REDEFINING THE CHACHAPOYA TERRITORY Sonia Guillén, Gilmer Medina, Agustín Rodríguez Centro Mallqui, Amazonas, Perú SAA San Francisco, April 2015 INTRODUCTION (1) The number of studies in the ancient Chachapoya territory has increased tremendously in the last two decades. These contributions have complemented the long standing scientific work of scholars such as Warren Church, Peter Lerche, Alfredo Narváez and Inge Schjellerup; and dedicated explorers such as Keith Muscutt, Wolf-Dieter Schubert, Gene Savoy and other local travelers. It is clear that the concept of a Chachapoya unity does not have a strong basis. (2) This is not a new idea, ethnohistorical documents refer to the differentiated communities or llaqtas included in the Sachapuyos common denomination introduced since the Inka conquest. The references to the ethnic groups that populated this area are still claimed by local groups in accordance with local history. The archaeological evidence is confirming this differentiated characterization. This presentation wants to contribute to the discussion about the Chachapoya territory (3) and the notion of its political definition providing a systematic reference to review the number of Chachapoya monuments reported in the literature. This list introduces new data based on speleological and archaeological studies, and the registry of evidence of ancient agricultural technology near Leymebamba. Furthermore, the monument of San Jerónimo de Pacllas, (4) near Pedro Ruiz in Amazonas, is reported. This archaeological area was discovered in 2011, we propose its use as an example of the complex scenario of ancient Chachapoya occupation. Although still lacking a comprehensive study, it shows a landscape that shows variation on mortuary practices, intense agricultural activity, and large settlements. The presentation of this data aims to contribute to the discussion whether ancient ethnic boundaries are stronger and exclusive and would be more accurate than the generalized association of the Chachapoya denomination to cultural traits that do not reflect a political and social unit.

CHACHAPOYA GIS DATABASE (5) To develop a systematic registry of the data on Chachapoya monuments, we involved geographer Gilmer Medina to construct a GIS (Arc Gis 9.3) database that would allow the territorial analysis of the area. We expect that in turn this database would be established as a collaborative effort to include all available information. We have considered several venues to make it accessible through the web, and we hope we will make the records available to the public soon. We have been working on this for the last five years with a very slow maturing point as a reflection of limited resources of time and funding. The information on the sites is mainly based on bibliographical references, adding topography, hydrography, connection to modern and ancient road systems, towns and cities, political boundaries, etc. The database can keep on growing and being refined, adding details and other attributes of the monuments. Obviously, the amount of data varies according to the sources. The results can provide a variety of layers for presentation of the data, such as a big picture (6) with over 500 dots for the monuments registered in the literature. We can appreciate how the distribution of funerary patterns varies in the territory. Sarcophaghi (7) are mainly found in the north, while mausoleums (8) are typical in the southern area. This becomes more interesting if we appreciate that the Inka presence is reported with stronger evidence to the south, while the Cusco administration failed to leave such a strong imprint in the northern territory (9). An interesting map would show the results of paleo-genetic studies to be developed by Evelyn Guevara (10), along the distribution of llaqtas from ethnohistorical records. These studies also have a great potential to the discussion of migration routes where the use of sarcophaghi and secondary burials points to a closer connection to jungle roots. This database also includes the registry of caves that show ancient human occupation (11). Several explorers and researchers have focused on the information from caves all over these extensive karstic region; over the last decade we have mainly worked around

the area of Leymebamba, with the significant and indispensable participation of the Spanish group Espeleokandil led by Agustín Rodríguez (12). The tremendous advantage to work with speleologists is their extraordinary training for very fast mapping, and their ethical attitudes to cause the least impact in the areas they visit. The caves have shown intense funerary (13) and residential (14) occupation. In a case such as Morashuayco (15), where no human occupation was possible, there were structures that facilitated access into the cave which led us to consider that the improved access to the interior was to collect bat guano for its use in agriculture. The evaluation of caves near San Carlos and Pedro Ruiz with the group of Steve Knutson, led us to Muyucsha (16), a cave with two openings as the quechua name indicates. It had a central area prepared as a plaza, while the sides and crevices were used intensively to deposit human remains and offerings (17). We had the unexpected find of a platform with funerary capsules (18), some still intact, others destroyed by time and nature (19). Unfortunately, following official rules we could not intervene in the capsules at the time of the evaluation, and while we searched for the permits and the resources to involve a conservator, the site was destroyed. Locals were concerned that the registry of the cave as cultural heritage would prevent its use for agricultural purposes. The caves in the northern territory show a distinct pottery that is awaiting study, a closer connection to earlier and more nororiental traditions. The funerary capsules appear as a clear precedent to the sarcophaghi and point to practices that continued in lower Amazonian occupations reported in Peru and Brazil. AGRICULTURAL TECHNOLOGY There is a need for an urgent registry of evidence of ancient agricultural technology. This evidence is being lost by the introduction of modern practices, mainly pastures for cattle (20). A great part of this territory still shows the intense prehispanic work to make land more productive, as well as most probably traces of ancient deforestation. Some of this land was abandoned for centuries such as in the case of Laguna de los Cóndores. and is only recently being claimed for pastures. This provides a great opportunity for climatological and ecological reconstruction. As Schjellerup, Lerche and

others have reported in various areas, there are terraces, (21) including circular ones over karstic structures (22), channeling of water, riverine protection (23), and as a whole a broad and complex scenario for agricultural activity. The recovery of this ancient complex technology can explain the dense ancient occupation of this territory compared to modern times. It would also be more coherent with the complex funerary behavior in the area, where the intense dedication to the cult of the ancestors distributed over specific areas of the territory, modifying the landscape and calling strong attention to the presence of the ancestors, is related to territorial rights, rather than the simplistic view of a land of warriors. SAN JERONIMO DE PACLLAS Just when we might think that there is nothing left to discover in Andean archaeology, the site of San Jerónimo appeared and has been requesting attention since 2011 (24). This archaeological complex is located in the province of Bongará in Amazonas, district of Jazán and in the territory of the peasant community San Jerónimo which claims its colonial connections as territory of the Pacllas group. Geographically it is close to the origin of the Clamar river, a tributary of the Utcubamba in the left margin. The archaeological remains are distributed in 53.85 Hectares around the town which is located 3 Km NW from the site, the connections are through a trail that can be covered in about 3 hours by foot. In 2011 the local media reported a series of sarcophaghi found in the mountain El Tigre. The news did not catch much attention and/or action. In 2013 Centro Mallqui organized an evaluation of the site with the support of the Spanish Espeleokandil. Twenty three intact (25) and 13 disturbed funerary structures were recorded. All had traces of unique and colorful decoration, and there was a great variety in sizes. They have an affinity with similar capsules as in Karajia, nevertheless, the sarcophaghi in this site show a clear individuality in construction and decoration. In May 2014, the Ministry of Culture completed the field work for the formal registry of the monument, following reports of the discovery of new areas of funerary use. One of

our visits included experimentation with the use of a drone in the cloud forest, a wonderful way to register the site but we lost the drone to the heavy winds and our risky enthusiasm, and although it was recovered several months later, the loss was important. Despite the intense focus has been in the funerary remains that cover all over Cerro El Tigre, this is a complex landscape with residential areas in close proximity to the placement for the ancestors. The evidence of ancient agriculture persists and is still in use. It can provide a broad view of the ancient use of the territory. There are some other important issues to mention about San Jerónimo. The local community was fast to organize an Asociación Comunal de Turismo which is committed to the protection of the site against looting. Access is controlled as much as possible, obviously with the included expectations that tourism will bring economic benefits to the locality. This goes in tune with the firm dedication of local communities in this region, to claim the ownership of their cultural heritage, demanding a full participation in any of the actions and programs developed. Obviously, this is easier said than done. The sites were located by people searching for ancient remains that could also provide them with a moment of glory. The first set of sarcophaghi was reported by a local teacher well known for his interest in tracing ancient sites. Although he did expose the site he did not do this extensively. The damage was not so terrible. The report of the discovery of the second set of sarcophaghi involves a radio journalist (27) from Pedro Ruiz who expects his name to be remembered by posterity and is very proud of his actions that involved the clearing of all the vegetation that had protected for centuries these delicate structures. We are very eager to find the condition of the remains after this recent period of heavy rains (28). The mapping of San Jerónimo exposed a landscape of intense human occupation, including agricultural terraces, dense residential areas, as well as several layers of funerary remains in El Tigre. Despite the prevalence of burials in sarcophaghi there are also some small mausoleums. As we know, the official response to such findings is very slow and limited. Most of

similar cases were attended by international and local collaboration. We are hoping we can promote and find such team effort soon. Time and rain are working against us. San Jerónimo the most recently discovered monument included in the Chachapoya database can help us define and expose the Pacllas, one of the ethnic areas or llaqtas in the Chachapoya territory so we can develop a more refined vision of the cultural history of this region.