh
ae-l
r´h-´ith], se biman p´ir ge-l-ah.
Rel student yesterday come-Perf was ‘The student who came yesterday got sick.’
3Sg sick
(Maithili)
lie go
(iii) Correlatives are also attested in other language families, though not completely productively: (9) [CorCP Kolkoto pari iska ], toklova misli če šte i dam. How-much money wants that-much thinks that will her give-1sg
(Bulgarian)
‘She thinks that I’ll give her as much money as she wants.’ jij uitgenodigd hebt], die wil ik niet meer zien. (10) [CorCP Wie Rel-who you invited have that-one want I no longer see ‘I don’t want to see the one you have invited any longer.’
(Dutch)
(11) [CorCP Co chcesz ], to dostaniesz. Rel want-2Sg Dem get-2sg ‘You will get what you want.’
(Polish)
(12) [CorCP Kogo ljublju Rel-whom love-1Sg ‘I will kiss who I love.’
(Russian)
], togo poceluju. that-one will-kiss-1Sg
(13) [CorCP Aki korán jött ], azt ingyen beengedték. Rel-who early came that-Acc freely Pv-admitted-3Pl
(Hungarian)
‘Those who come early were admitted for free.’ (14) [CorCP Nor.k
ere huts
egiten bait du], (eta) hura Peiok
zigortuko
du.(N. Basque)
Rel-who-Erg ere mistake doing bait Aux and that Peio-Erg punish-Prosp Aux 'Who(ever) will make a mistake, Peio will punish him.'
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(15) [CorCP N ye so
min ye ], cE
be o
dyç.
(Bambara)
I Pst house Rel see man Prog it build ‘The man is building the house that I saw.’ (16) [CorCP Khwaam-phayayaam yuu thii-nai ], khwaam-samret ko yuu thii-nan. Nom-try stay at-Rel-where Nom-succeed also stay at-there ‘Where there's a will, there's a way.’ (idiom)
(Thai)
(17) [CorCP Na-lul ch'otaeha-nun saram-un nuku-tunchi ], ku-nun John-to ch’otaeha-n-ta. (Korean) I-Acc invite-Rcl person-Top Rel-who-ever he-Top John-also invite-Pres-Decl ‘Whoever invites me also invites John.’ (18) [CorCP khyodra-s gyag gare njos yod na], nga-s de bsad pa yin. you-Erg yak Rel-what buy aux if I-Erg that kill Pst aux
(Lhasa Tibetan)
‘I killed whatever yak you bought.’ nâu ], nây ăn. (19) [CorCP Ai Rel-who cook that-person eat ‘Whoever cooks eats.’
(Vietnamese)
2. Properties of Correlative Constructions: (i) Leftward adjunction of the correlative clause to the main clause. (ii) The presence of a relative morpheme (Rel) in the correlative clause, and a demonstrative morpheme/ anaphoric pronoun (Dem) in the main clause (see (1)). (iii) The observation of multiple correlatives. (20) [CorCP Jis
larkii-ne jis
larke-ke-saath khel-aa
], us-ne
us-ko
haraa-yaa. (Hindi)
Rel-Obl girl-Erg Rel-Obl boy-with play-Perf Dem-Erg Dem-Acc defeat-Perf ‘A girl who played with a boy defeated him.’ (Lit. ‘Which girl played with which boy, the girl defeated the boy.’) (21) [CorCP Komu
co
Jan dał], temu
to
Maria zabierze.
(Bulgarian)
Rel-who-Dat Rel-what-Acc Jan gave Dem-Dat Dem-Acc Maria take-back ‘Maria took what Jan gave to who back from him.’ (Lit. ‘Anything Jan gave to whom, Maria took it back from him.’) (22) [CorCP Aki
amit
kér
], az
azt
elveheti.
Rel-who Rel-what-Acc wants Dem Dem-Acc take-Pot-3Sg ‘Everyone can take what he wants.’ (Lit. ‘Who wants what, s/he can take it.’)
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(Hungarian)
(23) [CorCP Jya mula-ne
jya muli-la
pahila], tya
mula-ne tya
muli-la
pasant kela. (Marathi)
Rel boy-Erg Rel girl-Acc saw Dem boy-Erg Dem girl-Acc like did ‘A boy who saw a girl liked her.’ (Lit. ‘Which boy saw which girl, the boy liked the girl.’) (24) [CorCP Kto co chce ], ten to dostanie.
(Polish)
Rel-who Rel-what wants Dem Dem gets ‘Everyone gets what he wants.’ (Lit. ‘Who wants what, s/he gets it.’) (25) [CorCP Kto
kogo
ljubit], tot
o tom
i
(Russian)
govorit.
Rel-who Rel-whom loves Dem of Dem and speaks ‘Everybody speaks about the person they love.’ (Lit. ‘Who loves whom, s/he speaks of him/her.’) (26) [CorCP Kome
se
kako
taj misli
predstavĭs ],
da tako treba da te tretira. (Serbo-Croatian)
Rel-whom Refl Rel-how present-yourself he thinks that thus should to you treat ‘The way you present yourself, this is how people think they should treat you.’ (27) [CorCP Jasle
jaslai jati
khera
jahã dekh-yo,] usle
uslai
teti khera tahã man paryo.
Rel-Erg Rel-Dat Rel-time Rel-place see-3S.PST 3S-Erg 3S-Dat then there liked ‘Whoever saw whomever whenever where ever, they liked them then there’ (Nepali) (iv) The matching requirement that requires an equal number of Rel and Dem3: (28) [CorCP Jyaa muline jyaa mulaalaa je pustak prezent dila hota], tyaa muline tyla mulaalaa te
Rel girl pustak aadki
Rel boy Rel book daakhavla hota.
present gave had,
Dem book before shown had ‘The girl that presented the book to the boy had shown it to him.’ (29) *[CorCP Jo laRkii jis laRke-ke saath khelegii], vo Rel girl Rel boy-Obl with plays ‘A girl who plays with a boy has won.’ (30) [CorCP Akit
bemutattál
jiit jaayegii.
Dem girl
Dem boy
(Nepali) (Hindi)
3Sg win-Perf
], *(annak)
köszöntem.
(Hungarian)
Rel-what-Acc introduced-2Sg Dem-Dat greeted-1Sg ‘I greeted the person you introduced to me.’ (v) Correlatives are independent of other relative constructions (Srivastav 1991, Bhatt 2003, Liptak to appear):4 - Some morphosyntactic conditions observed in correlatives are not found in other relative constructions.
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3. Typology of Correlative Constructions 3.1. Syntactic Positions of the Correlative Clause 3.1.1. Local Adjunction plus Movement (Bhatt 2003): (31) [DEM-XP [Cor-CP …Rel(-XPi)…]i Dem(-XPi)…] → [IP [Cor-CP …Rel(-XPi)…]i [IP …[DEM-XP ti Dem(-XPi)]…]] (i) The correlative clause locally adjoins to the demonstrative morpheme in the main clause at the underlying representation. (ii) The clause-peripheral position of the correlative clause in the surface representation results from its overt A’-scrambling. Example: Hindi (32) [IP [CorCP Which CD is on sale]i [IP Aamir [ti that CDi] bought ]] IP ei [CorCP which CD is on sale]i
IP ei
[DP Aamir]
IP ei V-I bought
Dem-XPi ei tCP,i
[Dem-XP that-CD]i
(iii) Evidence for local adjunction: I. Coordination Test (33) Rahul a:jkal [DP [jo kita:b Saira-ne likh-i:]1 vo1] aur [DP [jo cartoon ShyamRahul nowadays Rel book Saira-Erg write-Perf Dem and Rel cartoon Shyamne bana:-ya]2 vo2] parh raha: hai. Erg make-Perf Dem read Prog is ‘Nowadays, Rahul is reading [the book that Saira wrote] and [the cartoon that Shyam made]’ (34) [Jun kukur-le hamilai lakhetiyo, tyaslai] ra [Jun keTa bhagyo, uslai], Shishir-le dekhyo/ Rel dog-Erg 1P-Dat chased Dem-Dat and Rel boy-Dat ran away, 3S-Dat Shishir-Erg saw ‘Shishir saw the dog that chased us and the boy who ran away’ (Nepali) II. Fragment Answers (35) Question: Who came first? Answer: [CorCP jo laRkii khaRii Rel girl
hai] ??*(vo)
standing is
that
‘The girl who is standing’ 5
III. Conditions on Movement (36) *[CorCP Jo vaha: rah-ta: hai]i mujh-ko [vo kaha:ni [jo Arundhati-ne us-ke-baare-me likh-ii]] Rel there stay-Hab is I-Dat that story Rel A-Erg Dem-about write-Perf pasand hai. like is * ‘[Who lives there]i, I like the story that Arundhati wrote about that boy ti.’ (Complex NP constraint) IV. Reconstruction (37) *[CP…Namej…]i [Pronj [ti Dem-XPi ]…] (Condition C violation) *[jo larkii Sita-koj pyaar kar-tii hai]i [us-nek/*j us-koi thukraa di-yaa] Rel girl Sita-Acc love do-Hab is Dem-Erg Dem-Acc reject give-Perf ‘Shei rejected the girl who loves Sitai.’ (Lit. ‘The girl who loves Sita i, she i rejected her.’) V. Semantics Quantificational variability effects (38) Jis larke-ne jis larki-ko dekha, aksar us-ne us-ko pasand kiyaa. had Rel boy-Erg Rel girl-Acc saw often Dem-Erg Dem-Acc liked Translation: ‘Which boy saw which girl, it is often the case that he liked her’ Interpretation: ‘For most boys and most girls, in the case a boy saw a girl, he liked her’ 3.1.2. Base-Generated Adjunction (Srivastav 1991, Dayal 1996, Anderson 2007, Liptak to appear): (39) [IP/CP [Cor-CP …Rel(-XPi)…]i [IP …[DEM-XP Dem(-XPi)]…]] (i) “What you see is what you get.” (ii) Counter examples of the movement approach I. Non-constituency between the Cor-CP and Dem in other languages (40) *A szervezők ingyen beengedik [CP aki korán jön] azt. the organizers freely Pv-admit-3Pl Rel-who early comes that-Acc
(Hungarian)
‘[Those who come early] whom the organizers admit for free.’ (41) Question: Who came first? ott Answer: [CorCP Aki
áll
], (*az)
(Hungarian)
Rel-who there stands that ‘The one who stands there’ (cf. (35))
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II. No reconstruction of the correlative clause to the main clause: (42) a. *azt meghívta proi [CorCP Akit szeret Marii] (pro=Mari) that-Acc invited Rel-who-Acc loves Mari
(Hungarian)
*‘Shei invited who(ever) Marii loves to the party.’ b. [CorCP Akit szeret Marii], azt meghívta proi a buliba. Rel-who-Acc loves Mari that-Acc invited the party-to ‘Who(ever) Marii loves, shei invited to the party.’ (43) [CorCP Jun siksak-lai Rāmi
man parauncha], unlei unlai buddhiman thāncha. (Nepali)
Rel teacher-Dat Ram likes 3sg-Erg 3Sg-Dat intelligent considers ‘Rami considers the teacher hei lies to be intelligent.’ (44) [CorCP Joneki
maite du.en.a]j,
harki
huraj berekin
Jon-Erg loves Aux-en-Sg that-Erg that with-him ‘Whom(ever) Joni loves, hei will take him with him(self).’
hartuko
du. (N. Basque)
take-Prosp
Aux
III. Constraints on Movement Unobserved (45) [CorCP Jun manche tyo gharma basthyo]i, Rāmle kathā sunāyo ki uskoi pharak paricaya thiyo. (Nepali) Rel man Dem house-Loc lived Ram-Erg story told that Dem-Gen different life was ‘Ram told a story that the man who lived in that house had a secret life.’ Lit. ‘[Which man lived in that house]i, Ram told a story that [the man ti] had a secret life.’ (46) [CorCP Nork ere huts egiten bait du], ez dut ezagutzen, [DP[hura who-Erg ere mistake doing bait Aux Neg Aux-1Sg know that gizona]. man-SG
zigortuko du.en] punish-PROSP AUX-en
lit. '[Who makes a mistake], I don't know [the man [who would punish him]].' (N. Basque) IV. Semantics Some correlative clause expresses generalized quantification instead of restricting the referent of the head noun, thus the constituenthood formed by CorCP and Dem in the expression of modification is unmotivated. (47) [Jaslai bhok lag-cha], usle khan-cha. (Nepali free relatives) Rel-Dat hunger feel-3S.Pr 3S-Erg eat-3S.Pr ‘Whoever is hungry will eat’ (i.e. For x such that x is hungry, x will eat) (48) [Jaba baadal lagcha], taba paani parcha. Rel-time clouds feel-Pr Dem-time water fall-Pr ‘When it’s cloudy, it rains’ (i.e. For an occasion x such that it is cloudy in x, it rains in x)
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This is especially true for multiple correlatives that express a quantificational reading: (49) [CorCP Jis larkii-ne jis larke-ke-saath khel-aa
], us-ne
us-ko haraa-yaa.
(Hindi)
Rel-Obl girl-Erg Rel-Obl boy-with play-Perf Dem-Erg Dem-Acc defeat-Perf ‘A girl who played with a boy defeated him.’ (Lit. ‘Which girl played with which boy, the girl defeated the boy.’) Typological conclusion I: (50) i. The underlying position of the correlative clause is closely related to its movement possibility. ii. For ‘moving’ languages, various conditions on movement are observed in correlatives iii. For ‘non-moving’ languages, no conditions on movement are observed in correlatives. 3.1.3. Motivation of movement in correlative constructions: Topicalization and Focalization (52) Liptak (to appear): i. [CP2 [CorCP ...Rel-XP...]i... [CP1
[CorCP ...Rel-XP...]i [TopP Dem-XPk
ii. [CP2 [CorCP ...Rel-XP...]i ... [CP1
[CorCP ...Rel-XP...]i [FocP Dem-XPk
[ Dem-XPk
...]](topicalization)
[ Dem-XPk ... ]] (focalization)
The correlative clause overtly moves to the sentence-initial topic and focus position: - Topic movement: (53) a. ?[CorCP Aki korán jön], Péter hallotta, hogy azt ingyen Rel-who early comes Péter heard that that-Acc freely 'Péter heard that [those who come early] are admitted for free.' ‘lit. For those who come early, Péter heard that (they) are admitted for free.’
beengedik. Pv-admit-3Pl
b. %*[CorCP Aki korán jön], Péter hallotta a hírt, hogy azt ingyen beengedik. Rel-who early comes Péter heard the news-Acc that that-Acc freely Pv-admit-3Pl ‘Péter heard the news that those who come early, are admitted for free.’ ‘lit. For those who come early, Péter heard the news that (they) are admitted for free.’ - Focus movement: (54) a. ?[CorCP Aki korán Rel-who early
jön], Péter hallotta hogy AZT engedik be ingyen. come Péter heard that that-Acc admit-3Pl Pv freely
‘Péter heard that it is [those who come early] who are admitted for free.’ ‘lit. (It is) those who come early, that Péter heard that (they) are admitted for free.’ b. *[CorCP Aki korán jön], Péter hallotta a hírt, hogy AZT engedik be ingyen. Rel-who early comes Péter heard the news-Acc that that-Acc admit-3Pl Pv freely ‘Péter heard the news that it is those who come early, who are admitted for free.’ ‘lit. (It is) those who come early, that Péter heard the news that (they) are admitted for free.’ 8
(55) a. *Jon, ez dut ezagutzen [DP[(hura) zigortuko du.en ] gizona]. Jon Neg Aux-1Sg know that punish-Prosp Aux-en man-Sg ‘Jon, I don't know the man who will punish (him).’ b.
(N. Basque)
*[Huts egiten du.en.a], ez dut ezagutzen, [DP[(hura) zigortuko du.en ] gizona]. mistake doing AUX-en-SG NEG AUX-1SG know that punish-PROSP AUX-en man-SG lit. [He who makes a mistake], I don't know the man who will punish him.'
(56) Correlatives, topicalization and left dislocation: Local
Base-generated
topicalization
Left dislocation
adjunction+movement adjunction Launching site
Adjunction of Dem
n/a
based position
n/a
Landing site
Spec-IP/TopP
n/a
Spec-IP/TopP
n/a
Conditions on
Yes
No
yes
No
Reconstruction
Yes
No
yes
No
Trace
Pronoun/Dem
Pronoun/Dem
empty
Pronoun
movement
Typological conclusion II: (57) i. Movement and base-generation are complementary to each other, i.e. A moving language (e.g. Hindi) does not base-generate a correlative clause at the sentence-peripheral position. Likewise, a base-generating language (e.g. Hungarian) never observe conditions on movement. ii. The semantics of correlative constructions is similar to that of topicalization/left dislocation. 3.2. Syntactic Positions of the Relative and Demonstrative Morphemes 3.2.1. Relative Morpheme (58) [(Jo) Sita-ko (jo) accha: lagta: hai], mujhe vo a:dmi: pasand nahiin hai. (Rel) Sita-Dat (Rel) nice seem-Imp is I-Dat Dem man like not is ‘I do not like the man who Sita likes.’
(Hindi)
3.2.1.1. Motivation of initial relative morphemes (i) Focus position - In Indo-Aryan languages, the relative morphemes are not question morphemes that receive a natural focus. - the relative morpheme is placed Spec-FocusP that is sentence-initial (Liptak to appear). (ii) The matching effect in free relative constructions. (59) a. I will buy [NP [NP whatever] you want to sell] b. I’ll word my letter [AdvP [AdvP however] you word yours] c. I’ll put my books [PP [PP wherever] you put yours] 9
-
In free relative constructions, the wh-words at the specifier positions pre-determine the syntactic category of the whole free relative clause.
-
The relative morpheme at the Spec-FocusP in the correlative clause pre-determines the syntactic category of whole correlative clause (i.e. a topic element), to which the anaphor/demonstratives in the main clause is anaphoric.
(60) a. [DP John], I liked [DP him]. b. [CP=DP [DP Which girl] is standing], [DP she] is tall.
(Matching effect)
(61) Categorial matching between Rel and Dem (e.g. Hindi): a. [CorCP ...what...] [...that...] b. [CorCP ...where...] [...there...] c. [CorCP ...when...] [...then...] d. [CorCP ...who...] [...he/she/it...] e. [CorCP ...how/which way...] [...that way...] f. [CorCP ... why/which reason...] [...that reason...] g. [CorCP ...how much...] [...that much...] 3.2.2. Demonstrative Morpheme 3.2.2.1. In-situ demonstratives: Hindi (62) [CorCP (Jo) Sita-ko
(jo) accha: lagta:
hai], mujhe vo a:dmi: pasand nahiin hai.
(Rel) Sita-Dat (Rel) nice seem-Imp is ‘I do not like the man who Sita likes.’
(Hindi)
I-Dat Dem man like not is
3.2.2.2. clause-initial demonstratives: Bulgarian (63) [CorCP Kolkoto pari iska ], toklova misli …e šte i dam (*toklova). How-much money wants that-much thinks that will her give-1sg ‘She thinks that I’ll give her as much money as she wants.’ (64) a. *[CorCP Aki korán jön], ingyen beengedik a szervezők azt. REL-who early comes freely PV-admit-3PL the organizers that-ACC
(Bulgarian)
(Hungarian)
‘Those who come early they admit for free.’ b. [CorCP Aki korán jön], (azt) a szervezők (?azt) INGYEN engedik be. REL-who early comes that-ACC the organizers that-ACC freely admit-3PL
PV
‘Those who come early the organizers admit FOR FREE (and not for money).’ c. *[CorCP Aki korán jön], azt Péter hallotta a hírt, hogy ingyen beengedik. REL-who early comes that-ACC Péter heard the news-ACC that freely PV-admit-3PL ‘Péter heard the news that those who come early are admitted for free.’ 10
(65) Theoretical conclusions: i. Language can readily make use of Merge (e.g. base-generated adjunction) and Move (e.g. local adjunction plus movement), in the sense of Chomsky 1995. ii. This applies to correlative constructions as well, i.e. moving languages observe island constraints, whereas non-moving languages do not observe them. iii. Syntactic derivation therefore does not prioritize Merge over Move, contra Chomsky’s (1995) proposal of economy of derivation. (contra Bhatt 2003) Reference: Anderson, C (2007). A non-constituent analysis of Nepali correlative constructions. Paper presented in LSA 2007, Anaheim. Bagchi, T (1994). Bangla correlative pronouns, relative clause order, and D-linking. In M. Butt, T. H. King, and G. Ramchand (eds.), Theoretical Perspectives on Word Order in South Asian Languages. Stanford, California: CSLI Publications. Bhatt, R (1997). Matching effects and the syntax-morphology interface: evidence from Hindi correlatives. In B. Bruening (ed.), Proceedings of SCIL 8, MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 31, MITWPL, Cambridge, MA: 53-68. Bhatt, R (2003). Locality in correlatives. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 210:485-541. Cable, S (2005). A Reply to Bhatt (2003): Correlatives in Tibetan as Evidence for the Parameterization of Local Merge. Ms. MIT. Chomsky, N (1995). The Minimalist Program. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press. Dayal, V (1996). Locality in Wh Quantification. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academics. Downing, B (1973). Correlative relative clauses in universal grammar. In Minnesota Working Papers in Linguistics and Philosophy, no 62. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Givón, T (2001). Syntax: An Introduction (vol. I). Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Izvorski, R (1996). The syntax and semantics of correlative proforms. In K. Kusumoto (ed.), Proceedings of NELS 26, GLSA Amherst, Massachusetts. 133-147. Lehmann, C (1984). Der Relativsatz. Tuebingen: Gunther Narr Verlag. Leung, T. T-C (2007). On the matching requirement in correlatives. Ms, University of Southern California, Los Angeles (to appear in V. Dayal and A. Liptak (eds.), Correlatives: Theory and Typology. Elsevier). Lipták, A (2004). On the correlative nature of Hungarian left-peripheral relatives. In B. Shaer, W. Frey, C. Maienborn (eds), Proceedings of the Dislocated Elements Workshop (ZAS Berlin; November 2003), ZAS Papers in Linguistics 35. 1: 287-313. Berlin: ZAS. Lipták, A (to appear). Correlative Topicalization. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory. Lipták, A and G. Rubuschi (2006). Type s and Distribution of Northern Basque Correlatives. Ms. Masica, C (1972). Relative clauses in South Asia. In P. M. Peranteau, J. N. Levi, and G. C. Phares (eds.), The Chicago Which Hunt: Papers from the Relative Clause Festival, Chicago Linguistics Society. 198-204 Srivastav, V (1991). The syntax and semantics of correlatives. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 9:637-686.
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Wali, K (1982). Marathi correlatives: a conspectus. In P. J. Mistry (ed.), South Asian Review: Studies in South Asian Languages and Linguistics. Jacksonville, Florida, South Asian Literary Association. 78-88.
Tommi Leung Program of General Linguistics College of Humanities and Social Sciences United Arab Emirates University P.O Box 17771, Al Ain, UAE
1
The data are referenced as follows: Bambara (Givón 2001); Bangla (Bagchi 1994); Bulgarian (Izvorski 1996); Dutch (Izvorski
1996); Gujarathi (Masica 1972); Hindi (Bhatt 2003); Hittite (Downing 1973); Hungarian (Lipták to appear); Korean (Hyuna Byun, p.c.); Lhasa Tibetan (Cable 2005); Marathi (Wali 1982); Nepali (Anderson 2007); Polish (Citko 2007); North Basque (Liptak and Rubuschi 2006); Serbo-Croatian (Izvorski 1996); Thai (Kingkarn Thepkanjana, p.c); Sanskrit (Lehmann 1974); Vietnamese (Thuan Tran, p.c). 2
Abbreviations are used as follows: Acc – Accusative; Aux – Auxiliary; Conj – Conjunction; Dat – Dative; Decl – Declarative;
Dem – Demonstrative; Erg – Ergative; Gen –
Genitive; Ger – Gerund; Hab – Habitual; Imperf – Imperfective; Instr –
Instrumental; Nom – Nominal marker; Neg – Negation; Obl – Oblique; Part – Participle; Pfv – Perfective; Pl – Plural; Pot – Potential; Pres – Present; Prog – Progressive; Prt – Particle; Pst – Past; Pv – preverbal element; Rcl – Relative clause marker; Refl – Reflexive; Rel – Relative; Sg – Singular; Top – Topic; 1 – 1st Person; 2 – 2nd Person; 3 – 3rd Person. 3
The matching requirement can be violated in some languages when certain conditions are met.
Hungarian that allow pro-drop, the demonstrative morpheme can be dropped in main clause.
For instance in Hindi and
The discussion of these examples is
beyond the scope of this paper. For details, see Bhatt 1997 and Leung 2007. 4
N.B.: The actual details of the differences between correlatives and other types of relative constructions vary from language to
language. The demonstration of Hindi correlatives does not apply across the board.
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