© Inter Alia Occasional Research Paper No. 2

The Greek austerity protests and their representation in the British Press By Georgina Papada

ABSTRACT Between October 2011 and February 2012, protest events in Greece peaked, with thousands of Greek citizens taken to the streets to join the marches against the austerity measures imposed by the government. These protests have been stigmatised by vandalisms and the eruption of violence during confrontations between protesters and the riot police, while pictures of such events travelled worldwide. The primary goal of this paper is to present the image of the Greek demonstrations that took place primarily in Athens from October to February, as captured by the British press. This analysis takes as a case study the articles of two newspapers of different styles: the Guardian as a broadsheet paper and the Daily Mail as a tabloid. The literature review chapter covers the academic research conducted on protests throughout the years, also including the media coverage of protests, a brief background section on the history of Greek movements as well as the concept of violence existing in demonstrations. Furthermore, the conceptual framework introduces the tools used during this project, building the bridge to the section of methodology, where Fairclough’s work on critical discourse analysis is explained along with the difficulties and challenges that were encountered during this research. In the empirical chapter, critical discourse analysis is applied to the articles of the Guardian and the Daily Mail, which are analysed in terms of the use of language, the contradictory angles and the tone of the journalists in order to identify the meanings constructed, the differences between the representations of the events as well as the possible implications for the reading audience. Key Words: protests, Greece, economic crisis, media, images

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

ii

Introduction/ Greek Economic Crisis Background It was on the 13th of February 2012 when vandalising images travelled across the world and the international press reported buildings on fire, protesters throwing stones and petrol bombs towards the Parliament and many more violent scenes that took place in the centre of Athens, the Greek capital, and other cities throughout the country. The reason for the protests was the voting of new austerity measures including, among others, 5,000 publicsector job cuts, liberalisation of labour laws and lowering the minimum wage by 20 percent from 751 euro a month to 600 euro. These measures drove indignant Greek citizens to the streets as a way of expressing their frustration. Greece played its role in the international crisis scenario when it borrowed heavily in international capital markets during the last decade to fund the government’s budget and current account deficits, which made the country vulnerable and questioned its ability to pay its growing debt (Nelson, Belkin and Mix, 2010). Two groups of tough austerity measures were introduced by former Greek Prime Minister George Papandreou, including a rise of the retirement age level by two years, a public sector pay freeze and a crackdown on tax evasion. (France24, 2010). Consequently, Greek citizens became rather preoccupied by the effects the new measures would have on their way of living, and they commenced various rounds of strikes in every possible sector, closing airports, schools and civil services departments. Protests soon spread all over the country, reaching their peak in February 2012, when the new austerity package was voted. The development of the Greek crisis over the last four years and the widespread political unpredictability, have caused strong feelings of uncertainty, confusion and fear amongst the Greek citizens. The traditional governmental parties have lost part of their influence, both because of the fact that the policies applied diachronically led to the crisis and also because when it came to handling the crisis, they did not show sincerity and effectiveness. The unreliable and insufficient operation of institutions and the excessive restrictions that the state has placed on the competition and business dexterity led the Greek economy into low competitiveness, excessive public debt and a high deficit of commercial balance. The state consequently wasted money that it did not have, while the households consumed more than what they produced. The consumption was financed to a great degree by public debt, which was accumulated starting from 1980 onwards. After entering the Euro zone, instead of benefitting from the good economic situation and improving the public finances and structural changes that would lead to an increase of investments, the low interest rates led to the increase of exterior lending and competitiveness of economy continued to decrease. Simultaneously, the European mechanisms of monitoring were proven absolutely insufficient in limiting the problem; the

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

1

excessive lending of Greece was taking place under the awareness of its European partners, the rating agencies erroneously believed that the Greek obligations had low risk and the European banks did not have sufficient motives to be turned in obligations from countries with lower risk. In the recent Greek elections (May – June 2012), the citizens turned massively to voices that are populist, nationalistic and even fascist. This was a reaction to the dramatic reduction of their incomes along with the hope for the existence of less painful solutions. The movements of contestation and protest that were first formed during the '60s and '70s constituted the inspirational uterus through which the new social movements were born. In Greece, these particular movements did not have the chance to accomplish a dynamic and autonomous substance. The situation in the country during these decades was at a crucial point, as while social movements were growing in the rest of Europe, Greeks were fighting to restore democracy. At a time when social criticism is shaped around crucial issues, such as racism, sexism, the ethics of urban order and the environment, the main concern for Greece was the resistance to dictatorship, known as the Colonels Junta (1967-1974). However, despite this particular historical and economic situation, the renewed Left played an important role in the growth of new social movements in the country. These movements found their space as well as a form of expression in Greek society. Any theoretical discussion about action raises the simple question of how people without institutional resources claim or even express their dissatisfaction against authorities. Reviewing the history of social fights, both in Greece and in Europe, it is clear that the act of protesting remain relatively intact throughout time. Demonstrations, strikes, concentrations and even barricades constitute some of the routines used by the people. However, despite the fact that representations of collective action are relatively foreseeable, the clashes they initiate can be extremely unanticipated. The 2000s formed an extended and conflicting circle concerning Greek social shaping. The fight against the Giannitsis actuarial plan in 2001, the events in Thessalonica in 2003, the mass anti-war rallies of the same year, the student movement of 2006-2007 along with the parallel fights of schoolteachers, the events of December 2008 and the occupation movement afterwards create a completely different setting for movements, distinct from that of 1990, concerning the multiplied citizens’ requirements. Nevertheless, the practice of protesting has been central to politics of the Western world and of interest to academic circles during the last quarter of the century. Defined as social movements or not, it is an undeniable fact that protests and demonstrations become known to the public mainly through media attention and coverage, and “it is through the same means that wider support or legitimacy for their actions and aims can be potentially won-or lost” (Cottle, 2008). However, the media seems to cover only a small fraction of protests

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

2

which, in addition to a tendency to stress certain aspects of the story, raises the potentiality of a biased selection of news. This also raises the potential of framing the protests within certain discourses, which conceals the protesters’ goals and reasons for demonstrating. This project will attempt to discover whether and to what extent this phenomenon takes place. Does the media coverage of the demonstrators focus on the issues they are attempting to highlight or does the press cover the events themselves, excluding the issues that each movement targets? How is the discourse of violence being used, and what kinds of meanings are created in each case? Through the process of analysing the interdependent relationship of protests and media, this research will focus on Greece’s protest events that took place from October 2011 to February 2012. Attention will be given to the way they were presented in the UK by both broadsheets and tabloids at that time, taking as a case study one newspaper of each style: the Guardian as quality paper and the Daily Mail as tabloid. The research will be conducted based on academic literature on protests and social movements combined with relevant documents on the media coverage of such events, with special interest on the technique of framing and the discourse of violence. As far as the empirical part is concerned, articles and photographs of both newspapers will be analysed under the scope of critical discourse analysis.

Literature Review/ Conceptual Framework This chapter aims to approach protests as events by analysing the existing academic literature on protests, the emotions and actions of the protesters and by focusing on the role of media in the coverage of events and how certain aspects of demonstrations are stressed more than others when broadcasted. It is worth mentioning that while this research was conducted, numerous papers concerning the financial aspect of the Greek crisis were found, (Eichengreen, 2010; Nelson et al. 2010; Lynn, 2010) whereas there are no existing academic documents in relation to the Greek protests over the recession and the recent austerity measures the government passed. However, certain Greek articles and political party positions have been translated and utilized. The lack of literature on protests appears to exist both due to time restraints, as the events took place recently, and also because protests in Greece were started by the disapproval of governmental decisions and the frustration of Greek citizens whose salaries and pensions were cut down, which means that they cannot be defined as an ‘occupy’ situation or even social movement, as for example the London Riots or the Arab Uprising were. If the former was to be compared to Greek protests, one would most likely discover similarities with the events that took place in Greece three years ago, following the death of

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

3

Alexis Grigoropoulos. He was a kid who was shot dead by a police officer, an incident that initiated demonstrations in many Greek cities and is similar as a case to events in London and the recent riots initiated from the death of Mark Duggan. Nonetheless, London riots were mostly an expression of youth anger, in contrast to the Greek austerity protests, which reflect the desperation and mobilisation of people of different ages and from a variety of backgrounds who joined behind a common need for change in the current political status quo and economic situation as well as resistance to the imposition of unpopular laws. The Arab Spring, on the other hand, constitutes a series of revolutionary movements throughout different countries by those seeking freedom and the alteration of corrupted regimes.

Defining Protest One of the most accurate definitions of the concept of protest appears to be the one of Turner (1969), who describes it as an act which includes the following elements: “The action expresses a grievance, a conviction of wrong or injustice; the protestors are unable to correct the condition directly by their own efforts; the action is intended to draw attention to the grievances; the action is further meant to provoke ameliorative steps by some target group; and the protestors depend upon some combination of sympathy and fear to move the target group in their behalf ”. The act of protesting constitutes a part of the diverse term of ‘resistance’, which is used by scholars to “describe a wide variety of actions and behaviours at all levels of human social life (individual, collective and institutional) and in a number of different settings, including political systems, entertainment, literature and the workplace” (Hollander and Einwohner, 2004). The term is also highly associated with social movements and the actions taking place during them, such as demonstrations, picketing and the formation of organisations.

Protests and Emotions Despite the demands and goals that lie behind every demonstration, rather significant elements of social movements or protests are the emotions and their existence in social actions. Jasper (2011) argues that emotions exist in protests as “they motivate individuals, are generated in crowds, are expressed rhetorically, and shape stated and unstated goals of social movements”. Emotions can be categorised as primary, such as anger and surprise, or secondary, as shame and compassion, which mainly depend on the individual cultural background. Scholars claim that the presence of emotions in protests is normal and expected, and so the rationality of demonstrators should not be questioned. Jasper continues by setting emotions within certain concepts as the one of moral shock, according to which “the prospect of unexpected and sudden changes in one’s surroundings can arouse

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

4

feelings of dread and anger. The former can paralyse, the latter can be the basis for mobilisation” (1998). This theory seems to be well applied to the case of protests originated from the frustration of citizens due to economic crisis and its effects on their incomes; in other words the case of Greece, where a diverse, desperate group of people demonstrated about the austerity measures they were forced to endure. Protest events are more likely to take place in an unstable environment where people experience changes in any direction. People unite under shared emotions and create a collective identity. The concept of collective identity is perceived as “an individual’s cognitive, moral and emotional connection with a broader community, category, practice, or institution” (Polletta and Jasper, 2001). However, collective identity should be differentiated from common ideology, which could be shared by people without necessarily empathising with each other, even within the gulfs of a movement. The Marxist-Leninist tradition urges individuals to repel their sentimental world as a sign of commitment to the common need for revolution, while in the later texts of classic social theory references to emotions are indirect and not specific. As far as Greece is concerned, given the ascertainment that the years after the Change of Regime (1974 onwards) are characterized by the osmosis of political with emotional for the Greek Left, with regard to the formation of the left identity, the emotional parameter tends to be equivalent to the political one. Consequently, turning to emotions in order to represent the Greek political culture seems to be more vital than ever. Jasper observes that it is possible for emotions to be examined in the same way as some familiar cultural meanings, as they show the following similarities; cross-correlation with social rules from which the individuals deviate with proportional sanctions in this case, tensions between public and private events and they can also constitute collective processes of learning. The new social movements sealed the transformation of social values from the disciplinary factorial scheme to other forms of production, where information, communication, mobility, knowledge and emotion all play an important part.

Protests and Media Coverage The way the media covers protests has been a major issue in the academic agenda since the late 1960s. As Gamson and Wolfsfeld (1993) argue in Mc Curdy (2012), social movements seek media coverage for three reasons: “First, media coverage helps mobilize the public by extending the movement message beyond and arguably outside of the scope of internal movement publications. Second, mainstream media attention validates the existence of the movement. Third, media discourse performs ‘scope enlargement’ whereby the reporting of conflict over an issue, opens that issue up for debate thereby potentially increasing the power of the social movement”.

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

5

However, media tend to frame protests and images, and this phenomenon raises the question of what extent the message presented to the audience is real or constructed. According to Halloran et.al (1970), “the event achieves reality by being reported, while in addition consequences may flow from the report which actually shapes the original reality in accordance with the meanings given to it by the news”. Analysing the Anti-Vietnam War movement and its representation both in the press and television, Halloran et.al identified the media bias as they only focused on the clash of police and demonstrators and, as argued in Newlands (2009), “the representation of marchers as young hooligans empties the event of any political context, shaping the identity of the protesters as violent, giving an indication of the way in which ideas about current events are structured, simplified and fed into the general social consciousness” (Halloran et al., 1970:216). Another interesting perspective has been given by Gitlin, who presented the way Students for a Democratic Society in the 1960s were “subject to media framing that increasingly trivialised, polarised, marginalised and disparaged the protesters and their aims, and emphasised the violence of demonstrations” (Gitlin, 1980 as argued in Cottle, 2008). The most appropriate approach to media coverage of news appears to be the constructionist one, which refuses any journalistic objectivity at the representation of news because “business leaders are rarely observed and described as individuals per se but are seen as representatives or personifications of the organisations in their charge” (Chen and Meindl, 1991). Thus, the information used or disregarded during the construction of meanings and images is a very significant issue. The routine which traditional media follow when it comes to covering a protest event is described as ‘the protest paradigm’. Harlow and Johnson (2011) support that “McLeod and Hertog (1999) extended this idea of a news template for protest coverage, specifying elements such as narrative structure, or framing, and a reliance on official sources -elements that lead, ultimately to the de-legitimisation, marginalisation, and even demonization of protesters”. Furthermore, the protest paradigm involves the accentuation of dramatic and violent events. Violence and drama play a crucial role in coverage of protests, being closely related to the ‘management of visibility’ (Thompson, 1995 as argued in Craig, 2002). Governmental policies focus on the control of information distribution to the audience “to ensure that the desired messages are communicated to the public. This management and control is not only a feature of occasional intense media scrutiny, such as election campaigns, but is a feature of everyday political activity”. Considering the above, the impartiality of media coverage cannot help but be questioned and criticised. Analysing the relationship between protests and media, two major types of bias are revealed concerning the latter: selection and description bias of coverage. Scholars argue (Smith et al., 2001 and McCurthy et al., 1996) that editors and reporters decide which

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

6

information is newsworthy and how it will be reported to the public. Selection bias “involves media gatekeepers, (eg. editors’) choices of a very small number of protest events to report from a much larger pool of events which could be reported”. The above definition points out the fact that size is one of the important characteristics raising the possibility of media coverage. Moreover, the timing of a protest event along with the place are of high significance, as they attract media attention resulting in “the peaks of issue cycles” that provide “windows of opportunity for demonstrators” (McCurthy et al., 1996). Nevertheless, after the selection has been made the media has to serve the event to the audience in an appealing package. In the case of description bias, the media constructs meanings and interpretations of the events, altering the initial objectives of the protesters in favour of professional interests. Nevertheless, “the interpretation of meanings by readers is not passive reception or discovery of what is inherent in the news but active interaction with the text involving preexisting cognition and attitudes, previous and current expectations, and the nature of the perceived social and physical environment” (Dervin, 1981; Swanson, 1981 as argued in Chen and Meindl, 1991).

Protests and Violence In their book ‘Demonstrations and Communication’, Halloran et al. (1970) highlight that when the media concentrates on an event, it stresses certain aspects of the story which it considers as more newsworthy than others, as for example the issue of violence. From a sociological point of view, violence during demonstrations has for a long time been becoming endemic. It is a common fact that protests lead to conflicts, wounds, mace and chemicals. In a paradoxical way, violent conflicts have changed to ‘regularity’, a perception that is highly problematic. Usually, also fairly, the responsibilities for the conflicts burden the police: unprovoked attacks, thoughtless use of chemicals, beastly beatings, the maintenance tactics of the violent episodes. However, this is only one side of things. Violence during protest events is endemic because, apart from the police, there are also teams of demonstrators that systematically promote conflicts with the police. It is a fact that Greek society is rather tolerant towards anomy, perhaps more significantly than other Western countries. This is a problem well argued. But still, Greece is not more violent than other societies. Greek people are not more aggressive for some innate reason. Violence is only an expression of this anomy, same as the tax evasion. Others are the illegal quartering, the dangerous control, the occupation of public buildings and the doctors’ bribery routine. In unstable times like this when people get carried away by the blame game, especially between political parties, the words of Roza Luxemburg appear to be more topical than

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

7

ever. She believed that violence, since the appearance of parliamentarism, not only continued to play a historical role but is also, as in all past times, the base of sovereign political order. A capitalistic state is, in its entirety, based on violence. Military organisation is a concrete proof. Nevertheless, focusing on protests, media appear to be more interested in covering the events in an episodic way, focusing on specific events such as violent acts. Johnson and Noakes (2005) support that “because social movements have a hard time achieving consistent access to media outlets, they are often forced to stage dramatic events to capture media attention. The unusual nature of these events all but guarantees that they will be framed episodically”. It is rather interesting to take a look at protests which took place recently, as for instance the anti-Iraq war demonstrations, where protestors, especially young people, were related directly to violence by British press and described with harsh language. It is a fact that ever since the 1960s, violence along with images of law and order are use as ‘media templates’, according to Kitzinger (2000,2004) with “media focusing on the images of violence and disruption to the social order” (Cushion, 2007). Despite the differences noticed between newspapers depending on their nature (‘quality/popular’), as Halloran et.al (1970) observe, it is interesting to realise that in the case of protest events, both in the press and in television, “viewers and readers were not presented with various interpretations focusing on different aspects of the same event, but with basically the same interpretation which focused on the same limited aspect - the issue of violence”. Even though this particular research has used as a case study the anti-Vietnam war marches in London, it appears to apply perfectly in the case of Greek protests, which were differently represented from the two British newspapers but both within the violence frame.

Conceptual Framework The main concept to be analysed in this project is the discourse of violence and the way it is used by media, especially during the coverage of protest events. Furthermore, newspaper media articles will be analysed with the help of critical discourse analysis in order to identify how papers frame the events and the meanings constructed in each case. As far as the concept of framing is concerned, it has been defined in various ways, the most appropriate of which for this particular research document appears to be the definition of Snow and Benford (1988:137), who identify a frame as “an interpretative schema that simplifies and condenses the ‘world out there’ by selectively punctuating and encoding objects, situations, events, experiences and sequences of action”. This definition has been used – among other documents- in the social movements’ literature in order to discover different ways that media interprets certain events. However, it is a matter of accuracy to juxtapose also Entman’s perspective (1993:52), according to whom media frames “select some aspects of a perceived reality and make them more salient in a communicating text”.

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

8

Frames are used to either emphasise or suppress certain aspects of the news to drive the attention and construct the message presented to the audience. In addition, the portrait of framing is highly related to the game of power in the political domain, especially when correlated with the media, as “it plays a major role in the exertion of political power, and the frame in a news text is really the imprint of power - it registers the identity of actors or interests that competed to dominate the text” (Entman, 1993). News frames are divided into two distinct categories: the thematic and the episodic. As Gamson, Fireman and Rytina argue in Johnston and Noakes (2005), thematic frames appear to give more information about the background story of an event and “include the social and historical conditions that gave rise to events, ideological discussion and analysis and detailed articulation of grievances”. Episodic framing, in contrast, tends to focus more on specific events and individual moments while it “typically features dramatic visual footage” (Iyengar, 2005). News coverage is usually episodically framed, focusing on dramatic and violent images and on the disruption of social order. Selecting to broadcast vandalism and demonising protestors appears to be a routine for journalists. Thus, “by portraying a problem without reference to its structural parallels or causes, or by emphasising the drama of a protest event rather than the substance of protester critiques, the mass media encourage shallow understandings of these issues and discourage the critical engagement of audiences” (Smith et al., 2001). As far as the collection of data is concerned, the most appropriate and efficient way appears to be the engagement of the media theory with critical discourse analysis and the hidden power of media. In his book ‘Language and Power’, Fairclough supports that “media discourse is able to exercise a pervasive and powerful influence in social reproduction” (1989). This project will attempt to understand the creation of different meanings given by British newspapers using Critical Discourse Analysis, a method which will be analytically observed in the following chapter.

Methodology This chapter aims to define Critical Discourse Analysis (henceforth CDA) and its aspects as well as to justify its selection as the most appropriate research method for the analysis of the data collected by UK broadsheets and tabloids. Additionally, the strong and weak points of CDA as a tool will be mentioned and analysed along with the process of mapping the research population and acquiring the newspaper articles. The most suitable definition of CDA for this particular project appears to be the one of Ruth Wodak (1995), who claims that “critical linguistics (CL) and CDA may be defined as fundamentally interested in analysing opaque as well as transparent structural relationships of dominance, discrimination, power and control as manifested in language”. Moreover, he claims that CDA focuses particularly on contemporary social change, on the role of semiosis

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

9

figures in this process and on the “shifts in the relationship between semiosis and other social elements within networks or practices” (Wodak and Meyer, 2001). The advantage of this method over discourse or text analysis is that it takes into consideration the social structures that lead to the formation of a text as well as the meanings created by the readers once they access a text. There have been numerous academic documents about CDA (Teun A. van Dijk, Michael Foucault), however the most appropriate in this case seems to be the work of Norman Fairclough. According to Phillips and Jorgensen (2006:60), Fairclough’s work is considered “the most developed theory and method for research in communication”. It is important to mention that Fairclough’s approach is chosen over Foucault’s work, as the latter has proved rather weak in comparison and has received criticism (Fairclough, 1992, Chouliaraki and Fairclough, 1999) for his “neglect of textual analysis and his view of discourse as constitutive”. However, the most important reason why Fairclough’s work was chosen to support this project is his theory of ‘interdiscourse’ or ‘orders of discourse’, the Foucaultian term he would prefer to use. He claims that ‘elements’ are the parts of an order of discourse and that “it is feasible that boundaries between settings and practices should be so naturalised that these subject positions are lived as complementary” (1992) or under different circumstances become contradictory. Fairclough’s perception of CDA rounds off to it being “an analysis of dialectical relations between discourse and other objects, elements of moments, as well as analysis of the ‘internal relations’ of discourse” (2010). He focuses on the relations between language and power, ideology and social change, and is also concerned with “the study of power and institutional discourse, stressing the intertextuality of different forms of social practice (…) In his view, language use is always simultaneously constitutive of social identities, social relations and systems of knowledge and belief” (Wodak, 1995). As far as the critical aspect of DA is concerned, the term ‘critique’ exists in CDA to distinguish it from other research methods, as it adds a regulating angle to it. It stresses “what is wrong with a society (an institution, an organisation, etc.) and how ‘wrongs’ might be ‘righted’ or mitigated from a particular normative standpoint” (Fairclough, 2010). The way power and language are related constitutes a crucial dimension in this project, as it is apparent in both written and spoken language (with the main interest in use of language in newspaper articles). In his book Language and Power (1989), Fairclough argues that there is power in and behind discourse. Power in discourse is mainly found in face-to-face spoken communication. However, the case of power behind discourse, or hidden power, appears more intriguing as examples are found in media discourse, of which the main interest of this research is comprised. In his analysis of discourse and power (1989), Fairclough mentions that “media discourse is designed for mass audiences, and there is no way that producers can even know who is in the audience, let alone adapt to its diverse sections”.

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

10

He continues to argue that power relationships between people in power and the mass audience form a sort of mediation, given the fact that “in the British media, the balance of sources and perspectives and ideology is overwhelmingly in favour of existing powerholders”. Consequently, the hidden power of media discourse has a manipulative impact on readers, which depends on the way news is reported and other media activities. Media discourse is able to exercise a pervasive and powerful influence in social reproduction because of the very scale of modern mass media and the extremely high level of exposure of whole populations to a relatively homogeneous output. Fairclough explains in his book, Media Discourse, how news events can be transformed over time through ideological as well as linguistic methods when “such ideological-linguistic processes are also processes of struggle, in which choosing to represent an event in one way may also be refusing to represent it in other currently available ways” (1995). It is indisputable that words and meanings are closely related and that one, both as producer or reader, faces daily the dilemma of how a word should be used, how meanings should be expressed and how they should be interpreted. Fairclough (1992) notes that such dilemmas and decisions constitute part of social reality as, in his terms, “the meanings of words and the wording of meanings are matters which are socially variable and socially contested and facets of wider social and cultural processes”. Newspapers use what Fairclough (2007: 101136) describes as ‘intertextuality’ – reference to previous historical texts – to tacitly address political or social issues. They adopt positions on these issues and thus encourage further audience deliberation. Using a combination of suggestive, intertextual and critical words, newspapers steer readers in certain directions. (Hall, 2012). To conclude the theoretical analysis of CDA, in his work Fairclough acknowledges that CDA is not to be used individually but within an analytical framework of discourse as text, as practice and as social practice, which leads to the importance of interpretation. According to him: Interpretation is necessary at two levels. One level is a matter of trying to make sense of the features of texts by seeing them as elements in discourse practice, in particular as ‘traces’ of the processes of text production (including the intertextual and interdiscursive combination of heterogeneous elements and conventions), and as ‘cues’ in the processes of text interpretation. Fairclough,1992. At this point, it is imperative to mention the difficulties that arose and had to be overcome throughout this project. The initial idea for the research was to identify the way British broadsheet newspapers were presenting Greek protests and how they evaluate and represent the origins of violence, with specific focus on The Guardian and the Daily Telegraph. Colindale Library was the first stop of the journey in order to collect the articles needed. This unfortunately did not prove as helpful as expected, due to the fact that the timeframe to be analysed was quite recent and some of the articles from the Daily Telegraph

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

11

were not in the library’s archive yet. Consequently, the next step was to use the online versions of both newspapers. Having decided to focus on the relevant editorials of each newspaper, it was surprising to discover that neither publication provided any relevant editorials about Greek protests from that time – the protests’ peak in February 2012. Consequently, there was an alteration of plans and the paper that was finally chosen for analysis was the Daily Mail, due to its tabloid nature – a contrast with broadsheet that would hopefully provide interesting findings. Due to this fact, it was a real challenge to discover different representations of the events, some closer to the writer’s perception of ‘real’ and some rather conflicting. In Fowler’s words, “there are different ways of saying the same thing and they are not random, accidental alternatives. Differences in expression carry ideological distinctions (and thus differences in representation)” (1991:4). When it comes to news, it is indisputable that it can be reported in such ways that lead to conceptions being shaped and readers being driven in different directions. This research will examine the different approaches to the same subject, how violence escalates during protests and, more specifically, the Greek protests that took place within the last two years and the way they were represented in two different British newspapers: the Guardian and the Daily Mail. The choice of these particular newspapers was made due to the fact that they belong to separate categories, the former constitutes a broadsheet whereas the latter belongs to the mid market newspapers or tabloids. The most essential differentiation between the two is the daily circulation numbers, which in the case of tabloids are ten times higher than broadsheet papers (The Guardian, 2012). This is related to the wider ‘sharing’ of tabloids and their more common appearance in public places, such as the commute, which affect the number of daily readers. Another significant difference between the two is their news agenda. As Castro elaborates in his paper (1985), tabloids are mostly mass entertainment, which justifies the fact that they are smaller than the other papers, have bigger illustrations, different typographic codes and an unsensational prose style (...) By contrast, quality newspapers, also known as ‘broadsheets’, have a larger format to emphasise news coverage, political and economic analysis and social and cultural issues. Furthermore, “readership patterns correlate with socio-economic status; the majority of readers of tabloids are in ‘working class’ demographics” (Boykoff, 2008). In addition, it is a common belief that the Guardian adopts a left-wing approach to news coverage along with an attempt from its reporters to be factual and neutral. Alternatively, the Daily Mail, apart from the fact that as a tabloid it historically tends to focus on emotions, political scandals and crimes among others (Connell, 1998; Sparks and Tulloch, 2000 as referenced in Boykoff, 2008), is known for its right-wing agenda and its overly pessimistic headlines.

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

12

Moreover, the choice of language varies between the two papers, as the Guardian uses formal language and is more syntactically complex than the Daily Mail, which appears to be simpler in terms of syntax and more informal. The role of headlines in the press is crucial as, due to the overload of information the readers are exposed to daily, they “function as negotiators between stories and readers” (Dor,2003). Van Dijk (1985) claims that, “in news discourse, headlines and leads are used to express or to infer the theme or topic (…) are read and interpreted first and their formal or semantic information initiate a complex process of understanding”. It also appears that the headlines in tabloid newspapers are slightly different than those in ‘quality’ papers, as they may not be very informative but “they very efficiently trigger frames and belief systems in the reader’s mind; they evoke images and scenarios in the reader” (Dor, 2003). The significance of images used in newspaper articles should not be neglected, as they are part of the semiosis, an “element of the social at all levels” (Fairclough as appeared in Rogers, 2003). Fairclough (2001) argues that “semiosis includes all forms of meaning-making visual images and body language, as well as verbal language”. In the case of newspaper article analysis, the text of an article, along with the image that supports it, reveal the ideology behind the news. A simple explanation of a journalistic photograph could be that of an image that attempts to capture the moment and present reality. Nevertheless, there are numerous different perceptions of the same reality. Carter (2000) supports the idea that despite the fact that a photograph may resemble or imitate something, making it iconic, the most important element for this to be achieved is actually the light from the subject, which makes it less arbitrary and indexical. In other words the signifier and the signified are connected directly, both physically and casually”. Additionally, the newspaper photograph is an object that has been worked on, chosen, composed, constructed and treated according to professional, aesthetic or ideological norms which are so many factors of connotation (Barthes cited in Bagnell, 1977:98, as argued in Gambles, 1998). Both the Guardian and the Daily Mail provide collections of pictures related to the Greek protests and the violent clashes between protesters and the police. Even though both papers choose the discourse of violence to narrate the events that took place, the fact that they embrace different angles and representations of the news, referring to different audiences, is reflected in their choice of photographs and will be analysed in the next section.

Empirical Chapter/Findings The findings from the analysis of two different newspapers will be provided as evidence for the sharpening differentiation and polarisation between tabloid and broadsheet newspapers, while at the same time they verify the opinion that “frames influence opinions

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

13

by stressing specific values, facts and other considerations, endowing them with greater apparent relevance to the issue than they might appear to have under an alternative frame” (Nelson et al., 1997 as referenced in Scheufele, 2000). As clarified above, the timeframe of this research was chosen for the emphasis on the peak of recent Greek protests, so articles from February 2012 – specifically the 12th and 13th of February - and October 2011 are included. Coverage from both the Guardian and the Daily Mail use the discourse of violence, focusing on events that took place during the demonstrations but providing different representations. The former is trying to keep a balance between the opposed groups of protesters and police, while informing readers at the same time about the political background and parliamentary agenda. However, the latter is leaning clearly and superficially towards law and order and how these are being violated by demonstrations, in an attempt to delegitimize the protests and the substantial reasons behind them. The layouts of the Guardian articles appear to be similar in terms of context, as most of them are divided in two sections; the first is factual and reports the events that take place – in this particular case, the protests and how they evolved - and the second provides political information about parliamentary actions and news. “100,000 Greeks taking to the streets”, “thousands of protesters gathered in the square outside the national assembly building in Athens” The number of the demonstrators is often mentioned, acquainting the public with the size of the protests. The significance of informing the wide audience about the numbers participating in the protests could be better understood through a comparison with the discourse of silence concerning this matter in Daily Mail. This silence is occasionally present in the Greek press as well, where mostly right-wing papers tend to present the protests as violent individual incidents rather than public demonstrations of desperation against the current political situation and frustration of the masses. To be more specific, the Daily Mail, in contrast, uses the group of protesters only to correlate them with violent incidents: “The violence erupted after 20,000 protesters marched to parliament in Athens chanting ‘No sacrifice for the rich’ ” “More than 30,000 demonstrators clashed with the police near to the Greek parliament buildings, and hurled petrol bombs and stones causing a dramatic inferno”.

The Blame Game One of the most important issues revealed through the analysis of the two papers is the major difference in their perspectives concerning who gets the blame for the eruption of violence in protests. The Guardian maintains its neutral position, mostly presenting

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

14

demonstrators from a defensive angle when they clash with police. Passive voice is often used by reporters to avoid direct blame: “Police fire teargas at Greeks demonstrating against austerity bill…” “The majority of protesters decried the violence that at the end of the day eclipsed the demonstration…” “…Athens city centre was left resembling a war zone with cafes and shops smashed and looted…” Furthermore, the Guardian attempts to distinguish the violent groups of protesters from the rest of the peaceful demonstrators and to capture the diversity of the people in the streets by representing the general feeling of dissatisfaction and how it affects all classes: “Anti-government demonstrators turned the square in front of the Greek parliament building in Athens into a war zone” “… Young, old, hip, staid, it attracted people from a broad cross-section of Greek society bonded by a burning rage…” “Protesters wearing black masks…” In 2009, an article was introduced in the Greek Penal Code (189 A) concerning the penalties of people who cover their faces during public gatherings. It is translated as follows: “Attendance in public aggregation with concealed face”: Whoever participates or is presented in public aggregation with a covered face or shaped in a way that his characteristics are not distinguished and consequently neither is his identity, is punished with imprisonment of at least two months up to one year. Nevertheless, the games of power are always present as ever since the year this article was implemented, people with black masks have been arrested and let free the next day, raising the unanswered questions of who is really hiding behind violent episodes in protests, is the government aware of their identities and what are their real motives. At the same time, the Daily Mail claims the totality of protestors are violent and filled with fury, showing the policemen as victims trying to defend themselves from people’s attacks. By stressing the aggressive side of the protestors and by presenting them as a homogenous group, articles mislead the audience into subconsciously correlating protests automatically with violence and losing focus on the real goals and motives behind demonstrating. The characterization of unions and protestors as ‘angry’ (also angry Greeks, angry youth) is being used frequently, along with dramatic descriptive terms such as ‘chaos’ and ‘inferno’, to associate people with brutality, claiming anger to be their only motive: “To combat the angry protesters, who are unhappy about severe budget cuts, the police sprayed the crowd with tear gas and used stun grenades…”

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

15

“Riot youths torched several cars…” “…petrol bombs are held at police” “A police officer was attacked and his uniform caught fire”: There is special mention of policemen who are being injured or their uniforms caught fire whereas the fact that protesters are being chased and hit to the point of unconsciousness by policemen is being silenced. Additionally, it is worth mentioning that although all the forces involved are referred to as ‘police’ (occasionally ‘riot police’), the truth is that the majority of them belong to differently trained and equipped special forces called M.A.T in Greek, which stands for Order Restoration Units. They are protected by helmets and shields; they wear masks and carry batons and teargas. During the analysis, two interesting articles were encountered and are worth a special mention for completely contradictory reasons. The first belongs to the Guardian and reports the fact that the methods Greek police used to control the crowds are highly dangerous and unhealthy and have been severely criticised. In contrast, the Mail claims police forces to be defensive and abused; the paper dedicates an article to informing the audience in detail about the police practices and how harmful they are to citizens. In the words of the journalist: “…outcry over the excessive use of force and teargas to control crowds in Athens…”, “…the socialist government faced growing criticism of the controversial methods employed by riot police to disperse demonstrators”. The toxicity of teargas used on the streets is at extremely high levels and creates respiratory problems, not only to protesters who face it directly but also to people walking in these streets after the protests have ended, as it takes several hours for its concentration to disperse into air. Moreover, in the past, photos of expired teargas were released to the press. The questionable tactics used by police during protests, when brought to light, create a feeling of sympathy in the readers and indirectly empower the side of protesters. The second article, composed by a Daily Mail reporter, refers to union demonstrations as ‘Greek-style strikes’ in an attempt to classify every Greek demonstration within an aggressive frame. The characterisation is found both in the headline of the article and on the first sentence, revealing the prejudice against the protests. Additionally, this shows how clear stereotyping leads public opinion to discriminate against the protesters and associate Greek people with violence as a fixed method of showing dissatisfaction, while at the same time the real motives are being silenced and attention is being diverted: “Militant union leaders warned yesterday of Greek-style strikes and protests...”.

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

16

Photos under the microscope The first observation one makes when reading these two newspapers is their different layout and they way they choose to place the photos that accompany each article. The size and the position of a photo are highly important in influencing the attention given to the paper by the reader. The Guardian uses relatively medium-sized pictures, which are found right after the headline (and lead) and before the beginning of the article. This allows the reader to obtain a first idea of the topic about to be analysed, while at the same time it prevents the text flow from being interrupted and the attention from being split. On the other hand, the Daily Mail chooses large pictures, often placed in between the text. As the headlines are significantly large as well, they initially catch the attention of the reader and then, as headlines are signifiers to the images, the reader’s eye is led directly to them, seeking more information. The semiotic differences are intensified as far as the photographic content is concerned. The Guardian has dedicated a whole section to the 13th of February to directly present the protests the way they were captured through the lenses of the reporters. The paper tries to keep a balance regarding the violence erupted on the Greek streets, and in a group of 16 pictures the blame game appears to be carefully approached and represented. In one picture, police are shown arresting a protester and in another, the perfectly lined up forces are being approached by an old man, whose face is covered with Maalox, an antacid originally used for stomach aches with the ability to neutralise teargas. Riot police appear to be attacked by protesters in five to six pictures, with the most severe depicting a policeman’s uniform that has caught fire due to a petrol bomb that exploded near him. Furthermore, the lines below the pictures are more descriptive of each image than dramatic: “A man gestures at police during clashes outside the Greek parliament” “Protesters confront riot police outside the Greek parliament” “Petrol bombs explode in front of police” Nonetheless, despite the impartiality that characterises the Guardian, with the exception of the picture showing an older man, it is interesting to notice that there is no picture showing the totality of the protesters or the diversity of people participating in public demonstrations and uniting under common causes and desperation. Young protesters are the only group that is presented in pictures, which implies that violence originates from youth temper and is associated with them. Consequently, the reader’s mind is misled to believe that youth is incapable of demonstrating in peace, and that it is with their participation that demonstrations turn violent.

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

17

Concerning pictures printed in the Daily Mail, images appear to be quite antithetic to the ones of the Guardian. The photos analysed were included in the article of the 13th of February on the Greek protests. With the exception of four pictures - out of 16 – that show young protesters from an attacking angle and dissatisfied MPs during the process of voting for the new austerity measures, the remaining photos are exclusively of riot police being attacked and surrounded by flames. The descriptions of most of the photographs appear to be more subjective and partial than the Guardian’s: “A man throws a missile as protesters clash with riot police” “A protester kicks a tear gas canister fired into the crowd of protesters” “Police in full riot gear dodge petrol bombs hurled at them by protesters in the latest demonstrations against proposed cuts” Impressive is the fact that most pictures are shot while the photographer is behind the masked protesters, intensifying their moves by only showing them carrying missiles or bombs and ready to attack. The police, at the same time, are part of a blurry background, represented as guards. This forces the reader’s eye to focus on the main subject of the picture and gives the impression that violence was initiated by the protesters. The only angle presented is of defensive riot police against youth rage.

Conclusions The goal of this project was to explore the different representations of the austerity protests held in Greece during the past months within British broadsheets and tabloids. It was challenging for this writer, a native Greek, to examine an international perspective that comes from a rather significant media system, such as that of the UK, especially considering the fact that she has been a personal witness to these series of demonstrations, having participated in a number of them. Choosing the Guardian and the Daily Mail as case studies, an attempt was made to examine the practices and different linguistic approaches to these events and how the discourse of violence is used in both cases to create meanings and steer the reading audience in different directions. The Guardian appears to be critical and questioning towards the police tactics used during the clashes with protesters. Even though the violent acts of police are being silenced, for instance the unnecessary beating of people arrested or the overuse of teargas very close to subway stations in order to block protesters from seeking shelter or leaving, the paper can be characterised as impartial, taking into consideration the moderate descriptions and the avoidance of dramatic language. The article layout being divided into the description of the events followed by information on the current political insights enables the reader to better understand the situation and create a versatile image about it.

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

18

Furthermore, by allowing the voice of Greek citizens to be heard through its pages, it assists in the realisation of their legitimate arguments, the origins of their frustration and desperation and the fact that people from different classes and backgrounds participate in demonstration, hoping for a change. With the diversity of the protesters’ group being mentioned, it is less likely for readers to associate the violent events with the totality of them, as it is highly improbable for elderly people or middle-aged citizens to initiate clashes with the police or carry petrol bombs. In the words of John Holloway, professor of sociology, as expressed in an article in the Guardian on the 17th of February, four days after the protest events: “...Behind the spectacle of the burning banks in Greece lies a deeper process, a quieter movement of people refusing to pay bus fares, electricity bills, motorway tolls, bank debts; a movement, born of necessity and conviction, of people organising their lives in a different way, creating communities of mutual support and food networks, squatting empty buildings and land, creating community gardens, returning to the countryside, turning their backs on the politicians (who are now afraid to show themselves in the streets) and creating directly democratic forms of taking social decisions”. However, the Daily Mail adopts a completely antithetical representation of events. It presents the protests only as a series of violent events, results of anger and desperation, associating brutality with youth. It conceals the fundamental motives and reasons that lead Greek citizens to the streets, such as the unprecedented 22 (at that time) percent unemployment and the salary and pension cuts. In an attempt to delegitimize demonstrations, the paper stereotypes protests by characterising them as “Greek-style” – implying damages and clashes with the police - , so that the reader creates the impression that Greeks are unable to have peaceful protests. Given the fact the both papers select their news based on the discourse of violence, Iyengar’s observation should be taken into account considering the way news are framed, more specifically the fact that “when provided with the dominant episodic news frame, however, viewers attributed responsibility not to societal or political forces, but to the actions of particular individuals or groups. For example, when poverty, crime, and terrorism were depicted in episodic terms, viewers’ causal accounts as well as their prescriptions of treatment responsibility were directed primarily to poor people, criminals, and terrorists” (2005). This argument could be well applied in this research, as the newspapers’ focus on violent clashes of protesters with riot police and vandalisms disorientate readers from the underlying causes of the every demonstration and turn them against protesters rather than enable them to understand and resist to the governmental policies and indirect violation of democracies. These conclusions constitute just an early exploration of the way newspaper texts represent Greece’s current problematic situation and the demonstrations. Given the fact that the peak of austerity protests is rather recent, as well as the categorisation of the events as a movement, it would be interesting to use other analytical tools of critical discourse analysis Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

19

in the future, such as surveys and interviews, to better illustrate the causes that lead to resistance. To sum up, Greece is a country that has faced numerous oppressive situations throughout history, from the ancient times until the Colonels’ Junta (1967-1974). People were mobilised in the form of movements and showed resistance, united under common demands, goals and the need for change. As history repeats itself, after the restoration of democracy and globalisation, it is now the time to deal with the corruption of social and political systems and the recession plague that has infected Greece, as well as other countries worldwide. It is common knowledge that action brings reaction, and Greek citizens have been resisting in all legitimate ways possible for the past four years, demonstrating their despair and longsurpassed levels of tolerance to the austerity measures and bailout packages imposed upon them. Both national and international media represent this reaction, with the majority of them conforming to the rules of power and relations with governments and institutions in order to construct public opinion at will. This project could only close with the hope that more critical and thorough research will be conducted in the future concerning the Greek political system and its effect on people along with the substantial goals of protesters. After all, in democracies, people should express themselves loud and free, regardless of their background or resources. This is what matters.

Bibliography Anon, The Greek crisis explained - Q&A - FRANCE 24. Available at: http://www.france24.com/en/20100504-greek-crisis-eu-imf-bailout-debt-economygermany-france-unions-jobs-euro-markets [Accessed September 24, 2012]. Almeida, P. & Lichbach, M., 2003. To the Internet, From the Internet: Comparative media coverage of transnational protests. Mobilization: An International Journal, 8(3), pp.249–272. Available at: http://mobilization.metapress.com/index/9044L650652801XL.pdf [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Benford, R. & Snow, D., 2000. Framing processes and social movements: An overview and assessment. Annual review of sociology, pp.611–39. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/223459 [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Boykoff, M.T., 2008. The cultural politics of climate change discourse in UK tabloids. Political Geography, 27(5), pp.549–569. Available at:

http://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0962629808000425 [Accessed July 28, 2012]. Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

20

Carter, P. 2000. Semiotic Analysis of Newspaper Front-Page Photos. Available at: http://www.aber.ac.uk/media/Students/pmc9601.html [Accessed September 24, 2012]. Chan, T.W. & Goldthorpe, J.H., 2007. Social Status and Newspaper Readership. American Journal of Sociology, 112(4), pp.1095–1134. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/508792. Chen, C. & Meindl, J., 1991. The construction of leadership images in the popular press: The case of Donald Burr and People Express. Administrative Science Quarterly, 36(4), pp.521–551. Chouliaraki, L. & Fairclough, N., 2000. Discourse in Late Modernity, Edinburgh University Press. Available at: http://www.amazon.com/Discourse-Late-Modernity-LilieChouliaraki/dp/0748610820 [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Connell, I., 1998. Mistaken identities: tabloid and broadsheet news discourse. Javnost/The Public. Available at: http://scholar.google.com/scholar?hl=en&btnG=Search&q=intitle:MISTAKEN+IDENTITI ES+:+TABLOID+AND+BROADSHEET+NEWS+DISCOURSE#0 [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Cottle, S., 2008. Reporting demonstrations: The changing media politics of dissent. Media, Culture & Society, 30(6), pp.853–872. Available at: http://mcs.sagepub.com/cgi/doi/10.1177/0163443708096097 [Accessed July 30, 2012]. Craig, G., 2002. The Spectacle of the Street. Australian Journal of Communication, 29(1). Available at: http://scholar.google.com/scholar?hl=en&btnG=Search&q=intitle:The+spectacle+of+th e+street#1 [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Cushion, S., 2007. Protesting their Apathy? An Analysis of British Press Coverage of Young anti-Iraq War Protestors. Journal of Youth Studies, 10(4), pp.419–437. Available at: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13676260701462695 [Accessed August 16, 2012]. Dijk, T.V., 1993. Principles of critical discourse analysis. Discourse & society. Available at: http://das.sagepub.com/content/4/2/249.short [Accessed September 23, 2012].

Dijk, T.V., 1985. Structures of news in the press. Discourse and communication: New approaches to …. Available at: http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=u8NaszqH1d0C&oi=fnd&pg=PA69&dq= Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

21

Structures+of+News+in+the+Press&ots=sdpkAZEmdo&sig=RWcgaUQeFgi79nLtOJoFxm SsbrQ [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Dor, D., 2003. On newspaper headlines as relevance optimizers. Journal of Pragmatics, 35(5), pp.695–721. Available at: http://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0378216602001340. Eichengreen, B., 2010. Globalization and the Crisis. University of California, Berkeley, pp.20– 24. Available at: http://emlab.berkeley.edu/users/eichengr/globalization_crisis_4-2910.pdf [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Entman, R.M., 1993. Framing: Toward Clarification of a Fractured Paradigm. Journal of Communication, 43(4), pp.51–58. Available at: http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/j.14602466.1993.tb01304.x. Entman, R.M., 2004. Projections of Power: Framing News, Public Opinion, and U.S. Foreign Policy (Studies in Communication, Media & Public Opinion), University of Chicago Press. Available at: http://www.amazon.co.uk/Projections-Power-Framing-OpinionCommunication/dp/0226210723 [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Fairclough, N., 2003. Analysing Discourse: Textual Analysis for Social Research, Routledge. Available at: http://www.amazon.com/Analysing-Discourse-Textual-AnalysisResearch/dp/0415258936 [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Fairclough, N., 2010. Critical Discourse Analysis: The Critical Study of Language (2nd Edition), Pearson Education ESL. Available at: http://www.amazon.com/Critical-DiscourseAnalysis-Language-Edition/dp/1405858222 [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Fairclough, N., 1993. Discourse and Social Change, Polity Press. Available at: http://www.amazon.com/Discourse-Social-Change-NormanFairclough/dp/0745612180 [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Fairclough, N., 2009. Media Discourse, Bloomsbury USA. Available at: http://www.amazon.com/Media-Discourse-Norman-Fairclough/dp/0340588896 [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Fairclough, N., 2000. New Labour, New Language?, Routledge. Available at: http://www.amazon.com/New-Labour-Language-Norman-Fairclough/dp/0415218276 [Accessed September 23, 2012].

Fairclough, N., 2008. Semiotic aspects of social transformation and learning Norman Fairclough. In An Introduction to Critical Discourse Analysis in Education. pp. 225–229.

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

22

Fairclough, N., 2001. The dialectics of discourse. Textus, pp.1–7. Available at: http://www.tilgher.it/manager/googlepdf.aspx?file=riv_t5a14f22o2271.pdf [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Fairclough, P.N., 2001. Language and Power (Language In Social Life), Longman. Available at: http://www.amazon.co.uk/Language-Power-In-Social-Life/dp/0582414830 [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Fowler, R., 1991. Language in the News: Discourse and Ideology in the Press, Routledge. Available at: http://www.amazon.com/Language-News-Discourse-IdeologyPress/dp/0415014190 [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Gasiorowski, M., 1995. Economic crisis and political regime change: An event history analysis. American Political Science Review, 89(4), pp.882–897. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/2082515 [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Gitlin, T., 2003. The Whole World Is Watching: Mass Media in the Making and Unmaking of the New Left, With a New Preface, University of California Press. Available at: http://www.amazon.com/The-Whole-World-Is-Watching/dp/0520239326 [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Grauwe, P.D. & Moesen, W., 2009. Gains for all: a proposal for a common euro bond. Intereconomics, (August 2007), pp.1–5. Available at: http://www.econ.kuleuven.be/ew/academic/intecon/degrauwe/pdgpapers/work_in_progress_presentations/proposal eurobond issue.pdf [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Hall, S.B., 2012. The Discourse of Protest: Using discourse analysis to identify speech acts in UK broadsheet newspapers. London School of Economics and Political Science. Available at: http://www2.lse.ac.uk/media@lse/research/mediaWorkingPapers/MScDissertationSer ies/2011/69.pdf. Halloran, J.D. & etc., 1970. Demonstrations and Communication: A Case Study, Penguin Books Ltd. Available at: http://www.amazon.co.uk/Demonstrations-Communication-ACase-Study/dp/0140522824 [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Harlow, S. And Johnson. T., J., (2011). Overthrowing the Protest Paradigm? How the New York Times, Global Voices and Twitter covered the Egyptian Revolution, International

Journal of Communication [online] 5, pp. 1359-1374. Available at: http://ijoc.org [Accessed 25 April 2012] Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

23

Hollander, J. a. & Einwohner, R.L., 2004. Conceptualizing Resistance. Sociological Forum, 19(4), pp.533–554. Available at: http://doi.wiley.com/10.1007/s11206-004-0694-5 [Accessed July 21, 2012]. Iyengar, S., 2005. Speaking of Values: The Framing of American Politics. The Forum, 3(3). Available at: http://www.degruyter.com/view/j/for.2005.3.3_20120105083450/for.2005.3.3/for.20 05.3.3.1093/for.2005.3.3.1093.xml. Jasper, J., 1998. The emotions of protest: Affective and reactive emotions in and around social movements. Sociological Forum, 13(3), pp.397–424. Available at: http://www.springerlink.com/index/UTWK7G56M4218120.pdf [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Jasper, J.M., 2011. Emotions and Social Movements: Twenty Years of Theory and Research. Annual Review of Sociology, 37(1), pp.285–303. Available at: http://www.annualreviews.org/doi/abs/10.1146/annurev-soc-081309-150015 [Accessed July 23, 2012]. Jenkins, J., 1983. Resource mobilization theory and the study of social movements. Annual review of sociology, 9, pp.527–553. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/2946077 [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Kinder, D.R. & Iyengar, S., 1989. News That Matters: Television and American Opinion (American Politics and Political Economy Series), University of Chicago Press. Available at: http://www.amazon.com/News-That-Matters-Television-Political/dp/0226388573 [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Kitzinger, J., 2000. Media templates: patterns of association and the (re) construction of meaning over time. Media, Culture & Society. Available at: http://mcs.sagepub.com/content/22/1/61.short [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Kriesi, H., Della Porta, D. & Rucht, D., 2009. Social Movements in a Globalizing World, Palgrave Macmillan. Available at: http://www.amazon.com/Social-MovementsGlobalizing-Hanspeter-Kriesi/dp/023023531X [Accessed September 23, 2012]. McAdam, D., McCarthy, J.D. & Zald, M.N., 1996. Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements: Political Opportunities, Mobilizing Structures, and Cultural Framings (Cambridge Studies in Comparative Politics), Cambridge University Press. Available at: http://www.amazon.com/Comparative-Perspectives-Social-MovementsOpportunities/dp/0521485169 [Accessed September 23, 2012]. McCarthy, J.D., McPhail, C. & Smith, J., 1996. Images of Protest : Dimensions of Selection Bias in Media Coverage of Washington. American Sociological Review, 61(3), pp.478– 499. Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

24

McCurdy, P., 2012. Social Movements, Protest and Mainstream Media. Sociology Compass, 6(3), pp.244–255. Available at: http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/j.17519020.2011.00448.x. Milioni, D., 2012. Between “identity politics” and “politics of influence”: the role of alternative media in the Greek protests in 2008. ec.ubi.pt, pp.1–28. Available at: http://www.ec.ubi.pt/ec/11/pdf/EC11-2012Mai-01.pdf [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Newlands, M., 2009. Protesters as the new gatekeepers ? An analysis of how journalistic language and new technologies shape the identity of UK protest movements Author : Maxine Newlands Senior Lecturer , Journalism Programme , School of Humanities and Social Science , Univer. , (September), pp.1–16. O’Halloran, K., 2003. Critical Discourse Analysis and Language Cognition, Edinburgh University Press. Available at: http://www.amazon.co.uk/Critical-Discourse-AnalysisLanguage-Cognition/dp/0748618287 [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Peters, J.D., 2001. Witnessing. Media, Culture & Society, 23(6), pp.707–723. Available at: http://mcs.sagepub.com/cgi/doi/10.1177/016344301023006002 [Accessed August 29, 2012]. Polletta, F. & Jasper, J., 2001. Collective identity and social movements. Annual review of Sociology, 27, pp.283–305. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/2678623 [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Scheufele, D., 2000. Agenda-setting, priming, and framing revisited: Another look at cognitive effects of political communication. Mass Communication & Society, 3. Available at: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1207/S15327825MCS0323_07 [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Smith, J., From Protest to Agenda Building : Description Bias in Media Coverage of Protest Events in Washington , D . C .*. , 79(June 2001), pp.1397–1423.

Thomassen, J.J.A., 1990. Economic crisis, dissatisfaction and protest. In Continuities in Political Action. pp. 103–134. Available at: http://doc.utwente.nl/4822/1/K4822___.PDF [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Tilly, C., 1979. Social movements and national politics. , (197). Available at: http://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/handle/2027.42/50971 [Accessed September 23, 2012].

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

25

Tsakalotos, E., 2010. Greek Economic Crisis. paper presented at the IIPPE conference “Beyond the Crisis”, Rethymno, Crete, 10–12 September 2010. Available at: http://ideas.repec.org/a/ovi/oviste/v11y2011i1p1526-1531.html [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Turner, R., 1969. The public perception of protest. American Sociological Review, 34(6). Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/2095975 [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Wodak, R., 2011. Critical linguistics and critical discourse analysis. Handbook of Pragmatics Highlights (HoPH), (Cl), pp.204–210. Available at: http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=SRydcvRVBAsC&oi=fnd&pg=PA50&dq= Critical+Linguistics+and+critical+discourse+analysis&ots=V_wbIr9PLY&sig=rqMSbB4bE Dk2RM37NQI0PVw9tgo [Accessed September 23, 2012]. Wodak, R. & Meyer, M., 2009. Methods of Critical Discourse Analysis (Introducing Qualitative Methods series), Sage Publications Ltd. Available at: http://www.amazon.com/CriticalDiscourse-Analysis-Introducing-Qualitative/dp/184787455X [Accessed September 23, 2012].

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

26

Appendices Appendix 1

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

27

Appendix 2

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

28

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

29

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

30

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

31

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

32

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

33

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

34

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

35

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

36

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

37

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

38

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

39

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

40

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

41

daily

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

42

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

43

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

44

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

45

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

46

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

47

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

48

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

49

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

50

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

51

0

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

52

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

53

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

54

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

55

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

56

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

57

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

58

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

59

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

60

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

61

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

62

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

63

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

64

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

65

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

66

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

67

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

68

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

69

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

70

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

71

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

72

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

73

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

74

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

75

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

76

Appendix 3

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

77

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

78

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

79

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

80

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

81

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

82

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

83

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

84

Appendix 4

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

85

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

86

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

87

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

88

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

89

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

90

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

91

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

92

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

93

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

94

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

95

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

96

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

97

Georgina Papada, The Greek Austerity Protests and their Representation in the British Press, Inter Alia Research Occasional Papers 2 © Inter Alia July 2013

98