Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against Strawson-Entailment

Introduction The observation Goals Plan

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment

Vincent Homer [email protected]

Sorry SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment Intervention

University of California, Los Angeles

An enriched global meaning µ meaning

WCCFL 27, UCLA. May 16-18, 2008

Too and either Because

Conclusion

Introduction

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Introduction



Presuppositions disrupt NPI licensing.

The observation Goals Plan

(1)

(2)

a.

(Context: Mary read something interesting.) *I don’t think [John]F read anything interesting too. b. Presupposition: Somebody other than John read something interesting. c. *LF: NOT... too... anything I don’t think [John]F read something interesting too.

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either Because

Conclusion

Introduction

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Introduction The observation Goals Plan



My goals: (i.) Prove that a theory of NPI licensing based on Strawson-entailment cannot work. (ii.) Show that the notion of meaning that is relevant for NPI licensing includes presuppositions.

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either Because

Conclusion

Introduction

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Introduction The observation Goals



Plan:

I. Presentation and refutation of a Strawson-based theory

Plan

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry SDEness and SUEness Main tenets

II. Presuppositions must (sometimes) be included in the meaning that is relevant for NPI licensing

Operator vs environment Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either Because

Conclusion

Downward-Entailingness

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Introduction



(3)



Fauconnier-Ladusaw: An NPI requires being in the scope of a downward-entailing function at LF. Downward Entailingness: A function f of type <σ , t> is DE iff for all x, y of type σ such that x ⇒ y : f (y ) ⇒ f (x) DE functions: ’no student’, not, doubt, without, ‘less than three students’, ‘few students’...

The observation Goals Plan

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either Because

Conclusion

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment

Sorry is not DE

Vincent Homer Introduction The observation

(4) (5)

John is sorry that Mary bought any car. a. b.

John is sorry that Mary bought Presupposition: Mary bought a John is sorry that Mary bought Presupposition: Mary bought a

a car. car. a Honda. Honda.

Unclear whether (5-a) entails (5-b)

Goals Plan

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either Because

Conclusion

Strawson Downward-Entailment (von Fintel 1999)

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Introduction

(6)

(7)

(8)

Strawson-Entailment: Φ Strawson-entails Ψ if and only if, assuming that the presuppositions of Ψ are satisfied, whenever Φ is true, Ψ is true. Strawson Downward-Entailingness: A function f of type <σ , t> is Strawson-DE iff for all x, y of type σ such that x ⇒ y and f(x) is defined: f (y ) ⇒ f (x) von Fintel’s licensing condition: A (weak) NPI is licensed only if it is in the scope of a SDE operator.

The observation Goals Plan

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either Because

Conclusion

Sorry is SDE ◮

von Fintel: A (weak) NPI is licensed only if it is in the scope of a SDE operator.

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Introduction The observation

Example (9) (10)

Goals Plan

John is sorry that Mary bought any car. a. b.

John is sorry that Mary bought Presupposition: Mary bought a John is sorry that Mary bought Presupposition: Mary bought a

a car. car. a Honda. Honda.

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning

(10-a)

⇒Strawson

(10-b)

Too and either Because

Conclusion



Only and emotive factives like regret and surprise are captured by von Fintel’s SDEness.

Strawson Upward-Entailment

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Introduction The observation Goals



(11)

Lahiri (1998): A (weak) NPI is only licensed in the scope of a SDE, non SUE operator. Strawson Upward-Entailingness: A function f of type <σ , t> is Strawson-UE iff for all x, y of type σ such that x⇒y and f(y) is defined: f (x)⇒f (y )

Plan

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either Because

Conclusion

Singular definite article (12)

(Context: There is exactly one student who read some book on NPIs.) a. *The student who read any books on NPIs is selling them. b. Presupposition: There is exactly one salient student who read some book on NPIs.

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Introduction The observation Goals Plan

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry

(13)

a.

b.

The student who read a book is selling it. Presupposition: There is exactly one salient student who read a book. The student who read a novel is selling it. Presupposition: There is exactly one salient student who read a novel. (13-a) ⇒Strawson (13-b) (13-b) ⇒Strawson (13-a)

(SDE) (SUE)

SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either Because

Conclusion

Both (14)

(15)

(Context: Exactly two students read some linguistics book.) a. *Both students who read any linguistics books have applied to the department. b. Presupposition: There are exactly two salient students who read some linguistics book. a.

b.

Both students who read books have applied to the department. Presupposition: There are exactly two salient students who read books. Both students who read novels have applied to the department. Presupposition: There are exactly two salient students who read novels. (15-a) ⇒Strawson (15-b) (15-b) ⇒Strawson (15-a)

(SDE) (SUE)

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Introduction The observation Goals Plan

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either Because

Conclusion

Main tenets of von Fintel/Lahiri ◮

A theory which characterizes possible licensing operators (syntactic component). ◮

As such, it doesn’t deal with the intermediate material between the operator and the NPI.

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Introduction The observation Goals Plan



A theory which uses Strawson-Entailment (semantic component) to ensure that presuppositions do not disrupt NPI licensing.

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment Intervention

SDE non SUE operators DE operators not, no, doubt, few, without, every, if... only, sorry, surprise

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either Because

Conclusion

Summary

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Introduction The observation



Where are we?

I. Presentation and refutation of a Strawson-based theory a. von Fintel’s theory b. Against the syntactic and the semantic components

II. Presuppositions must (sometimes) be included in the meaning that is relevant for NPI licensing

Goals Plan

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either Because

Conclusion

NPIs are licensed within appropriate environments (not by operators)

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer



Licensing is sometimes subject to flip-flop:

Introduction The observation

(16)

a.

There wasn’t anyone at the scene of the accident who didn’t do something to help. b. *There wasn’t anyone at the scene of the accident who didn’t do anything to help.

Goals Plan

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment



(17)

Flip-flop is not due to the number of operators: Everyone who doesn’t know any Greek is welcome to take this class.

Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either Because

Conclusion



Therefore the licensing is checked on some constituent which encompasses at least one licensing operator and the NPI: the intermediate material matters.

Intervention by a presupposition trigger: too intervenes

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer



Can von Fintel’s theory countenance environments (revising the syntactic component)? No, because presupposition triggers can intervene, i.e. cause disruption when they stand on the path between an NPI and its licenser (against the semantic component).

Introduction The observation Goals Plan

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry SDEness and SUEness Main tenets

(18)

(19)

a.

(Context: Mary read something interesting.) *I don’t think [John]F read anything interesting too. b. Presupposition: Somebody other than John read something interesting. c. *LF: NOT... too... anything I don’t think [John]F read something interesting too.

Operator vs environment Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either Because

Conclusion

Intervention by a presupposition trigger: too intervenes

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer

(20) (21)

*I don’t think [John]F read anything interesting too. a.

b.

I don’t think [John]F read a book too. Presupposition: Somebody other than John read a book. I don’t think [John]F read a novel too. Presupposition: Somebody other than John read a novel. (21-a) ⇒Strawson (21-b) (21-b) 6⇒Strawson (21-a)

(SDE) (not SUE)

Introduction The observation Goals Plan

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either Because

Conclusion



This is a problem for the semantic and the syntactic components of the theory.

Either doesn’t intervene

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Introduction The observation Goals

(22)

a.

b. c.

(Context: Mary didn’t read anything interesting.) I don’t think [John]F read anything interesting either. Presupposition: Somebody other than John didn’t read anything interesting. LF: NOT... either... anything

Plan

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either Because

Conclusion

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment

Either doesn’t intervene

Vincent Homer

(23)

I don’t think [John]F read anything interesting either.

Introduction The observation Goals Plan

(24)

a.

b.

I don’t think [John]F Presupposition: S.o. read a book. I don’t think [John]F Presupposition: S.o. read a novel.

read a book either. other than John didn’t

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry SDEness and SUEness

read a novel either. other than John didn’t

Main tenets Operator vs environment Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning

⇒Strawson

(24-a) (24-b) (24-b) 6⇒Strawson (24-a)

(SDE) (not SUE)

Too and either Because

Conclusion

Summary

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Introduction The observation



Where are we?

I. Presentation and refutation of a Strawson-based theory a. von Fintel’s theory b. Against the syntactic and the semantic components

II. Presuppositions must (sometimes) be included in the meaning that is relevant for NPI licensing

Goals Plan

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either Because

Conclusion

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Introduction The observation Goals Plan



Hypothesis: Presupposition triggers intervene and the presupposition itself must be taken into account.

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either Because

Conclusion

Licensing within a DE environment

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Introduction The observation

(25)

(26)

Licensing condition: An NPI α is licensed in a sentence S only if the constituent β of S containing α upon which licensing is checked is Downward Entailing with respect to the position of α . A constituent β is Downward Entailing with respect to the position of α (Jα K∈Dσ ) iff the function λ x.Jβ [α /vσ ]Kg [vσ →x] is Downward Entailing.

Goals Plan

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either Because

Conclusion

µ meaning

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer



(27)

Let’s define the operator µ , which takes a trivalent meaning and returns a bivalent meaning: Let F be a constituent of type . µ (JFK) = 0 iff JFK = # or 0 µ (JFK) = 1 iff JFK = 1.

Introduction The observation Goals Plan

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment Intervention



The notion of meaning of F that is relevant for NPI licensing is (sometimes) the µ meaning, i.e. the conjunction of the assertive content and the presuppositions of F.

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either Because

Conclusion

Too (28) (29)

*I don’t think [John]F read anything interesting too. a.

b.

(30) (31)

I don’t think [John]F read a book too. Presupposition: Somebody other than John read a book. I don’t think [John]F read a novel too. Presupposition: Somebody other than John read a novel.

µ (J(29-a)K)=∃x [x6=j ∧ Ja bookK[λ y. read(x,y )]] ∧ ¬[Ja bookK[λ y. read(j,y )]] µ (J(29-b)K)=∃x [x6=j ∧ Ja novelK[λ y. read(x,y )]] ∧ ¬[Ja novelK[λ y. read(j,y )]] µ (J(29-a)K) 6⇒ µ (J(29-b)K) (29-a) ⇒Strawson (29-b) (SDE) Strawson (29-b) 6⇒ (29-a) (not SUE)

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Introduction The observation Goals Plan

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either Because

Conclusion

Either (32) (33)

I don’t think [John]F read anything interesting either. a.

b.

I don’t think [John]F Presupposition: S.o. read a book. I don’t think [John]F Presupposition: S.o. read a novel.

read a book either. other than John didn’t read a novel either. other than John didn’t

(34)

µ (J(33-a)K)=∃x [x6=j ∧ ¬Ja bookK[λ y. read(x,y )]] ∧ ¬[Ja bookK[λ y. read(j,y )]]

(35)

µ (J(33-b)K)=∃x [x6=j ∧ ¬Ja novelK[λ y. read(x,y )]] ∧ ¬[Ja novelK[λ y. read(j,y )]] µ (J(33-a)K) ⇒ µ (J(33-b)K) (33-a) ⇒Strawson (33-b) (SDE) Strawson (33-b) 6⇒ (33-a) (not SUE)

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Introduction The observation Goals Plan

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either Because

Conclusion

Two different positions in the presupposition triggered by too

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Introduction The observation Goals Plan

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment

(36)

a. b.

[X ]F did Y too. Presupposition of (36-a): Someone other than X did Y.

Sorry SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either Because

Conclusion

A case of non intervention with too (37) (38)

I don’t think [anybody in my class]F read something interesting too. a.

b.

I don’t think [a student]F read s.t. interesting too. Presupposition: S.o. other than a student read s.t. interesting. I don’t think [a French student]F read s.t. interesting too. Presupposition: S.o. other than a French student read s.t. interesting.

(39)

µ (J(38-a)K)=∃x[x6∈JstudentK∧∃y [x read y ]] ∧¬∃x[x∈JstudentK∧∃y [x read y ]]

(40)

µ (J(38-b)K)=∃x[x6∈JFrench studentK∧∃y [x read y ]] ∧¬∃x[x∈JFrench studentK∧∃y [x read y ]] µ (J(38-a)K) ⇒ µ (J(38-b)K) (38-a) ⇒Strawson (38-b) (SDE) Strawson (38-b) 6⇒ (38-a) (not SUE)

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Introduction The observation Goals Plan

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either Because

Conclusion

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Introduction The observation



A rule of thumb: A presupposition trigger disrupts the licensing of an NPI falling under its scope (within the environment upon which licensing is checked) unless the presupposition it triggers is downward entailing in the relevant position.

Goals Plan

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either Because

Conclusion

Because intervenes (only if it triggers a presupposition)

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Introduction



A contrast that von Fintel/Lahiri cannot capture.

The observation Goals Plan

(41)

a.

b. (42)

a.

b.

(Context: Peter broke your vase.) *You’re not mad at Peter because he broke anything, but because he won’t own up to it. Presupposition: Peter broke something. You’re not mad at Peter because he broke anything (of course, he would never do such a thing), but because he says you’re on the chubby side. Presupposition: None.

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either Because

Conclusion

Because intervenes (only if it triggers a presupposition)

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer

(43)

(44)

(Context: Peter broke your vase.) *You’re not mad at Peter because he broke anything, but because he won’t own up to it. a.

b.

You’re not mad vase. Presupposition: You’re not mad blue vase. Presupposition:

at Peter because he broke a

Introduction The observation Goals Plan

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry

Peter broke a vase. at Peter because he broke a Peter broke a blue vase.

SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either

µ (J(44-a)K) 6⇒ µ (J(44-b)K): (43) predicted bad by my theory Strawson (44-a) ⇒ (44-b) (SDE) (44-b) 6⇒Strawson (44-a) (not SUE)

Because

Conclusion

Both and singular the

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Introduction The observation Goals Plan



The non-licensing under the operators both and the (sg.) is simply due to their presuppositional nature (no need for the SDE-non SUE criterion).

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either Because

Conclusion

Conclusion ◮



A number of intervention effects can only be captured if presuppositions are taken into account. The meaning that is relevant for NPI licensing is the conjunction of the assertive content and presuppositions.

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Introduction The observation Goals Plan

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry

How to account for exceptions?

SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment





The exceptions (only, regret, surprise) suggest a modular system: the presuppositions are not always accessible to the rest of the grammar. Or the notion of presupposition needs to be refined: the cause of the intervention is a certain type of presupposition.

Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either Because

Conclusion

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment

Thank you

Vincent Homer Introduction The observation



Thanks to Philippe Schlenker, to Gennaro Chierchia, Michelangelo Falco, Kai von Fintel, Danny Fox, Asia Furmanska, Jon Gajewski, Benjamin George, Jeremy Hartman, Nicolas Lacasse, Nathaniel Porter, Matteo Residori, J’aime Roemer, Molly Shilman, Benjamin Spector, Dominique Sportiche, Chad Vicenik, and to the audiences at the seminar on presupposition taught by Philippe Schlenker at UCLA in the fall of 2007, and at the Syntax-Semantics Seminar at UCLA. This work was supported in part by NSF grant BCS-0617316.

Goals Plan

Against the use of StrawsonEntailment Sorry SDEness and SUEness Main tenets Operator vs environment Intervention

An enriched global meaning µ meaning Too and either Because

Conclusion

Interesting consequences

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Interesting consequences Local Accommodation Non-projection Non-triggering



Intervention data provide a way to tease apart local accommodation and non-projection on the one hand and non-triggering on the other.

Every, each and both Strong NPIs Summary of the data

Local accommodation: the intervention effect remains

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Interesting consequences Local Accommodation

(45) (46)

The King of France is not bald, because there is no King of France. (Context: Marie has some chance.) pas que Marie a la *Pierre ne s’aperçoit Pierre NEG REFL-perceive NEG that Marie has the moindre chance, car elle n’ a aucune chance. slightest chance, for she NEG has no chance. ‘Pierre doesn’t realize that Marie has any chance, for she has no chance.’

Non-projection Non-triggering

Every, each and both Strong NPIs Summary of the data

Non-projection of the presupposition: the intervention effect remains

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Interesting consequences Local Accommodation Non-projection Non-triggering



(47)

The presupposition of the consequent is satisfied by the antecedent: *I doubt that if Peter went to Paris, [Mary]F too ever went to Paris.

Every, each and both Strong NPIs Summary of the data

Non-triggering: no intervention effect

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Interesting consequences Local Accommodation Non-projection

(48)

changé Si Pierre s’apercevait que Marie ait If Pierre discovered that Marie have.SUBJ changed quoi que ce soit, il serait en colère. anything , he would-be in wrath. ‘If Pierre found out that Marie changed anything, he would be mad.’

Non-triggering

Every, each and both Strong NPIs Summary of the data

Every, each and both (49)

a. b.

Every student who knows any linguistics has applied to the department. Presupposition: None.

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Interesting consequences Local Accommodation Non-projection Non-triggering



(50)

If every carries a presupposition, the following test should reveal it (local accommodation in the scope of a quantifier over times): a.

b.

Each year since 1990, every visiting student from France who spent a quarter in the department got their first job in the US. No presupposition that there was at least one student from France in the department every year from 1990 on.

Every, each and both Strong NPIs Summary of the data

Every, each and both

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer

(51)

(52)

(Context: Exactly two students know some linguistics.) a. *Both students who know any linguistics have applied to the department. b. Presupposition: There are exactly two salient students who know some linguistics. a.

b.

Each year since 1990, both visiting students from France who spent a quarter in the department got their first job in the US. It is presupposed that there were exactly two students from France in the department every year from 1990 on. (Local accommodation)

Interesting consequences Local Accommodation Non-projection Non-triggering

Every, each and both Strong NPIs Summary of the data

Every, each and both (53)

(54)

(Context: There is at least one student who knows some linguistics.) a. ??Each student who knows any linguistics has applied to the department. b. Presupposition: The set of students who knew some linguistics is non-empty. a.

b.



Each year since 1990, each visiting student from France who spent a quarter in the department got their first job in the US. It is presupposed that there was at least one student from France in the department every year from 1990 on. (Local accommodation)

The difference between each and every is not captured by von Fintel/Lahiri (each and every are SDE non SUE in their restrictors).

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Interesting consequences Local Accommodation Non-projection Non-triggering

Every, each and both Strong NPIs Summary of the data

The problem of Strong NPIs

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Interesting consequences Local Accommodation Non-projection Non-triggering



Strong NPIs like in years or yet are not licensed by be sorry.

Every, each and both



Let’s show that they require being in a strictly DE environment.

Summary of the data

Strong NPIs

The problem of Strong NPIs ◮

According to Zwarts (1996), strong NPIs must be licensed by an Anti-Additive function (e.g. ‘fewer than three students’ is not AA, but ‘no student’ is):

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Interesting consequences Local Accommodation

(55)

Anti-Additivity: A function f is AA iff (f (X) ∧ f (Y)) ⇐⇒ f (X ∨ Y) (Zwarts 1996) Anti-Additive Downward-entailing (i) f (X) ∨ f (Y) ⇒ f (X ∧ Y) (ii) f (X ∨ Y) ⇒ f (X) ∧ f (Y) (iii) f (X) ∧ f (Y) ⇒ f (X ∨ Y)

Non-projection Non-triggering

Every, each and both Strong NPIs Summary of the data

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment



(56)

Sorry is not Anti-Additive. a. b.

John is sorry that Mary is here and is sorry that Peter is here. ⇒ John is sorry that Mary or Peter is here.

SORRY(X) ∧ SORRY(Y) ⇒ SORRY(X ∨ Y) (Left to Right) (57)

a. b.

John is sorry that Mary or Peter is here. 6⇒ John is sorry that Mary is here and is sorry that Peter is here.

SORRY(X ∨ Y) 6⇒ SORRY(X) ∧ SORRY(Y) (Right to Left)

Vincent Homer Interesting consequences Local Accommodation Non-projection Non-triggering

Every, each and both Strong NPIs Summary of the data



(58)

(59)

Sorry is Strawson Anti-Additive: Strawson Anti-Additivity: A function f is Strawson Anti-Additive (SAA) iff (f (X) ∧ f (Y)) and f (X ∨ Y) Strawson-entail each other. a. b.

John is sorry that Mary is here and that Peter is here. ⇒Strawson John is sorry that Mary or Peter is here.

SORRY(X) ∧ SORRY(Y) ⇒Strawson SORRY(X ∨ Y) (Left to Right) (60)

a. b.

John is sorry that Mary or Peter is here. ⇒Strawson John is sorry that Mary is here and is sorry that Peter is here.

SORRY(X ∨ Y) ⇒Strawson SORRY(X) ∧ SORRY(Y) (Right to Left)

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Interesting consequences Local Accommodation Non-projection Non-triggering

Every, each and both Strong NPIs Summary of the data

NPIs: Weak: Strong:

Why/How

Know

X(rhetorical) *

X *

Because

Sing. Definite article * *

Both * *

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment Vincent Homer Interesting consequences Local Accommodation

NPIs:

Too

Weak: Strong:

* *

* *

Regret that... X *

NPIs: Weak: Strong:

It-Cleft X *

Again X ??

Stop X *

Be surprised that... X *

Only X *

Even X X

Table: NPI-Licensing in the Scope of Presuppositional Items in English

Non-projection Non-triggering

Every, each and both Strong NPIs Summary of the data

NPIs: Weak: Strong:

Why/How

Know

* *

* *

Sing. Definite article * *

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case against StrawsonEntailment

Both

Vincent Homer

* *

Interesting consequences Local Accommodation

NPIs:

Because

Too

Weak: Strong:

* *

* *

Regret that... X/? *

NPIs: Weak: Strong:

It-Cleft X *

Again X ??

Stop X *

Be surprised that... X *

Only X *

Even X X

Table: NPI-Licensing in the Scope of Presuppositional Items in French

Non-projection Non-triggering

Every, each and both Strong NPIs Summary of the data

Presuppositions Can Be Disruptors Too: A Case ...

I don't think [John]F read something interesting too. ... A function f of type <σ,t> is Strawson-DE iff for all ..... Intervention data provide a way to tease apart local.

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