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8 EDITORIAL
NOIDA/DELHI
THE HINDU
TUESDAY, APRIL 17, 2018
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Towards a regional reset? shift has given rise to speculation that the two sides are intent on making significant progress in smoothening ties on outstanding issues such as boundary negotia tions and also narrowing the trade deficit, an issue discussed during the Chinese Commerce Minister’s visit to India recently. This flexibility is also mirrored in the government’s dealings in the South Asian region. Despite several appeals by the Maldivian opposition, and nudges from the U.S., the Modi government decid ed not to exert hard power in bringing Maldives President Ab dulla Yameen around after he de clared a state of emergency in the country. Nor did it engage China in a confrontation when Mr. Yameen sought Beijing’s support in this re gard. The government remained silent as Male went a step further and held discussions with Pakis tan’s Army Chief, Gen. Qamar Javed Bajwa, on joint patrolling of its Exclusive Economic Zone, an area of operation in the Indian Ocean considered to be India’s do main. With Nepal, instead of seeing red when a victorious Prime Minis ter K.P. Oli made it clear that he would step up engagement with China in infrastructure develop ment, India rolled out the red car pet for him earlier this month. Nor did India raise concern over Ne pal’s Constitution which had sparked the confrontation bet ween India and Nepal in 201516. There has also been outreach to Bhutan and Bangladesh in recent weeks. Both Bhutan and Bangla desh are to hold elections this year, and with incumbent govern ments more favourably disposed to New Delhi than their challen gers in the opposition, the results will have an impact on India’s in fluence in these countries as well.
Slippery slick
A
fter a sharp fall at the beginning of the year, oil prices have risen dramatically in recent weeks. The price of Brent crude has risen by around $10 since it touched a shortterm low of around $62 in early February, hitting its highest mark since late 2014. Ten sions in West Asia after U.S. President Donald Trump’s decision to strike Syria helped push up prices. But it is important to separate shortterm volatility in oil prices owing to geopolitical tensions from longerterm trends in the oil market. In its latest market report, the Interna tional Energy Association (IEA) noted that with oil pric es ruling over $70, the Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) has “accomplished” its goal of ending the glut in global oil supply. Notably, OPEC cut production by around 201,000 barrels a day in March compared to February. Yet, total world oil supply actually rose by 180,000 barrels a day in March, as output from nonOPEC countries, including the U.S., has been increasing in response to higher oil prices. IEA executive director Fatih Birol said last week that the next wave of shale supply may be in the offing as oil prices have remained high for some time now. In India, rapidly rising international crude oil prices have failed to push local petrol and diesel prices up wards in equal measure. The retail selling prices of pe trol and diesel across major Indian cities have in fact ri sen by less than a rupee since the beginning of April. That is, they are not in sync with the upward rise in crude oil prices. Last week, Prime Minister Narendra Modi called for more ‘responsible’ oil prices, which he said have been in “roller coaster” mode for too long. Oil prices, he argued, need to factor in the interests of both consumer and producer. This assertion, along with the talk of allying with China and other Asian countries now to buy oil from OPEC members at lower prices, would have held more weight if the government’s ac tions matched the sentiment. It has imposed high du ties on petroleum products ever since crude oil prices started moderating in 2014, but has been reluctant to scale down those duties in the face of rising prices, leading to record pump level prices. This clearly doesn’t benefit the consumer. Now, with the general elections about a year away and critical Assembly polls in Karnataka just a month away, the Centre is being cau tious not to have higher oil import costs passed on to consumers. This flies in the face of the pricing freedom it had ostensibly granted to the oil marketing compa nies and packaged as a major deregulation reform. So its stance hasn’t benefited the producers either, as is re flected in their falling stock prices. How the Centre res ponds to rising international crude oil prices was al ways going to be the litmus test of its commitment to fuel price deregulation. In the current situation, it ap pears that the government has only tied itself up in knots over the petroleum pricing policy, and with it, its reformist credentials.
In the Lords’ hands The U.K. government faces a tough Brexit week with a crucial vote in Parliament
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heresa May’s government faces another bracing week in its Brexit calendar. With the House of Lords expected to vote in favour of continuing in the common customs union, this may set the tone for Parliament’s final vote later this year on Britain’s with drawal from the European Union. This week’s vote on an amendment to the exit bill is likely to be a replay of the scenario that played out in the House of Lords last year, when peers across party lines handed a bruising defeat to Prime Minister May on the rights of millions of EU citizens in postBrexit Britain. The controversy over the future status of London in Europe’s customs union has taken centrestage in recent months, deepening di visions among the ruling Conservatives over a hard or soft exit. Fuelling the rift was a leaked Whitehall secret analysis in January of the economic fallout of leaving the EU. It forecast a meagre 0.20.4% rise in GDP from a U.K. trade deal with countries outside the bloc, includ ing the U.S. and China. Meanwhile, Jeremy Corbyn, the opposition Labour leader, has signalled a shift in his party’s stance and called for remaining in the customs union as the only realistic guarantee of dutyfree access to the EU after Brexit. The veteran eurosceptic’s current disposition to forge strong links with the single market is significant. Staying in a customs union will limit the loss of trade with EU. It would also reduce the risk of a hard border between Britain and the Republic of Ire land, a prospect that Dublin sees as a potential danger to the integrity of the 1998 Good Friday Accord with Northern Ireland. However, sharing the same tariff rates within the EU would severely limit Britain’s room for manoeuvre in negotiating trade agreements with nonEU nations. Whereas a customs deal is necessarily restricted to commerce in goods, bilateral trade pacts typically in clude several menu items besides goods, such as servic es and investment. The U.K.’s retention of the EU cus toms union would therefore subject London’s trade deals with third countries to the tariff terms they may have already settled with the EU. Such an eventuality would expose the bluster behind the Brexiteers’ rhetor ic of ‘taking back control’ of the country’s economic and political sovereignty. In the event of a defeat in the House of Lords, Ms. May would have the option of going to the Commons, where she has a slender majority. But there is no denying the fluid state of the negotiations ov er Britain’s withdrawal, or Brussels’ increasingly strong position when it comes to dictating the terms of the de parture. The hope must be that all the parties con cerned will make the best of a rather bad situation. CM YK
Suhasini Haidar
C
hange often comes unan nounced, and the govern ment’s foreign policy moves over the past few months repre sent an unannounced but pro found shift in its thinking about the neighbourhood. This could change the course of Prime Minis ter Narendra Modi’s foreign policy before the general election next year. On the mend The most obvious in this is what is now being called the “reset” with China. While the trigger for the rapprochement between the two neighbours was the peaceful reso lution of the Doklam standoff and Mr. Modi’s meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping in Xiamen last year, the outcome of the easing of tensions is being seen in New Del hi’s public postures this year. To begin with, the government has taken care not to respond with any heat to reports of the Chinese buildup at Doklam. Construction by the People’s Liberation Army of new bases, bunkers and helipads, as well its troops staying in the erstwhile grazing grounds there through the winter is far from nor mal activity. Keeping its responses cool, New Delhi has been repeat ing that the Doklam standoff point is untouched and Chinese con struction on their side of the boun dary is “not a threat” to India. The government has also gone to some lengths to tone down planned ce lebrations marking the anniver sary of the Dalai Lama’s arrival from Tibet. New Delhi and Beijing have now embarked on a flurry of highlevel visits that are meant to lead up to a summit meeting bet ween the two leaders; they may even meet more than once. The
some quiet movement. This year, the government admitted in Par liament for the first time that Na tional Security Adviser (NSA) Ajit Doval had met his Pakistani coun terpart, Nasser Khan Janjua, as a part of “established channels of communications at various levels” between the two sides in the past few years, postPathankot. Offi cials have confirmed that talks bet ween the two NSAs have also taken place on the sidelines of confe rences as well, and quite regularly telephonically. Meanwhile, the re solution of the standoff over the treatment of diplomats in Delhi and Islamabad indicates that neither government has the appe tite for escalation at this point. All around, it would appear that India’s hard power strategy in the region is being replaced with a more conciliatory one. However, the next steps will be defined not by a quiet or defensive approach to redefining India’s foreign policy in the region, but with a more bold and proactive one. The reset with China will work only if there are transactional dividends for both New Delhi and Beijing, in case the two governments go back to the default antagonism of the past af ter the summit meetings. Two is sues on which both governments can show flexibility are China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and India’s bid for Nuclear Suppliers
Quiet progress with Pakistan One area of foreign policy where few would bet money on a reset, namely Pakistan, has also seen
Group (NSG) membership. On the NSG, China could re move its block to India’s member ship by adopting a more inclusive approach within the nuclear ex port control organisation. Indian membership, which the Modi go vernment seems to have made its objective, will only strengthen the international nuclear regime. Even if withdrawal of China’s ob jections does not soften the objec tions of more hardline “nonprolif erationists” or NonProliferation Treatyproponents, the goodwill from such a move would propel In diaChina relations forward. On the BRI, if there is political will on both sides, they needn’t look too far for creative solutions around India’s three concerns: on territorial integrity, transparency of projects and their sustainability. The solution to the first is con tained in a proposal under consid eration — to extend the ChinaPa kistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) to Afghanistan. While it may have not been the outcome discussed, the shift from the CPEC to what could be called PACE or the Pakis tanAfghanistanChina Economic corridor would necessitate a shift away from projects in GilgitBaltis tan and Pakistanoccupied Kash mir. Those projects may still be built and funded by China, but then would not constitute a part of the BRI route; as a result, India’s concerns on sovereignty could be dispensed with. Meanwhile, several countries, from Europe to Central and East Asia, are now echoing India’s con cerns about the environmental and debt trap risks that BRI pro jects pose. India could take the lead in creating an international template for infrastructure and connectivity proposals, one that would seek to engage China and other donor countries in a struc tured approach towards debt fi nancing. This would win India goodwill in the neighbourhood too, where every other country (apart from Bhutan) has signed on
to the BRI, but has felt alienated by India’s rigid opposition to the initiative. SAARC re-engagement However, the real tipping point in India’s regional reset will come if the government also decides to re consider its opposition to the South Asian Association for Re gional Cooperation (SAARC) sum mit this year, with Pakistan as the host. At a press conference recent ly, the Foreign Secretary repeated India’s concerns over crossborder terrorism from Pakistan, saying: “Given the current state of play where there is crossborder terro rism and where this is a disruptive force in the region, it is difficult in such circumstances to proceed with [SAARC].” But the argument is beginning to wear thin. Afghanistan, which supported India’s move to pull out of the SAARC summit in Islamabad in 2016 following the Uri attacks, is engaging with Pakistan again; Af ghan President Ashraf Ghani and Pakistan Prime Minister Shahid Khaqan Abbasi signed a seven point AfghanistanPakistan Action Plan for Peace and Solidarity early this month. Sri Lanka and Nepal, both sympathetic to India’s out rage over Uri, are pushing for a summit this year; their sentiments were conveyed publicly by Mr. Oli in Delhi, and by Sri Lankan Presi dent Maithripala Sirisena on his vi sit to Islamabad in March. The trick is for Mr. Modi to at tend the summit in Pakistan when some of India’s neighbours are still asking “why”, and not when all of its neighbours begin to ask “why not”. While this may require the government’s much touted “Doval Doctrine” to take a leaf out of the much derided “Gujral Doctrine” book, it may be in keeping with a larger desire for a regional reset, bringing Mr. Modi’s last year in this term of office more in line with his first.
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At home and in exile We need to adequately plan for internal migration due to climate change severe, the decision to move may be forced. The gradual rise in sea levels wherein people are com pelled to leave their island nations in the Pacific and Indian Oceans and become climate exiles is one such ongoing process that will like ly increase outmigration over time
Sujatha Byravan
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t the height of the Syrian and Rohingya crises, much of the world’s attention turned to forced displacement and refu gees. Both exemplified the typical conditions under which people are forcibly displaced: war, politi cal persecution, economic insta bility and repression. Still, most of the world’s migration is internal, i.e. within the same country. Among the tens of millions dis placed in 2015, 21.3 million were refugees, but 40.8 million were in ternally displaced. People usually change their homes to improve household income, for marriage or other purposes relating to family. With climate change, however, its worsening slow onset effects such as droughts, effects from sea level rise and water shortages will cause many more to leave their homes and move to safer places. Such migration may be a choice in the initial stages; for instance, a young member may travel to a city close by during a drought to in crease his or her family’s income. But as the stress becomes more
Why people move In “Groundswell: Preparing for In ternal Climate Migration”, a recent report by the World Bank, it is esti mated that in Latin America, South Asia and SubSaharan Africa over 143 million people would be forced to move within borders by 2050 as a result of slow onset cli mate events alone. In the worst case scenario, about 40 million of these migrants would be in South Asia, which is the most populous of the regions studied, with a num ber of climate change effects anticipated. The report examines countries in East Africa, South Asia and Cen tral America more closely. Here, it dives deep into the conditions in Ethiopia, Bangladesh and Mexico. Three possible scenarios are de scribed: high greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions along with un equal development paths, regard ed as the pessimistic reference sce nario; an inclusive development scenario with high GHG emissions but development paths that im prove access to services for the
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR Time to act The report of another minor having been abused, tortured and killed, this time in Surat — another barbaric incident similar to the case in Kathua, in Jammu — is numbing (“Minor raped, killed in Surat”, April 16). We need to withdraw the right to call ourself as a civilised nation. In the conspicuous absence of deterrent punishment in India, it is disturbing that the crime graph against minors and women has only shown an upwards trend. It is obvious that the plethora of laws that enable the protection of women and children are ineffective. With prosecution of the accused being cumbersome, followed by prolonged litigation, justice
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The Centre has tied itself up in knots over its policy on oil pricing
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Bold moves to normalise ties with China and Pakistan will enhance India’s standing
poor and consider their priorities and unmet needs; and a climate friendly scenario involving lower GHG emissions but with unequal development. South Asia is characterised by rainfed farmland in large parts of the region. With variability in the monsoons and warmer tempera tures, crop failures will lead to mi gration from the Gangetic plains and from the ricegrowing north east of Bangladesh and the inun dated coasts. In the pessimistic scenario, the numbers forced to move internally in South Asia are expected to increase sixfold bet ween 2020 and 2050 and will con tinue to rise beyond 2050 without appropriate climate action. Even in the inclusive development and climatefriendly scenarios, tens of millions will be forced to migrate. While people normally gravitate to big cities, those along the coast such as Mumbai, Chennai, Chitta gong and Dhaka will themselves be vulnerable to storm surges and
other effects from sea level rise. The poor would be the worst af fected by these slow onset events and most of them would migrate out of rural areas to nearby urban settlements, which would be cities and the periurban surroundings. Such “hotspots” of in and out mi gration would be stressed for natu ral resources, public services and livelihoods. In India, areas bet ween Chennai and Bengaluru have been highlighted in the report along with those around Mexico City, Guatemala City and Nairobi. In India, there are already signs of unplanned and frontierled growth in periurban areas. Past experience shows that planning that ignores the ecosystem servic es provided by local natural re sources such as water tanks and forested areas generates further problems particularly for the poorest and most vulnerable. The implications of these inter nal migrations will be significant for development in the areas and for the lives of these people. The refore, understanding migration patterns, getting better socioeco nomic data on migration and pre paring in advance through appro priate planning become critical. The scenarios used in the Bank re port could be extended to cover other time periods and could also be more localised. Current climate modelling methods are not accu rate at high resolutions for local
decisionmaking, but these are ex pected to improve over time. What can be done? What kind of policies are needed? Reducing GHG emissions is of ut most urgency, although that seems to be taking place at a pace determined by geopolitical as well as local initiatives. Second, inte grating internal migration with on going development planning is vi tal. The periurban areas, which are expected to be hot spots, alrea dy show problems of water shor tage, waste management, nutri tional deficiency, limited services such as health and education, and poor infrastructure. Ecosystems, part of the natural resources in pe riurban areas, ought to be pro tected as “special ecological zones”, so that as urban settle ments expand, they don’t eat into ecosystem services. Skill building, job training and other opportuni ties for education and jobs for lo cals and migrants would also have to become a focal point. Rights for those who are forced to migrate would be fundamental in these preparations, as studies and expe rience have shown that ignoring is sues of social justice and equity in adaptation can lead to serious go vernance failure. Sujatha Byravan, a scientist, studies science, technology and development policy
Letters emailed to
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eludes the families of the victims. P.K. Varadarajan, Chennai
■ The despicable acts of brutality against minors, in Unnao, Kathua and Surat, only shatter one’s faith in the goodness of humanity. Reading about the horrifying degree of violence inflicted on the minors is sure to leave any sane person deeply disturbed. We have failed all these minors as humans. I hope that the deep sense of disgust and outrage felt by all citizens in India will translate itself into action.
Aatmik Ahuja, Indore, Madhya Pradesh
■ The Prime Minister now breaking his silence over the horrors and asserting that the perpetrators will not be
spared must be greeted with a frown. The belated response is not what one expects from our leader especially after his government’s ‘Beti Bachao Beti Padhao’ initiative, which was launched with much fanfare. The cases have sparked outrage and the BJP has not covered itself in glory in its responses.
show that crimes against women in India are on the rise? India is fast acquiring the image of a nation where perpetrators are able to get away scot free while victims and survivors and their families have no hope of justice.
is precisely why even the appointment of judges has not been left to the Chief Justice alone, but to the collegium, because in a collective decisionmaking process there will be checks and balances.
Ashfaque Nadwi,
Ram Siddhartha,
Hyderabad
Chennai
N.J. Ravi Chander,
CJI’s role
Finishing on a high note
Bengaluru
It is difficult to share the view of the Bench of the Supreme Court that the Chief Justice of India is by himself an institution in the matter of allotting cases and constituting benches. There cannot be an institution within an institution. If this view was to be accepted, the element of accountability is lost and this goes against the principle of the rule of law and institutionbuilding. This
The nation stands as one to salute its sports heroes who did the country proud by winning 66 medals and
A disturbing and emerging trend now is the attempt to paint cases of crime against women in communal and casteist terms in an obvious attempt to diminish the severity of the crime. Those responsible for this need to remember that in the end it is India’s image that is being deeply tarnished. Have they forgotten that official data ■
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N.G.R. Prasad,
finishing third in the Commonwealth Games 2018 (Editorial – “A golden hue”, April 16). Behind the attainment of their success and glory lie months of sacrifice and toil. The performance of our athletes should spur boys and girls back in India to take a keener interest in sports activities. India has hope even in the sporting arena, finally. R. Ravichandran, Chennai
more letters online: www.hindu.com/opinion/letters/
corrections & clarifications: In the report “Edappadi justifies memorandum to PM” (April 16, 2018, some editions), there was a reference to the birth centen ary celebrations of former Chief Minister Jayalalithaa. It should have been M.G. Ramachandran. In the Column Width page article titled “A Chalukyan legacy” (April 15, 2018), the author’s name had been misspelt as Rana Saqvi. It should have been Rana Safvi. The Readers’ Editor’s office can be contacted by Telephone: +91-44-28418297/28576300; E-mail:
[email protected] A ND-NDE
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THE HINDU
OPED 9
NOIDA/DELHI
TUESDAY, APRIL 17, 2018
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It’s time to replace the UGC Act
Publish and perish?
The stage is set for a long overdue overhaul of higher education in India
Making original research mandatory in medical institutions without building research infrastructure is unrealistic
Categories of universities The new Act should establish a high er education regulatory commission (HERC), which will subsume the functions of all the three existing reg ulatory agencies under the HRD Mi nistry. Recognising the critical role of States in higher education, it should further establish an advisory council consisting of representatives of all States and the Central government. In addition, it must have as members leading educationists from diverse fields. The council should advise the HERC on all matters, though the final decisionmaking power needs to be vested in the Commission and its dif ferent bodies. The UGC recently issued new rules and regulations under which it
divided universities into three cate gories: I, II and III. Category I and II universities were awarded autono my, with Category I universities re ceiving greater autonomy than Cate gory II. Under the Act, we propose merging Category I and Category II universities under the recent rules into a single category. The HERC should not be in the bu siness of writing curriculums for un iversities and colleges. Under the proposed Act, Category I universities will be free to write their own curri culums. In addition, they will over see the curriculums of the colleges affiliated to them. Autonomous col leges will write their own curricu lums as well. Category II universities and the colleges affiliated to them will adopt the curriculums of one or more Category I universities. Colleg es affiliated to these universities will adopt curriculums of colleges affiliat ed to Category I colleges or autono mous colleges. There may be courses that exist in Category II universities or in colleges affiliated to them, or courses that these institutions wish to start which do not exist in any of the autonomous universities, colleg es affiliated to them, or autonomous colleges. In such cases, the HERC will appoint a small committee of experts from the relevant field to approve or reject the proposed course in a time bound manner. Tasks of the Commission If this reform is adopted, a major function on which the UGC currently
spends a vast amount of time will be eliminated from the responsibilities of the HERC. This will leave the HERC with two major tasks: deci sions on the disbursement of funds and accreditation. To fulfil the first function, the HERC should have a fi nance board. To discharge the se cond function, it should have an ac creditation board. Both these boards should have full autonomy in dis charging their functions once the broad policy is formulated at the le vel of the Commission. Presidents of the boards should be exofficio mem bers of the Commission. The HERC should formulate guide lines for the establishment of new in stitutions. A new institution should be able to enter on honor basis once it posts in a transparent statement on its website explaining how it has sa tisfied all the criteria stipulated by the Commission. The HERC should have the power to review whether the entering institution has genuine ly fulfilled all the entry criteria, and in cases of deviations from the crite ria, to close it down. The Commission in cooperation with the accreditation board will have the responsibility to draw up standards and a grading system for colleges and universities. Multiple accreditation agencies will be per mitted, with the board serving as the approval authority for them. Univer sities and colleges may be asked to deposit an accreditation fee in a fund held by the accreditation board from which accreditation agencies can be
Entry of foreign institutions The Act should lay down a clear path for the entry of foreign institutions. The top 200300 institutions in the world, according to generally accept ed rankings, may be allowed entry as Category I institutions. As India has a large young population, foreign insti tutions will have an incentive to en ter the country. In turn, India stands to benefit from the expertise and reputation of these institutions. Finally, the Act must also chart a path to integrate teaching and re search. The separation between teaching at universities and colleges and research at research councils has not served the cause of either higher education or research well. To be motivated to do research, students must have access to stateoftheart laboratories and opportunities to in teract regularly with scholars active ly engaged at the frontiers of re search. Conversely, scholars stand to benefit from interacting with young, inquisitive minds. It is critical for this interaction to be brought to the centre of university education. Arvind Panagariya and B. Venkatesh Kumar are Professors at Columbia University and Tata Institute of Social Sciences, respectively
George Thomas & Prathap Tharyan
In June 2017, the Medical Council of India (MCI) made publishing original research in indexed journals a prerequisite for appoint ments and promotions of teaching faculty in medical colleges. Recruitment, tenure and promotions are often linked to research pu blications in the developed world but mak ing this mandatory in India is a bad idea. Research advances scientific knowledge and saves lives. The pressure to publish mo tivates clinicians in academic institutions to prioritise research over other professional roles. Research productivity enhances ca reers and confers scientific recognition and prestige. It provides scientific capital to insti tutions and reinforces the pressure on facul ty to publish or perish. The consequences Many commentators have noted that the em phasis on quantity over quality has led to a flood of poor quality research. In 2005, John Ioannidis in PLoS Med stated that most re search findings could be proven to be false. In a 2009 report in The Lancet, Iain Chal mers and Paul Glasziou esti mated that around 85% of re search funding was being wasted across the entire spec trum of biomedical research. They found that most re search publications neither advance scientific knowledge nor have practical clinical applications. Research eats into the time that faculty have for clinical care, teaching and mentor ing students. This deprives students and pa tients of the experience of senior faculty. It also contributes to stress and burnout in those left to deal with heavy teaching and clinical workload. The disproportionate em phasis on publications to define success in academic medicine influences the culture of medical education, and the aspirations of students graduating from such institutions. In a recent editorial in the Indian Journal of Medical Ethics, Sunita Bandewar and oth ers estimate that medical college teachers in India, though lacking funding, infrastructure or protected time, will produce around 15,000 papers a year if they follow MCI re quirements. This is a field in which fabrica tion, falsification, plagiarism and misrepre sentation will thrive. The numerous “predatory” journals that India hosts will pu blish them for a fee and flourish, while health care and academic integrity perish. The mission statement of the National Medical Commission Bill, 2017, is “to provide for a medical education system that ensures GETTY IMAGES/ ISTOCK PHOTO
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The Prime Minister’s vision to create 20 institutions of eminence and the Ministry of Human Resource Deve lopment’s reforms push have set the stage for an overhaul of higher edu cation in India that is long overdue. The HRD Ministry first saw the pas sage of the Indian Institutes of Man agement Bill, 2017, which will extend greater autonomy to the IIMs. It fol lowed this up with reforms in the rules and regulations of the Universi ty Grants Commission (UGC), giving autonomy to India’s bestranked un iversities and colleges. Subsequently, the Union Cabinet approved the con tinuation of the Rashtriya Uchchatar Shiksha Abhiyan, which has been working quietly to improve the qual ity of higher educational institutions in the States through outcomebased grants. The time is now ripe for another change: to replace the UGC Act, 1956, with a new law that should respond to the current needs of higher educa tion. Such an Act will take forward the reforms adopted until now, re move the clutter of regulatory agen cies under the HRD Ministry’s pur view, and pave the way for the emergence of highquality higher educational institutions.
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Arvind Panagariya & B. Venkatesh Kumar
paid. This will eliminate the need for financial dealings between the ac creditation agency and the university or college being reviewed. Matching universities and colleges with the ac creditation agency may be done through a random selection by a computer. The Commission in cooperation with the finance board will also deve lop guidelines for funding universi ties and colleges. Once these are framed, the board will have autono my in implementing them. The Com mission must also formulate policies on tuition fees and teacher salaries. The Act should explicitly provide for independent efforts by institutions to raise funds and even incentivise such efforts by providing matching funds via the finance board. The HERC will have a secretariat to maintain a separate grievance and redress office. The office will receive complaints from students, the facul ty and university authorities. While routine complaints can be dealt with at the level of this office, those with wider ramifications will be brought to the Commission.
ARCHIVES
FIFTY YEARS AGO APRIL 17, 1968
In defence of Nehru
Textile crisis worsening
He was simultaneously nation builder, liberal democrat and strategic visionary
The crisis in the textile industry is worsening and millowners are reported to be considering a proposal to curtail produc tion in their units in the near future. The millowners will be meeting here [Coimbatore] on April 24 to take a decision. Mr. K. Sundaram, M.P. and Chairman of the Southern India Mil lowners’ Association said here today [April 16] nearly 15 mills were not even able to pay wages to the workers. He told me that since the beginning of this month the distress sale of yarn had taken a turn for the worse in that the mills were not able to realise even the cost price and had to sell their stocks at a loss to meet other commitments. Mr. Sundaram who met the Se cretary of the Union Commerce and Industries Ministry re cently said that though the Centre was thinking of certain mea sures to afford relief to the industry and the consumer without at the same time losing its revenue, they were not likely to be of any help.
Mohammed Ayoob
THE HINDU ARCHIVES
CM YK
George Thomas is a consultant orthopaedic surgeon at St. Isabel’s Hospital, Chennai. Prathap Tharyan is Adjunct Professor, Clinical Epidemiology Unit, Christian Medical College, Vellore. Views are personal
FROM
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Mohammed Ayoob is University Distinguished Professor Emeritus of International Relations, Michigan State University
The purpose of medical education A 2010 study in the Annals of Internal Medicine envisioned the basic purpose of medi cal education as caring for the national pop ulation, chiefly in primary care and in underserved areas. It ranked medical schools in the U.S. according to a social mis sion score wherein Stanford (19) and Johns Hopkins (20) ranked among the bottom 20 universities. As India continues “upgrading” district hospitals to medical colleges, and re cognising forprofit private medical colleges, the NMC should reflect on whether this “aca demic” designation will detract from the so cial mission that medical education should serve. In many European countries, notably the U.K., postgraduates and consultants are not required to conduct research, in training or for promotions. They are tested on their ability to interpret research publica tions critically. This promotes best medical practice and evi denceinformed health care. The NMC should develop two streams of medical faculty: a clinical cadre and a research cadre. The clin ical cadre of consultants should be appraised on their clinical, teaching, and communica tion skills; audits conducted to improve ser vices; and continuing professional develop ment credits. The research cadre should be appraised on the quality, integrity, scientific rigour and impact of their research; clinical collaborations; and teaching and guiding re search. In order to increase the value of re search investments, the NMC should also adopt 17 invaluable researchbased recom mendations on reducing the “waste in bio medical research”, summarised in a series of papers published in The Lancet in 2014. Some academic institutions in India do good research and this should be encour aged. Making original research mandatory now in other institutions, without investing in building research infrastructure and ca pacity, is illconceived, possibly unethical and certainly unrealistic.
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It is fashionable these days to deni grate Jawaharlal Nehru. Although he had his weaknesses, those who fol lowed him, regardless of party or ide ology, have been intellectual and polit ical pygmies by comparison. Nehru had a vision of India as a modern, secular state that would be inclusive and liberal. When advised to outlaw communal parties as they flouted the spirit of the Constitution, he declared that communal ism had to be defeated politically and not by the use of legal instruments. When asked why he was so strident in attack ing Hindu communalism while softpeddaling Muslim com munalism, he replied that it was because majority commu nalism was far more dangerous since it could easily pass off as Indian nationalism. A prescient comment indeed! Unlike Gandhi who believed in the idea of an India consti tuted of autonomous village communities with all the caste and economic inequities they harboured, Nehru was com mitted to the establishment of a strong Indian state where the concept of equal rights of citizens would override all so cietal divisions. It was he who established the robust tradi tion of civilian supremacy over the military that prevented India from becoming another juntaruled Third World au tocracy. Nehru laid the foundations of a dualtrack nuclear programme without which India would never have achieved nuclear capable status. His economic policies of investing in heavy industries and protecting the nascent manufacturing sector saved India from becoming a mere cash crop econo my dependent on the vagaries of the global market for its economic survival. India gained independence at a very difficult juncture in international politics. Global alliance groups were all the rage. Nehru’s response was to advocate a policy of non alignment to maintain India’s strategic autonomy in the face of pressure, especially from the U.S., to choose sides. Non alignment may not have been the answer to all of India’s fo reign policy problems, but it helped insulate the country from the worst effects of superpower rivalry. Unlike Pakis tan’s subservient relationship with the U.S., nonalignment set the stage for a fruitful arms supply relationship with the Soviet Union without compromising India’s strategic goals. The 1962 IndiaChina war, forced upon Nehru by an illin formed and jingoistic opposition and public opinion, posed a major challenge to his foreign policy. Nonetheless, coin ciding as it did with the SinoSoviet rift, it helped cement New Delhi’s relations with the Soviet Union. This relation ship stood India in good stead during the Bangladesh war when Moscow provided cover for the Indian military inter vention in the UN Security Council and the IndoSoviet Trea ty neutralised U.S. and Chinese support for Pakistan. Nehru was simultaneously nation builder, liberal demo crat, and strategic visionary, qualities in short supply today.
availability of adequate and high quality medical professionals; that encourages med ical professionals to adopt latest medical re search in their work and to contribute to re search”. What is lacking is a clearly articulated vision of the goals of medical education and the role of research in the context of the challenges and needs in India.
A HUNDRED YEARS AGO APRIL 17, 1918.
Offering to Bribe a Magistrate.
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CONCEPTUAL
ABSTRACT
Ellsberg paradox
The power of incentives
This refers to the tendency to choose to deal with ris ky scenarios where people know the probability of the various possible out comes as against alterna tive scenarios where they do not know the probable outcomes. This occurs even when the chances of winning are higher in the scenario where the proba bilities are unknown. This is used to explain why peo ple try to avoid situations that involve any degree of uncertainty regarding the outcome and instead pref er stability. It is named af ter American whistle blower Daniel Ellsberg who proposed it in his paper “Risk, ambiguity and the savage axioms”. CCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCC CCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCC
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Without strong institutions, they can have brutal consequences Prashanth Perumal J.
One of the fundamental principles used by econo mists to understand the world is that people res pond to incentives. Good incentives push people to do things that are benefi cial to society, while bad incentives have the oppo site effect. “The perils of highpo wered incentives”, a 2018 paper by a team of re searchers including Daron Acemoglu, James Robin son et al, in the National Bureau of Economic Research, takes the case of how bad incentives can lead to some very brutal consequences. In the pap er, the authors first elabo rate on how cash and oth er perks have historically been offered as incentives to members of various militaries across the world to deal with enemy forces. Then they look at the par ticular case of Colombia’s antiinsurgency strategy
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Psychology
against the leftist guerril las after the election of Al varo Uribe as the coun try’s President in 2002. The new government of fered a variety of incen tives to its soldiers in or der to prod them to kill and maim as many enemy forces as possible. One of the incentives, a soldier said, was that Colombian military personnel could earn as much as 15 days of vacation by killing guerril las. Promotions and other perks offered to colonels also depended on the number of killings carried out by their soldiers. While the stated goal of the government’s incen tive scheme was to deal
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with the guerrillas, the authors find that it also pushed soldiers to engage in fake killings of innocent civilians just to claim their incentives. This was par ticularly the case in re gions where there were fewer judicial checks on errant soldiers. Colom bia’s military clearly did not have any monetary or other material incentives to care about the human rights of civilians, so it was no surprise that they killed innocent people. The more relevant ques tion to ask is why the go vernment failed to streng then institutions meant to keep a check on soldiers. It may be that the govern ment itself, for whatever reason, had no material incentive to tackle the un intended effects of its poli cy on ordinary civilians. The authors thus discour age the use of highpo wered incentives in coun tries with weak institutions.
Mr. Das Gupta, third Presidency Magistrate [Calcutta], on Monday [April 15] delivered judgment in a case against Srilal Chamaria and Mimraj Bania, two rich and wellknown Marwa ris who were charged with having attempted to offer a bribe of Rs. 5,000 to Mr. A.T. Mukherji, late Fifth Presidency Magistrate of Calcutta through his bench clerk Mr. Karma Bhusan Banner jee. The Magistrate, in the course of a lengthy judgment, found the first accused (Srilal) guilty under Sections 161 and 109 read with 116 I.P.C. and sentenced him to three months’ rigorous imprisonment and a fine of Rs. 1000 or in default two months’ additional imprisonment. The second accused Mimraj who was convicted of aiding and abetting was sentenced to pay a fine of Rs. 1000. At the High Court on Monday afternoon, Mr. Jackson moved for bail on behalf of Srilal Chamaria before the Chief Justice and Mr. Justice Beachcroft. CCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCC CCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCC
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