Journal of Social Research & Policy, Vol. 6, Issue 1, July 2015

The Professionalism of Indonesian National Army in Civil-Military Relations. A Case Study in General Election 2014 YUSA DJUYANDI1 Bina Nusantara University, Indonesia

Abstract The slow process of professionalizing the Indonesian National Army (TNI) currently needs to be looked out, as well as with reemergence of a tendency to draw the military into practical politics activity as in 2014 general election. Military professionalism in a civil-military relation within a country is necessary to create civilian supremacy. To get a good insight of the issue, this research used qualitative methods to capture information from several informants as the primary data source in addition to some secondary data. From this research it is found that in the 2014 general election there were indications to leads back the military into practical politics, including one that was done by civilian political elites in political parties. This is directly threatening the realization of military professionalism. This study concludes that the absence of military professionalism can pose a threat to civilian supremacy, because when the government is controlled by the military power, the rights of civil society will be neglected.

Keywords: Professionalism; TNI; Civil; Military; General Election; Civilian Supremacy.

Introduction Democracy in Indonesia is growing rapidly after entering the reformation era, where the freedom of speech is no longer the thing to be questioned and the society is given the freedom to determine their political choice at general election. One notable example of this is the reinstatement of the right of civil servants to vote for any political party they prefer (Widakdo, 2009). In contrast, during the previous so called New Order, such freedom was notably absent. Therefore, in comparison, political life and the state of democracy today in Indonesia are much better. The reformation of the Indonesian National Army, locally known as TNI or ABRI, is essential for the improvement in the political life. This reformation of the Indonesian army requires its soldiers to be more professional in carrying out their duties (Sjamsoeddin, 2009), that is the army should further enhance its expertise in maintaining defence and not for engage in politics. One of the problems in building democracy in Indonesia during the New Order era is the lack of the army’s professionalism, in the new order (Orde Baru) era, TNI as a state instrument often mistaken as Government/Power instrument and its role touches almost all the fields that exist in the society and dealing with each element of social and political (Tarmansyah, 2011). Indonesian citizen never felt the adverse effects of the lack of the army’s professionalism during the reign of New Order era, led by Soeharto. In this era, the army had extremely strong role and influence in politics and government. With its dual-function concept of the army, known in Indonesia as dwi fungsi ABRI, the army can enter any government areas and society. 1

Postal Address: Communication Department, SCS Politics, Bina Nusantara University. Jl. KH. Syahdan No. 9, Kemanggisan, Jakarta 11480, Indonesia. E-mail Address: [email protected]

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Furthermore, every new policy created must be in accordance to the political interest of military, this makes the military authorities the de-facto ruler. Military power in the New Order era could not only be found in the executive branch of government but also has in the legislative branch. The presence of the army and police faction in the Indonesian upper house of parliament is one concrete manifestation of the military desire to be able to play a direct role in political life. In addition, Soeharto also tried to include the military influence and power in his political party, the Golongan Karya (Golkar). The existence of Golongan Karya (Golkar) in Orde Baru government is some sort of manipulation from ABRI, Golkar existence was started with the emergence of Golkar’s Sekber (joint secretariat) which was motivated by the need of Pancasila pivot. Based on the hard work of Daryatmo, Ali Murtopo dan Soemitro, General Soeharto entered the 1971 elections with the support of cooperative Golkar and solid ABRI (Said, 2006, pp. 104-105). The Golkar party then played a role in Parliament not as a party but as a Golongan Karya organization consisting of several mass organizations. The Indonesian armed forces’ dual-function concept which was used in the New Order era was very detrimental to the country’s development of democracy. This is because of the concept which allowed the military to abuse its authority for its own interests. The result of this dual-function, the Indonesian armed forces controlled various social, political and economic aspects of the country with unfair practices and they were also used as an instrument of power by President Soeharto (Bhakti, 2014), which resulted in the deteriorating public sympathy toward the armed forces. This practice did not only show the unprofessionalism of military in Indonesia, but also showed how unbalanced the civilian and military relationship was at New Order era. The military involvement in the political life and as the instrument used to maintain the government status quo led the government political enforcement to the society. The political imposition by the government through the armed forces was not only in the form of repressive actions aimed at the community groups who opposed the government, but also in the form of imposition during the general election process. This could be seen by the mobilization of the military to towns and villages to help secure votes for the ruling party. These practices violated the Indonesian principle of election which should be direct, common, free, and confidential. In the reformation era, the armed forces are required to undergo reforms to make them more professional. Military professionalism is manifested in the form of the military that do not perform political activity, but instead the military should focus on its main task in maintaining the national defence. This is an effort that needs to be done in order to build democracy which is coming from the civilian government. When this process slows down it would have a negative impact on the democratic life in Indonesia, because it is not impossible for the army use the opportunity to re-engage in practical politics and bring back impositions to the civilians. The importance of military professionalism development been cited by Abdel Fattah (2005, pp. 250) from the research of Muthiah Alagappa, that the impact of military professionalism will avoid the military enforcement to the government, make the military not do politics, will support the advancement of civil society and bring the military to its actual function i.e., national defence. Professional military has always focused on the task and not interfering in political activity. During the New Order, the military (TNI) were too much involved in political affairs, the result is that it not only has an impact on democracy but also on the level of military strength weakened. TNI reform which begins in 1998 was focused to build the military professionalism, that means the soldier must go back to barracks and have more training or practices to secure the state. There is a reason about why TNI must be professional, that is because the power of Indonesian army is still weak. Military Defence Capability Index (MDCI) 2015 has showed that Indonesian military which in the past decades has been the first force in South east Asia now has slumped in fourth position (Kampus Militer, 2015). Currently the military must begin reorganizing its strength because other countries have also begun to build up the strength of its defence, that is by increasing training and updating its weapons systems.

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Table 1: The Comparison of the Defence Forces Between Indonesia and Singapore Results Attack Helicopters Attack Aircraft Fighter Aircraft AFV Strength SPG Strength Towed Artilerry Merchant Marine Strength Submarines

Indonesia 5 52 30 1,089 37 80 1,340 2

Singapore 17 119 119 2,192 48 262 1,599 6

Source: Writer, 2015. The slow process of the Indonesian armed forces professionalism at this time needs to be watched out, as well as with the start of re-emergence of a tendency to draw the military into practical politics or become political partisan in election. It is evident that in every election, including in the 2014 general election, there were attempts to lead the armed forces to favor a particular political group (Purnomo, 2014). One of the few previous studies that have relevance to the TNI professionalism, Mulyadi (2009) in his research title "Indonesian Military Depoliticization: Case Study of Guidance Function Territorial the Command of Territorial Army in DKI Jakarta Province 2004-2009", focuses on the idea that development of the Indonesian armed forces into 'professional military' requires the military depoliticization. The next study is from Darmawan (2005) under the title "The influence of the TNI's internal reformation towards the territorial officers’ professionalism and its implications to territorial resiliency: a case study in Central Jakarta District Military Command 0501”. This study focuses on the impact of internal reforms in the TNI towards the TNI professionalism officer in Military District Command 0501 Central Jakarta. And the research conducted by Khasman (2010) in his study entitled "Perceptions of Navy soldiers on TNI professionalism and its implications for the establishment of Ideology resilience: Studies in Pusdiklapa and STTAL Kobangdikal Surabaya, East Java". This study focuses on the perceptions of the Navy soldiers on TNI professionalism and its impact on the formation of ideology resilience. From the findings of the previous studies as well as from our own, we concluded that there is no research study to date which examines the professionalism of the TNI in civilian and military relations, particularly in the general election 2014. Because of the importance of the issue, a study on the area is carried out. In carrying out this study, we used some of the theories and concepts related to the issues and the appointed title of the study, which are including theory and concepts of democracy, military professionalism and civil-military relations. Discussing about TNI, professionalism and civil-military relations cannot be separated from the theories and concepts of democracy, where democracy is etymologically derived from the combination of two Greek words, namely demos (people) and kratos (government) or to sum up, it is government by the people. The combination of two words demos and kratos give a huge significance for the creation of a state which is derived from people, by people and for people, and a state cannot act arbitrarily against people as the supreme sovereignty holder in the context of a democratic state (Prasetyo, 2005, p. 9). There are both narrow and broad (comprehensive) definition of democracy, a narrow definition of democracy formulated by Schumpeter (1976, apud Tamrin, 2006, p. 10), which according to him democracy simply is a political method, a mechanism for selecting political leaders, the ability to choose a leader among political leaders during the election is called democracy. David Beetham & Kevin Boyle (2000, p. 21) say that conventionally a country is called democratic if the government is formed by the will of the people which manifested through a competitive election.

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While Mayo (1960, p. 70) revealed that “A democratic political system is one in which public policies are made on majority basis, by representatives subject to effective popular control at periodic elections which are conducted on the principle of political equality and under conditions of political freedom.” Related to the theories and concepts of military professionalism (TNI), according to Fattah (2005, p.244) "Professionalism is a combination of knowledge and skills which are highly skilled in a specific field. While the profession is the specific tasks and jobs". Meanwhile, according to Perlmutter (1977, apud Fattah, 2005, p. 244) the profession is an occupation that requires perfect training and education in a specialized field. The purpose of a long and intensive education is intended to maintain achievement levels and in accordance with the implementation of high standards, both of which are determined by the rules of the organization or the opinions of colleagues. The level of professionalism of certain job is measured through the implementation, methods, character, status, and standard of people who are in it. Because of this special status, the true professionals have the authority to determine in relation with the client (the client here is the people and the government). Huntington (1957, apud Fattah, 2005, pp. 245-246) states military professionalism has three main features, namely: 1. Specific expertise and knowledge, as well as skills that can only be obtained through education, training, and experience, and always follow the development of the field of his profession; 2. Typical social responsibility. Therefore, the military should have high moral values, has a responsibility to the people and the state, because the soldiers are not own privately by the army leader, and do not serve private interests; 3. Corporate character foster l'espirit de corps. The military is a social unit that has autonomy and independence in internal affairs, traditions, and customs that distinguish it from other social units in the community. Following Perlmutter and Huntington’ opinion, then Fattah (2005, p. 247) formulated the characteristics of TNI professionalism which are as follows: 1. Expert and proficient in implementing tasks of national defence; 2. Be neutral and not get involved in practical politics; 3. Have discipline. Obey the law, and have high and healthy l'esprit de corps (corps spirit) 4. Have high soldier moral and ethics; 5. Appreciate and defend the people proportionally; 6. Appreciate the ruling party or civilian supremacy. A discussion of military professionalism is something that also cannot be separated from the concept of civilian-military relationships, in which the concept is still a hot issue to be discussed even in the most democratic countries. In Indonesia, civil military relation is a hot topic discussed in the public sphere since the collapse of the New Order era. According to Prihatono, Evangeline, & Gindarsah (2007, p. 111) civilian and military relations are a phenomenon that is at the level of political relations. Condition of the political relationships according to Hernandez (1996, p. 78) are theoretically visible from civilian political authority that determines the duties and functions of the military institution to provide a good description of the military organization's mission, allocate adequate defence budget, and maintain institutional integration of the military. Civil military relation is also a discourse that cannot be separated in the context of democratization (Prihatono, Evangeline, & Gindarsah, 2007, p. 111). Democratic civil-military relations, in the view of Born (2003, apud Ngoma, 2004, p. 4), refers to : “…an adherence to principles that conform to accoutable, legitimate democratic authorities, and the existence of a parliament that exercises oversight over the military and authorises the declaration of war and also makes the executive accountability to it in terms of the character of its defence policy.” Based on that reference, Born (2003, apud Ngoma, 2004, p. 4) then defines the democratic civil-military relations as follows: “Democratic civil-military relations is also defined in terms of good governance to the security sector, and accountability by individual members of the security sector to national and international laws, as well as political neutrality.”

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The basic problem of civil and military relations in the context of democratization is the realization of civilian supremacy upon military. The use of the term civil supremacy in the context of civil military relations according to Prihatono, Evangeline, & Gindarsah (2007, p. 113) should be understood as a sovereign people. In this case the people's sovereignty should be understood that all people are the citizens who become stakeholders. In civilian supremacy there should be representatives elected through the democratic process of elections and there is political accountability, and there should also be legal rule that must be upheld by all stakeholders (Prihatono, Evangeline, & Gindarsah, 2007, p. 114). Compliance and military submission to the government elected and appointed democratically through elections are according to Kohn (1997, p.140) interpreted as a civilian supremacy. In order to make it easier to analyze the problems based on theories and concepts used, the following is an illustrated framework.

Figure 1: Framework

Research methods Research Design This research was conducted through observation and interview techniques. Data collected consist of primary data, which are from informants and observations, as well as secondary data in the field. Therefore, this research design uses qualitative methods. The research method chosen and deemed appropriate because qualitative method is relevant and match with the proposed research problem through a process of interpretation and meaning. Source of Data The data source is divided into two types of data sources, namely primary and secondary data sources. Primary data is data obtained directly through field observations and interviews with informants. Secondary data will be captured through study of documentation, the data obtained through the documentation relevant to this research. Informants selected are observers and academics in the fields of defence and security, as well as Member of Commission I (Defence) House of Representatives. While the secondary data source is through the Act No. 34 Year 2004 about Indonesian National Army, minutes of meetings, general guidelines, the results of various literature study and previous studies are relevant.

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Data Collection Techniques The tool used in this research is a list of interviews as a further description of the research question, observation, and documentation. This technique was chosen to provide ease in research activities, are not intended to limit the degree of flexibility of the researcher as an instrument in the field. Interviews were conducted with observers and academics in the fields of defence and security, as well as Member of Commission I (Defence) House of Representatives. Observations made to Act No. 34 Year 2004 about the Indonesian National Army, minutes of meetings, general guidelines, the results of various literature study and relevant previous studies. Furthermore, the process of data collection in this study tailored to this type of research. The data collected in this study, which are in the form of words, actions, documents, circumstances, and events that can be observed. Thesources of the dataare statements obtained directly or indirectly through observation and interviews and documents in the form of an activities note saved in the documentation. Data Validation Techniques The data validity test in this study are based on certain criteria, namely the degree of confidence and accuracy of data (credibility) which were obtained from informants who understand the process of TNI professionalism realization, truth (correctness) of a description, conclusion, and explanation that can be known from compliance with laws and regulations as well as the text / other important documents.

Results and discussion Military Professionalism in Civil-Military Relations in Election 2014 One of the demands of the TNI reformation agenda is that the military is forbidden to perform any practical political activities, including general election activities 2. The reason TNI is forbidden from all activities of practical politics is to keep this institution as a professional armed forces, which is not a political tool of any group. Although TNI active members have been banned to do politics, but in fact in every administration of elections we can always encounter TNI members’ bias on one of the group or political party (Purnomo, 2014). Ahead of elections, institutionally and formally TNI has always claimed that they are neutral, it is done in order to keep up the image of their professionalism commitment in the public eye (Berita satu, 2014). However, that does not mean in reality there is no TNI members involved in practical politics, because the standard of not doing practical politics not only can be seen from the absent of TNI members voting in the elections, but also in other elections activities. In the 2014 general election, the signal to continue leading the TNI back into the realm of practical politics still can be seen. That signal can be seen from the effort to continue to garner the support from the retirees, the more retirees recruited the greater the potential for vote to be obtained from the military. Formally, although TNI members are prohibited to participate actively in practical politics activities, there is a potential where the family and their relatives can be led to favor one political group or candidate pairs. Because in this reformation era the TNI are still very prone to be mobilized. TNI professionalism which demands TNI neutrality is a mandate of implementation of the TNI's internal reformation according to Act Number 34 Year 2004 on the Indonesian National Army (TNI). Neutral means impartiality, it does not participate, or does not help either party, TNI is neutral in political life and does not involve themselves in practical politics. Although TNI members are not doing practical politics, are not members of a party, and do not participate in the elections, they cannot be considered neutral if they invite and lead their families and relatives to take sides on a particular political group. When they are not neutral it is rightly to question the TNI professionalism.

2

See Article 39, Act No. 34 Year 2004 about Indonesian National Army.

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The existence of the former general power in the elections (legislative and executive/president) is interesting to observe, especially in terms of strategy and political power that they will use in supporting their candidate. The retiree may influence the juniors who are still active to provide support to a particular candidate, with a guarantee of political positions after retirement from the military. In fact, many of the military who are still active are willing to sacrifice their career for the sake of the promise of a political position. Military as state instrument must be neutral from any political power, what happens if the military is not a neutral and involved in practical politics with providing support to particular political party or presidential candidate (capres)? The non-neutrality of the TNI will lead this institution divided into political factions, this is where the clash episode will start between commanders and subordinates, between units, between corps, because the charge of political interests (Djuyandi, 2014). The barriers to achieve professional TNI not only can be seen from the internal side of the TNI, but also can be seen from the external side of the TNI. From the observations made by the researchers, it can be drawn that until now there are still civilian political elite parties who are trying to attract members of the TNI to be one of their supporters 3. Currently appearing several parties that want to try to bring the TNI into practical political life, such as recruiting TNI members into politics interest of either party, though with a consequent of losing their military career, and there is a desire to have a voting right for TNI members. If this continues to happen then the efforts which have been made to establish a relationship of civil - military based on civilian supremacy will be in vain, hence the civilian political elite also needs to be aware of the importance of maintaining consistency to achieve TNI professionalism. On the other hand, to achieve TNI professionalism and good civil-military relations, full support for TNI also needs to be given, either in the form of education and training, provision of weapons, and welfare of the soldiers. TNI professionalism and Civilian Supremacy for Democracy Democracy has become the object of study which has a very broad range of discussion. Among the many discussion ranges of democracy, one of the things that have most attention in most third world countries is related to the issue of civil-military relations, i.e., about upholding civilian supremacy upon military. The democratic development process judging from that problem is emphasized by Huntington (1991), Diamond & Plattner (1996) and Shaw (2000). The efforts to uphold civilian supremacy upon military in the context of democratic country cannot be separated from the importance of building the professional military. In this context the development of the community power can be realized by reposition the military officers who have participated in the socio-political issues into the barracks, and then submit these issues to civil society groups. Many events in the third world countries, including Indonesia, indicate when government is held and controlled by military then the democracy cannot thrive. In some cases, democracy is only used as decoration and democratic processes run only as formality, in this case Huntington (1965, pp. 386-430) mentions when democracy loses the real strength the community will not be able to force the government to submit to the power and the interests of citizens. Surely explanation helped strengthen the link between the developments of democracy with the development of military professionalism. It can also be seen from the essence of political democracy proposed by Sorensen (2003, p. 105) namely competition, participation, and civil and political liberties. According to the experience in some third world countries, including Indonesia, it shows that the military unprofessionalism resulted in the birth of unhealthy political competition, the low pure political participation from citizen, and the absence of political and civil freedom. In the New Order era, when the government was controlled by the military, then any policy issued is always based on group interests or military leaders alone. The impact of it all is that government tends to be authoritarian, authoritarian governments are certainly not only dangerous for political life but also for the social and economic life of society, where power 3

The observation was conducted at the campaign period in Jakarta, 15-30 March 2014.

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will be used to mobilize all potential and existing resources to benefit themselves or a particular group. From the description above, we get a picture that one of the factors that led to the failure of the development of democracy in Indonesia during the New Order era, which ultimately resulted in the collapse of the social and economic structure of society, is caused by the failure of leaders to build TNI professionalism. Soeharto's leadership during the period of 32 years in a glance looks successful in creating relatively stable economy and country conditions, but the success is apparent since the foundation of Indonesian democratic development was still brittle due to the inclusion of the TNI in the realm of practical politics. The spirit of democracy which does not actually run will not realize the substance of democracy. For example: there was the parliament but it was filled with people who are pro Soeharto, not to mention the existence of the TNI/POLRI fraction in the parliament which further strengthened the dominance of military force; elections were run, but the outcome of the election was predictable. Citing Rauf (1997, p. 2): "The democratic political system is merely a product of the development of democratic values that previously occurred in the society". This actually shows how important it is to instill democratic values. Creating the TNI Professionalism The demand of the reformation movement 14 years ago was a step of the Indonesian to avoid a much deeper slump, the cost of this change is massive. Not only the material loss incurred by the nation, but also immaterial loss such as the death of the reformation activists in the hands of security forces who acted very repressively. According to Sukadis (interview conducted in 2014), "during the 32 years of Soeharto's leadership, the economy was seen growing so rapidly, even Indonesia once hailed as one of the Asian tigers country. However, the development pattern formed by the Orde Baru government is a pseudo development pattern, because the real prosperity is prosperity for the few and not for society". What has been proposed, the researchers also observed the manner and style of Soeharto’s leadership, where only some of the groups get the most advantages from Soeharto's leadership, they are the investors who mostly come from certain ethnicity, as well as military officials. During 32 years of the New Order reign, the society’s criticisms and protests over the development, which was enjoyed by only a handful of groups, were considered dangerous and as a result they were dealt with intelligence and security personnels. This then stimulates some of the movement to break away from the New Order military forces. University students then demanded that there should be immediate changes since the deterioration of this nation is already too prominent, ironically the action is countered by the repressive action of the combined security forces. Example case: May 2, 1998, at IKIP Campus Rawamangun, The Students action was obstructed by Brimob so that eventually emerged into the clash with the officers; May 12, 1998, the demonstrations to reject Soeharto re-election as Indonesian President and the demands of the recovery of Indonesian economy which in crisis since 1997 was blocked by the police and led to the shooting of Trisakti students, which resulted in four students of Trisakti died (Semanggi Peduli, 1998). These events provide an overview of how the authorities in New Order utilized military force as a way to maintain their position, and even far from that, the military has played a much greater role in the order of civic life. Through the dual function of ABRI, the Indonesian military tried to be a social and political force, it was no longer a defence force, and even in some cases the military could play a role in the economic sector as well as the military's business practices. The birth of the reformation movement in 1998 has opened broadly the door of democracy to the people of Indonesia, speaking of how democracy as one phase of modern civilization in the history of Indonesian nation may be enforced consistently. Just like any other countries, to face today's challenges Indonesia requires democracy as a way to overcome the diversity of its communities. There are many opinions given by experts or statesmen about democracy itself, but in general: freedom, civil supremacy and sovereignty of the people are the elements which are the

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backbone of the mechanisms of democracy itself. Thus, if these elements are not present or are threatened, the democracy will be under threat. This is the analysis basis of the rejection of ABRI/TNI dual function. Not due to the hatred and resentment over human rights abuses by the TNI for 32 years. However, especially because of the idea that what we are building is a civilian force (civilian supremacy) which will build a democratic society, where the role of social, political, economic and cultural entirely controlled by civilians. That is, Civilian Supremacy is a necessity that must be realized in the history of our struggle, for the creation of minimum conditions for the establishment of democracy. According to Siddiq (a Member of Parliament; interview conducted in 2014), "Revocation of dual function is reasonable thing to do for a democracy, where the abolition of dual function of ABRI/TNI all democracy estuaries and channels for Indonesian people will open". There should be no more dimensions in Indonesian society that is interfered by the military as an institution or as an individual, on the other hand, it also has a positive aim in building a reliable and professional TNI. TNI's professionalism is a requirement that cannot be avoided, given the 32 years of the New Order reign, TNI as a defence force, as institutions and countries were outside the lines too much. By creating a professional TNI, it will be able to play a major role in maintaining Indonesia's defence from any threat, even more the ability of the TNI to leaving politics and focusing on its world would be a matter of pride for them and also the community. In some developed countries, where their military is forbidden to do politics, their democracy has become strong. Although the military is not involved in politics, the military still can win the hearts of the people to play an active role to preserve the sovereignty of the nation and the state. There are many ways for the TNI to be able to participate in the life of the nation without having to destroy democracy. According to Siddiq, "So far the efforts in creating a professional TNI is still underway, in addition to continue increasing awareness of the attempts to bring military back into practical politics”. Azyumardi Azra & Abdurrahman Wahid (2004, apud. Fattah, 2005, pp. 251) say that professional officers, aware of attraction in political forces, do not want to do politics and in the future should be able to be a TNI leader who can continue to bring a new paradigm to support the military and democratic development. The positive side of TNI reformation that emphasizes the professionalism of the TNI is an emerging consciousness largely in TNI circles, that they should remain alert to the political conflicts of interest which are committed by former leaders and civilians who tried to bring them back into practical politics. On the other hand, efforts to build a professional TNI which is also being conducted to prepare the qualified education facilities and training, so that in the end the power of the TNI will be able to be used as the main defence from all forms of threats by other countries. In realizing a democratic country, there needs to be assurance that the process of democratic development to run smoothly and for it there should be no military intervention in political. Military intervention will not be realized when an attempt to achieve TNI professionalism, as a manifestation of the implementation of TNI reformation, continue to consistently executed. Researchers emphasize on the view expressed by Fattah (2005, p. 247) that the professionalism of the TNI can be achieved if the TNI is able to include: Being neutral and not get involved in practical politics; discipline, obey the law, and has high and healthy l'espirit de corps (corps spirit); and appreciate the ruling party or civilian supremacy. The pattern is a reflection of the professionalism of the military in civilian and military relationships, in which the military was able to be neutral, and respect civilian supremacy. But if it refers to the view of the entire informant who thinks that there is still involvement of most of the TNI in practical politics, as well as there is an effort to return the right of voting to the TNI in elections (Sukadis, 2014; Siddiq, 2014). So it can be said the process of realizing the TNI's professionalism still has some obstacles, because as required by Fattah that to realize the professionalism of TNI, the army should remain neutral and not get involved in practical politics. If that the case, it can also have a negative impact on the process and the effort to build and create a democracy in Indonesia.

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Conclusion The realization of a professional military in civil-military relations is a requirement in the reformation era. Efforts in creating a professional TNI are still underway by confining the TNI to the barracks and prevent its re-entry into the practical politics. However, based on the research that has been done, the researcher concluded that the effort to create a professional TNI in civilian and military relations still encountering obstacles, this is due to the persistence effort to bring the military back into the practical politics. The lack of TNI professionalism can provide a threat to civilian supremacy, because when the government controlled by the military power the rights of civil society will be neglected.

References 1.

Article 39, Act No. 34 Year 2004 on the Indonesian National Army.

2.

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3.

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Hernandez, C. G. (1996). Controlling Asia’s Armed Forces. In L. Diamond & M. F. Plattner (Eds.). Civil-Military Relations and Democracy (pp. 66-79). Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press.

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