Communication Theory ISSN 1050-3293

ORIGINAL ARTICLE

William James on ‘‘Possible Selves’’: Implications for Studying Identity in Communication Contexts Maria Leonora G. Comello Ohio State University, Columbus, OH 43210-1339

This article describes ideas about the self suggested by William James and how these conceptualizations can be used in communication research. First, the article summarizes the elements of self according to James and how the ‘‘possible selves’’ could be drawn upon in a persuasive communication context. It is suggested that there are at least two approaches to studying possible selves from an empirical perspective: The accessibility of one self out of a field of many possible selves, and the synthesis of potentially conflicting selves. Further, the article argues that the influence of these selves on behavior and on antecedents to behavior suggests that greater attention should be focused on the study of identity as a mediator of communication effects. However, it is argued that James’s work should also inspire further exploration of the experience of self as that which provides a sense of continuity despite substantively and temporally variable possible selves. This sense of personal identity cannot be interrogated via traditional empirical methods nor within a persuasive communication context, and a greater attunement to this sense of self has potential to enhance communication experiences. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2885.2009.01346.x

Neither threats nor pleadings can move a man unless they touch some one of his potential or actual selves. (William James, 1890/1981, p. 297) Thou art mine, and part of the same self with me. (p. 322) William James (1842–1910) is widely acknowledged as one of America’s foremost philosophers and psychologists. He was also a writer and communicator of some distinction; it is therefore not surprising that pieces about James often begin with one of his many memorable quotes. I offer the quotes above to honor that tradition and to frame the discussion to follow on James’s perspectives on the self. Although James’s ‘‘potential and actual selves’’ have been studied in the social sciences, they have not yet been summoned in the role suggested by the Corresponding author: Maria Leonora G. Comello; e-mail: [email protected] c 2009 International Communication Association Communication Theory 19 (2009) 337–350 

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first quote—that is, as a potential mediator of persuasive message effects. This phenomenon falls squarely in the domain of communication; therefore, a closer look at James’s work is warranted to see how empirical study of such selves could be conducted or improved. At the same time, there is another aspect of James’s work on the self that he argues is beyond the realm of empirical verification, and that is the sense of personal identity. This sense of personal identity gives unity to varying and disparate selves, as conveyed in the second quote. It is argued that considering the self from both perspectives will enhance conceptualizations of self in the communication discipline. This article will first summarize the elements of the self described by James in Chapter X of his classic text, The Principles of Psychology (1890/1981). Two important ideas will be introduced: James’s notion of empirically knowable ‘‘possible selves’’ and the potential for conflict among these selves. From an empirical standpoint, the article will suggest ways of studying the potential to invoke valued identities of target audience members or to reconcile conflicts between identities, both of which may lead to enhanced message effects. The article will then turn to a discussion of the sense of personal identity and will suggest ways that this sense could lead to a fuller understanding of the experience of communication. Constituents of the self

James proposed four elements that constitute the self: The material self, the social self, the spiritual self, and the pure ego. The first three constituents are aspects of what he called the ‘‘Empirical Self,’’ or the self that is known or that is called ‘‘me.’’ It is clear that James thought there were a multiplicity of empirical selves that could inhabit our consciousness; further, in addition to activated selves, there were also possible empirical selves: ‘‘In each kind of self, material, social, and spiritual, men distinguish between the immediate and actual, and the remote and potential’’ (1890/1981, p. 300). Possible selves are thus latent or prospective empirical selves, and they may exert a profound influence on humans. In contrast, the ego was conceptualized by James variously as the knower, as the ‘‘I,’’ and as the abstract sense of personal identity. Whereas James considered the empirical selves as knowable and therefore open to study, he considered the ego to be beyond verification through empirical means. Both have implications for communication. This article will focus first on empirical selves and the implications of the empirical selves for persuasive communication. The material self

According to James, the material self is the physical substance of who we are. At the most basic level, it is our bodies, but James also believed the material self encompasses our immediate families: ‘‘Our father and mother, our wife and babes, are bone of our bone and flesh of our flesh. When they die, a part of our very selves is gone’’ (p. 280). Even further, James asserted that our possessions constitute our material self: ‘‘The parts of our wealth most intimately ours are those which are saturated with our labor. There are few men who would not feel personally annihilated if a lifelong 338

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constructions of their own hands or brains—say an entomological collection or an extensive work in manuscript—were suddenly swept away’’ (p. 281). One contemporary connection is with research that focuses on the body as a source of identity. For example, there is a growing literature on identity changes as a result of illness. To the extent that illness is often conceptualized in physical terms, it is not surprising that people who are experiencing illness may also go through identity changes, for example, as described by Mathieson and Stam (1995) with respect to cancer patients. Another line of research that has focused on the body as the source of identity examines body image and the influence of media in forming those images (e.g., Botta, 1999). More directly, in the electronic mediated world, there is research on avatars as components of tele-health programs (Lisetti, Nasoz, LeRouge, Ozyer, & Alvarez, 2003); to the extent that avatars often represent idealized human forms, they may be a strategy of calling upon possible (material) selves in order to persuade. The social self

James asserted that one of the deepest needs of humans is to be recognized by other people. According to James, the abstract social self comprises the self-conceptions that one develops based on the recognition that one gets from others. He argued that a person could have as many social selves as there were individuals that recognized him or her, to the extent that the regard of those individuals brought forth different self-views. Some relevant self-views that James provided as examples are fame, honor, and dishonor. James recognized that the regard of certain groups is more desirable than that of others, and that ‘‘all progress of the social self is the substitution of higher tribunals for lower’’ (p. 301). The entity that beckons the self to aspire to judgments of higher tribunals is what James called the potential social self, and it is powerful in that it causes humans to brave the condemnation of some in order to gain the approval of others: When for motives of honor and conscience I brave the condemnation of my own family, club, and ‘‘set’’; when as a Protestant, I turn Catholic; as a Catholic, freethinking; as a ‘‘regular practitioner,’’ a homoeopath, or what not, I am always inwardly strengthened in my course and steeled against the loss of my actual social self by the thought of other and better possible social judges than those whose verdict goes against me now. (p. 300, original emphasis) The social self thus seems to be the seat of aspiration, and membership in desirable social groups the object of aspiration—both topics that have been studied in diverse forms in the social sciences. For example, from the consumer behavior literature, Escalas and Bettman (2003) have studied ‘‘aspirational reference groups,’’ which they define as groups to which a person would like to belong and that play a key role in the formation of identity through the purchase of goods associated with those groups. From communication, Appiah (2001) has described cultural voyeurism, which is the process by which a viewer seeks knowledge about and gratification c 2009 International Communication Association Communication Theory 19 (2009) 337–350 

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from ethnic minority characters in the media because these characters are believed to possess certain socially desirable traits (e.g., styles of dress, music, and vernacular). An example from Appiah is that White youth have demonstrated a stronger preference for Black characters in a TV show than for White characters. This is an interesting finding given that ads are typically more effective when the character’s race is similar to the viewer’s race than when race is dissimilar (Grier & Brumbaugh, 1999). Appiah asserts that for White adolescents, ‘‘the desire to be cool and hip may override the importance of cultural and racial similarity’’ (p. 336), which may be an example of the potential social self calling a person to relinquish the actual for a more desirable social self. The concept of the potential social self and of social aspirations seems particularly relevant for health communication. Tobacco companies have already latched on to the strategy of appealing to aspirations in advertising (e.g., Anderson, Glantz, & Ling, 2005), so it is not surprising that substance-use prevention campaigns would adopt the same strategy to promote healthier choices. Examples of this can be seen in the truthSM antitobacco campaign, which promotes identification with a socially desirable group of teens who are rebelling against forces that would stifle their independence (Evans et al., 2004). Another example is a recent campaign to prevent substance abuse among middle-school youth called ‘‘Be Under Your Own Influence,’’ which has been described as an aspirational campaign because it promotes a drug-free lifestyle as consistent with autonomy and the achievement of future aspirations (Kelly, Comello, & Slater, 2006; Slater et al., 2006). The spiritual self and the ego

The spiritual self and the ego share some similarities and are thus better discussed in tandem. The final component of the empirical selves, the spiritual self is a person’s subjective being and is composed of a person’s entire collection of states of consciousness and psychological faculties. It is worth pointing out that James seems to use ‘‘spiritual’’ primarily to mean ‘‘psychological’’ in that the spiritual self is, among other things, ‘‘the source of effort and attention’’ as well as that which ‘‘welcomes or rejects’’ (p. 285). In contrast, the ego is a nonempirical self and is the ‘‘combining medium’’ that unifies all parts of the self and thus gives a person an enduring sense of personal identity. According to James, the ego is able to ‘‘unite what dissimilarity might otherwise separate’’ and what ‘‘discontinuity might hold apart’’ (p. 317), but this is different from merely thinking about two dissimilar objects and finding a way to synthesize the two. Rather, James makes the stronger assertion that the sense of personal identity is itself the stamp that is placed on separate entities. For example, he compares a person’s ownership of multiple selves to a person’s ownership of a herd of animals that are marked by a brand: ‘‘They are not his because they are branded; they are branded because they are his’’ (p. 320). In other words, there is a sense of identity that is more than the mere collection of associated things; the communication implications of this sense of identity will be discussed in further detail later. Now that James’s dimensions of self have been summarized, it is important to note that conceptualizations of the self as multidimensional have also been 340

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proposed by communication scientists. For example, the communication theory of identity (Hecht, 1993; Jung & Hecht, 2004) proposes four frames or layers of identity: (a) personal, which encompasses a person’s self-views; (b) relational, which is defined by a person’s social relationships and is perhaps closest to James’s notion of multiple social selves; (c) enacted, which is an individual’s expressed identity; and (d) collective, which is how groups of people define themselves as a community. Hecht (1993) asserts that these frames may be taken in combination and understood in terms of their ‘‘layering, juxtaposition, interpenetration, and dialectic tension’’ (p. 79). Further, Hecht’s model emphasizes ‘‘gaps’’ or inconsistencies between layers of identity, such as when one’s view of self (a personal identity) is in conflict with others’ view of him or her (a relational self). Moreover, it is implicit in Hecht’s model that the identity frames and gaps are open to empirical study, similar to the empirical selves of James. Other multidimensional conceptualizations of self have been imported from other fields into communication, or have been developed by communication scholars from critical perspectives. The social identity/self-categorization approach from social psychology (Tajfel & Turner, 1986) proposes that the self can be understood at multiple levels of abstraction, and that a key component of the self-concept is derived from identification with social groups. Utilizing this framework, communication researchers have explored group identification as influences and outcomes of communication processes (Harwood, 2006; Harwood & Roy, 2005; Hogg & Reid, 2006). From a critical perspective, Tracy and Trethewey (2005) offer a striking analogy of the self as a crystal—many-sided, complex, and ever changing according to conditions. The authors suggest that such a metaphor is a more helpful way to conceptualize the self, relative to conceptualizations based on potentially harmful dichotomies. Although these are noteworthy conceptualizations of the self, an aspect of the self that seems more clearly articulated in James’s view is a superordinate self that serves to organize and even cultivate particular views of self, as well as a pure sense of personal identity. I submit that these features are distinctive and intriguing because they specify capabilities of the self to manage multiplicity within the self-system. Furthermore, a unique perspective from James (and from work with roots in James) is the notion of envisioned future selves and sometimes-conflicting current selves as all within the realm of possible. Possible selves

The concept of possible selves has been explored and extended in psychology research, most notably by Markus and colleagues, who give credit to James for originating the idea. Markus and Nurius (1986) conceptualized possible selves as the domain of self-concept that is concerned with how people think of themselves, their potential, and their future. The domain is occupied by selves that are both desired and feared, selves that reflect some current capabilities and attributes but that also reflect the potential for change over time. These selves can be viewed as ‘‘cognitive bridges between the present and the future, specifying how individuals may change from how they are now to what they will become’’ (Markus & Nurius, 1986, p. 961). c 2009 International Communication Association Communication Theory 19 (2009) 337–350 

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Similarly, Higgins (1987), also citing the influence of James, proposed that people have actual, ideal, and ought selves, and that discrepancies between those views can predict affective and other states (self-discrepancy theory). One reason possible selves are thought to be so influential in effecting change is that they provide the self-relevant form of an idea, changing it from the vague and abstract to the personal and concrete (Cross & Markus, 1991; Markus & Nurius, 1986). For example, the self-regulatory function of possible selves in achieving desired goals has been demonstrated in the domain of academic achievement, with improved academic outcomes likely only when possible selves were present that helped students articulate goals (Oyserman, Bybee, Terry, & Hart-Johnson, 2004). When dealing with a multiplicity of self-views, it is likely that some of the views will conflict. In the colorful words of James: I am often confronted by the necessity of standing by one of my empirical selves and relinquishing the rest. Not that I would not, if I could, be both handsome and fat and well dressed, and a great athlete, and make a million a year, and be a wit, a bon-vivant, and a lady-killer, as well as a philosopher; a philanthropist, statesman, warrior, and African explorer, as well as a ‘‘tone-poet’’ and saint. But the thing is simply impossible. The millionaire’s work would run counter to the saint’s; the bon-vivant and the philanthropist would trip each other up; the philosopher and the lady-killer could not well keep house in the same tenement of clay. (p. 295) James’s description indicates that although all the characters must seem possible at the outset, some must be suppressed in order for any one of the characters to become actual. So the question in any type of conflict is which self prevails. One answer suggests deliberation by the spiritual self, which as the head of the hierarchy of selves carefully selects the one ‘‘on which to stake his salvation’’ (p. 296). Certainly, there are selves that could be conceptualized as truly opposed, such as being a business tycoon and being a monk who has taken a promise of poverty; choosing between these identities may well be a salvation-staking decision. However, other types of seemingly conflicting self-views can coexist because they are in conflict only under particular situations or resource constraints (e.g., thinking of oneself as a good parent and a productive worker), and for these, it appears that there is more flexibility or situational dependency in making one more prominent than the other. James asserts that the ability to synthesize disparate elements is essential to all thought (p. 315); thus, one option is that the spiritual self (i.e., the ‘‘psychological’’ self that passes judgment on lower members in the hierarchy of selves) could integrate disparate selves into a new self that combined the components. James has also argued that activation of certain selves can be dependent on the context (p. 282). This latter notion has been developed in the field of psychology and has immediate implications particularly for persuasive communication. The following section turns to the question of how these selves may become predominant as a result of communication. 342

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Communication impact of the empirical possible selves Activation of specific selves

One proposed mechanism to explain the dominance of some self-views over others is ‘‘the working self-concept’’ or the currently accessible set of self-views from all possible self-views. A recent explication of this idea is the active-self account proposed by social psychologists Wheeler, DeMarree, and Petty (2007), who acknowledge the inspiration of James as an influence in their work. Two important postulates of the active-self account are that the features of the self that guide behavior are those that are currently in the active self-concept, and that the active self-concept can shift rapidly in response to external inputs such as primed constructs, thus leading to shifts in behavior (p. 236). The authors propose that the activation of stereotypes, traits, and related constructs can influence behaviors by temporarily affecting active self-representations in ways that are either consistent or inconsistent with the primed constructs (p. 235). This sets the stage for a potential role for communication—as a source of external stimuli for activating particular selves. In a mediated communication context, exposure to messages or media content could temporarily increase the accessibility of a particular self-view, which could then influence behavior. A similar process might take place in interpersonal communication contexts, with the presence of different conversation partners eliciting different selves. From a critical theory perspective, one could also consider how the broader contexts in which communications take place might have bearing on which selves are activated. For example, the power relations that define some workplaces may activate ‘‘fake’’ selves that employees use when interacting with supervisors (Tracy & Trethewey, 2005). Thus, although it may be possible in controlled laboratory experiments to activate one self or another in a fairly straightforward manner, the selves that become salient in real-world situations are likely to reflect the influences from various sources. From the perspective of empirical media-effects research, the self-activation process could be viewed as a special case of media priming. However, whereas media priming has been defined as the effects of the content of media on people’s later judgments and behavior relative to the content (Roskos-Ewoldson, RoskosEwoldson, & Carpenter, 2002, p. 97), the active-self account proposes that a stimulus can make a self-concept salient, and it is the content’s effect on the self-concept that will guide behavior. Thus, it is not mere construct accessibility (as facilitated by media content) that makes a difference in behavior, but the construct’s relevance to self. For example, exposure to a TV show with violent content may make the construct of violence generally more accessible, but such accessibility would not necessarily make a violent self (‘‘I am violent’’) more accessible. The active-self account’s assertion that it is indeed a primed self (vs. mere construct accessibility) that guides subsequent attitudes has been tested by DeMarree, Wheeler, and Petty (2005). In one experiment (Study 3), participants were primed with a stereotype of a professor or a supermodel and also had to process weak or strong c 2009 International Communication Association Communication Theory 19 (2009) 337–350 

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persuasive messages about a wrist watch. Participants primed with the professor stereotype showed more argument-quality effects (i.e., least favorable evaluations of weak messages) compared to those primed with the supermodel, thus demonstrating behavior consistent with a primed self. According to the authors, the findings from this study could not be explained easily with a straightforward content-accessibility model because the prime and outcome are sufficiently distinct in terms of content. The authors argue that a primed self is a more plausible explanation. In a communication context, the role of the active self could be studied in a number of different ways. For example, one could conduct a media exposure study that would first develop a message or prime that would elicit a specific identity or selfview, such as a cultural identity. A comparable study in interpersonal communication might be the self-view elicited as a result of exchanges with different conversation partners such as family members or peers, or by a conversation partner’s choice of topic. The next step would be to examine whether exposure to the messages made that identity more accessible relative to nonexposure. To accomplish this, one could employ the ‘‘me/not-me’’ categorization task (inspired by James; Markus, 1977) in which participants categorize attributes as either descriptive of the self or not. The quickness of reaction time to categorize an attribute as descriptive of self would indicate the accessibility of that self-view relative to other possible views. The researcher could then examine whether any heightened accessibility was associated with changes in relevant attitudes, intentions, and behaviors. In the case of substance-abuse prevention, for example, ads that elicited the self-views of autonomy and future success could be used as stimuli. Assuming that these self-views are inconsistent with substance use, greater accessibility of these self-views as assessed by the ‘‘me/not-me’’ task should result in attitudes, intentions, and behavior that were inconsistent with substance use. Thus, the challenge for communicators is to figure out which identity would be most receptive to a certain message and to make that identity relatively more salient than other identities. Put more eloquently by James: ‘‘The first care of diplomats and monarchs and all who wish to rule or influence is, accordingly, to find out their victim’s strongest principle of self-regard, so as to make that the fulcrum of all appeals’’ (p. 297). Another possibility in the case of mediated persuasive attempts would be examining outcomes relevant to attitude toward the ad, a construct used in marketing research to describe the extent to which a person finds an ad appealing. Consistent with McGuire’s (1981) model that states that liking of a message is a critical first step in persuasion, attitude toward the ad is associated with more positive attitudes toward the brand and higher purchase intentions (MacKenzie & Lutz, 1989; Shimp, 1981). Studies could examine attitude toward the ad as an outcome of exposure, with identity or self-views elicited by the ads as mediating variables. If the ad invokes a cherished or aspirational view of the self, it could then be hypothesized that persuasion may be more likely to occur relative to exposure to ads that do not strongly invoke such an identity (see also Slater, 2007). In fact, it may be the case that in the marketing of some commercial products, there may not be enough substantive differentiation 344

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between products (e.g., between competing brands of soda) to serve as a foundation for an advertising campaign, and appeals to identity may be the most promising routes to persuading buyers. If this is the case, the challenge for communicators is to determine which views of the self are most highly valued, to make those more salient than other self-views, and to build links between the product and that self. The suggested studies enable the examination of the potential mediating role of identity in persuasion effects. Specifically, identity could be studied as both an outcome of persuasive communication and in turn an influence on behavior or antecedents to behavior. Congruent with Baron and Kenny’s causal-steps strategy for showing mediation (1986), the researcher would be able to (a) assess the effects of exposure on identity accessibility as a mediating state (for example, as indicated by relatively shorter reaction times to respond that an identity was ‘‘me’’ vs. ‘‘not me,’’ as described earlier), (b) assess the relationship between identity and relevant outcomes, and (c) assess the extent to which the direct effects of exposure on the relevant outcomes are reduced when considering identity. Conceptualizing identity as a mediator is consistent with James’s views expressed in the opening quote (‘‘Neither threats nor pleadings can move a man unless they touch some one of his potential or actual selves,’’ p. 297), and such a conceptualization has potential to contribute to greater understanding of communication effects. As argued by O’Keefe (2003), research that examines mediating states can provide considerable insight into communication processes relative to other research that examines only the impact of a message manipulation on outcomes, or only the impact of a psychological state on an outcome. Studies based on the active-self account have not yet established mediation (for a review, see Wheeler et al., 2007). Thus, communication researchers may be in a unique position to contribute to the development of this conceptualization of self. Synthesis of competing selves

Whereas the previous section described the rather straightforward, contextdependent activation of specific possible selves as a means of increasing communication effects, another potential means would be through the design of messages that would resolve perceived conflicts among valued selves. As mentioned earlier, the conflicting selves can be integrated into a new self that represents a successful combination of each. A contemporary example of difficult-to-resolve conflicting selves is of a female assistant professor who is also a mother. She might not believe that it is simultaneously possible to succeed in academia and to be the parent to her children that she would like to be. These beliefs might be influenced by well-elaborated possible selves such as the hard-charging career-woman possible self who works 12-hour days and the devoted-mother possible self who puts in both quality and quantity time with her family. She might try to envision the domains as compatible but without much success. However, if the assistant professor were to meet a woman (or to encounter a media character) whom she judged successful in both the academic and parenting c 2009 International Communication Association Communication Theory 19 (2009) 337–350 

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domains, then a new possible self may be created that could guide the woman’s attitudes and behaviors. Similarly, a youth may embrace values that are seemingly incongruent: for example, the desire to think of herself (and to have others think of her) as hip and cool, as well as the desire to abide by ‘‘conventional’’ standards, such as doing well in school and not using drugs. However, if she were to meet a young person (or encounter one in a mediated experience) whom she judged capable of combining the two self-schemas successfully, that person might form the basis of a possible self. In both of these examples, the new selves could then be activated by mediated or interpersonal communication on future occasions; if persuasive intent is the goal of such communication, then the mediating role of the activated self on desired outcomes could be studied. A useful explication of merged identities can be found in the literature on biculturalism. For example, LaFromboise, Coleman, and Gerton (1993) have proposed that bicultural individuals have different approaches to dealing with second-culture acquisition. For example, in an assimilation approach, the individual totally abandons the culture of origin in order to be viewed as a fully competent member of the host culture. There are other approaches characterized by various degrees of acceptance of the host culture, but in most cases, the host culture and native culture are conceptualized as essentially opposed, or at least hierarchical. However, in a model of second-culture acquisition termed ‘‘fusion’’ by LaFromboise et al., an individual combines elements of both host and native cultures into a new form, and the individual believes that full competence in both cultures is possible. Thus, returning to the issue of competing selves, although it might be the case that a media message would work by eliciting one possible self or another, an equally interesting possibility is that a media message or other type of communication could edit a person’s existing repertoire by suggesting new and conflict-resolving forms. Based on the arguments of Markus and her colleagues (Cross & Markus, 1991; Markus & Nurius, 1986), the reason such a self would be influential is that it would be concrete and distinct; after all, it is easy to reconcile conflicts in abstract terms, but harder to conceive of resolution in a tangible and self-relevant form. Outcome variables for quantitative studies exploring the influence of a conflict-resolving self would be a challenge to develop, but one possibility is adapting measures of role balance and role ease (e.g., Role Balance Scale; Marks & MacDermid, 1996) as a way to assess perceptions of the extent of integration of roles that are in potential conflict. It could be hypothesized that exposure to messages (or engagement in interpersonal communication) that reconciles conflicting roles would lead to greater perceptions of role balance and ease. Within the arena of empirical selves, it should be noted that identity may also be conceptualized as a driving force behind media choice. Slater (2007) argues for a model composed of ‘‘mutually reinforcing spirals’’ in which the attitudinal and behavioral outcomes of media use can influence selection and content of media, which can lead to further reinforcement of outcomes, among the most important of which is identity management. Thus, as a further research suggestion, longitudinal 346

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studies should examine the extent to which mutual reinforcement between media exposure and identity occurs over time. Thus, although James is probably correct that ‘‘neither threats nor pleading can move a man’’ unless they appeal to an important identity, it may also be correct that the selves can engineer their environment to make themselves stronger. Importance of the sense of personal identity

The preceding sections have outlined research that would address the empirical selves: The activation of one or another potential self, or the synthesis of selves into a new self that could then be activated on future occasions, and mediation by these selves of communication effects. These studies would advance empirical inquiry particularly if the focus is on persuasive intent, a potential use of possible selves that James frankly acknowledges. However, James’s writings on the nonempirical personal sense of identity—the feeling of continuity despite temporally and substantively different selves—prompt one to wonder whether the results of studies arising from persuasive efforts would capture what may be most important in lived human experience. Further, one may wonder whether the primary purpose of studying the self in a communication context should always be persuasive intent rather than perhaps greater attunement to this sense of self. Returning to the example of the working mother, a study may show that activation of an idealized possible self that successfully balanced these roles would mediate the effects of a persuasive appeal, but what would such a study reveal about the woman’s experience as she continues to struggle with day-to-day challenges in balancing her roles? Although James would say that the sense of personal identity is not open to empirical verification as are the other selves, the sense of self could be explored as long as it is understood that verification is not the goal. Possible ways of exploring this sense of self would include an interpretive approach, for example, which holds that reality is constructed by human actors and that the way to understand social processes is by ‘‘getting inside the world of those generating it’’ (Geertz, 1973, p. 9). A greater attunement to the experience of self might at first seem as though it would hinder rather than enhance interpersonal communication. In fact, as observed by Peters (1999), James’s work suggests that human communication difficulties are nearly inevitable because the most basic and automatic of categorization tasks is the classification of any stimulus as either ‘‘me’’ or ‘‘not me.’’ From James: One great splitting of the whole universe into two halves is made by each of us; and for each of us almost all the interest attaches to one of the halves; . . . the altogether unique kind of interest which each human mind feels in those parts of creation which it can call me or mine may be a moral riddle, but it is a fundamental psychological fact. (p. 278) At the same time, the sense of personal identity nonetheless marks a great assortment of selves as ‘‘me’’—and it does so without wiping out distinctions between selves. James asserts that the sense of our own personal identity must not c 2009 International Communication Association Communication Theory 19 (2009) 337–350 

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be ‘‘treated as a sort of metaphysical or absolute Unity in which all differences are overwhelmed’’ (p. 318). Based on this characterization, it is suggested that a realization of unity despite even considerable diversity on the personal level is a step toward realizing unity despite difference on the group level. Shepherd (2006) issues a call for a conceptualization of communication as transcendence, in which the self and the other are simultaneously experienced. Shepherd argues that this process occurs through the ‘‘always-becoming’’ and mutual sympathy of both self and other in the communication process, rather than through introspection to discover a ‘‘true’’ self (Shepherd, 2006, p. 24). I submit, however, that the latter can enhance communication if part of the introspection is a realization that there is unity despite multiplicity of self, and that, therefore, unity can also exist among an individual person and different others. Thus, a similar experience can be achieved at the interpersonal level as on the individual level when (per James’s description) a person’s thoughts greet each other by saying: ‘‘Thou art mine, and part of the same self with me’’ (James, p. 322). Conclusion

Current identity research in the social sciences owes a great debt to James. Although other conceptualizations of a multidimensional self-concept have been proposed, this article has argued that much of what is compelling about James’s work on identity is the well-described multiplicity of selves, the distinct natures of those selves (and therefore their potential influence on behavior), and the potential for conflict but also for synthesis among the selves. These features of the self-system are not offered in this combination by other theories of self. Although the notion of possible selves has already inspired studies based on accessibility of particular selves in the social sciences, James’s work also suggests that studies of the integration of seemingly competing selves should be undertaken. Further, although these utilizations of possible self could be used for persuasive purposes, James’s work encourages attention to the experience of the sense of personal identity, which could result in a unifying experience of self in communication with others. It is a testament to the depth and complexity of James’s work on possible selves that it should give rise to a variety of theoretical and research perspectives, as well as to efforts to recognize unity among those perspectives.

Acknowledgments

I thank Michael Slater, Gerald Kosicki, and anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments.

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威廉.詹姆斯“可能自我”理论对 传播语境中身份认同研究的启示 摘 要 本文描述了威廉.詹姆斯（William James）的自我理论，并探讨了如何将自我理论的 相关概念用于传播学研究。首先，本文根据詹姆斯的理论总结了“自我”的构成要素，以及 在说服性传播语境下如何利用“可能自我”。研究结果表明，从实证研究的视角出发研究“可 能自我”至少有两条可选的研究路径：一是研究诸多“可能自我”中某个“自我”的可接近性； 二是研究存在潜在冲突的多个自我的综合。其次，本文认为，这些“自我”对行为以及行为 前的影响都表明我们应当更加关注将身份认同视为传播效果介质的研究。但与此同时，本 文也认为从詹姆斯的理论出发，我们应当更多地探索具有延续感的“自我”的经验，而非关 注哪些实质或暂时易变的“可能的自我”。传统的实证研究方法和说服性传播语境并不足以 弄清该意义下的“自我认知”，但对该意义上“自我”的认知和适应或有助于改善传播体验。

William James on “Possible Selves”: Implications for Studying Identity in Communication Contexts 가응한 자아에 대한 William James: 커뮤니케이션 문맥에서의 동일성을 연구하기 위한 함의들 요약 본 논문은 William James 에 의해 제안된 자아에 관한 아이디어를 기술하고, 어떻게 이러한 개념화들이 커뮤니케이션 연구에서 사용될 수 있는가를 논의한 것이다. 첫째, 본 논문은 James 에 따른 자아의 요소들과 어떻게 가능한 자아들이 설득적 커뮤니케이션 문맥에서 사용되어 질 수 있는지를 요약하였다. 실증적 관점으로부터 가능한 자아들을 연구하기 위해서는 최소한 두가지 접근법이 있다는 것을 제안하고 있는데, 하나는 여러 가능한 자아의 영역으로부터의 자기자신의 접근성이며, 또 다른 하나는 잠재적으로 갈등적인 자아들의 종합이다. 더우기 본 논문은 행위들에 대한 이러한 자아들의 영향은 보다 큰 정도의 주목이 커뮤니케이션 효과들의 중재로서 자아 연구에 있어 보다 강조되어야 한다는 것을 제안하고 있다. James 의 연구는 또 자아의 경험을 더 연구해야 한다는 것을 자극하고 있다는 것을 인지해야 한다. 개인적 동질성의 의식은 전통적인 실험적인 방법들에 의해서는 설명될 수 없으며, 또 설득적 커뮤니케이션 문맥에서도 설명될 수 없다. 자아감에 대한 더 큰 정도의 조율이 커뮤니케이션 경험들을 향상시킬 수 있는 잠재력을 가지고 있다.

William James et les « personnalités possibles » : Les conséquences pour l’étude de l’identité en contextes communicationnels

Résumé Cet article décrit certaines idées suggérées par William James à propos de la personnalité et explique comment ces conceptualisations peuvent être utilisées dans la recherche en communication. D’abord, l’article résume les éléments de la personnalité selon James et la manière dont les « personnalités possibles » (possible selves) pourraient être utiles dans un contexte de communication persuasive. Il est suggéré qu’au moins deux approches peuvent étudier les personnalités possibles à partir d’une perspective empirique : l’accessibilité d’une personnalité parmi un champ de plusieurs personnalités possibles et la synthèse de personnalités potentiellement conflictuelles. De plus, l’article soumet que l’influence de ces personnalités sur le comportement et sur les antécédents du comportement suggère qu’une plus grande attention devrait être portée à l’étude de l’identité comme médiateur des effets communicationnels. Cependant, le travail de James devrait aussi inspirer des explorations plus poussées de l’expérience de la personnalité comme étant ce qui offre un sentiment de continuité malgré des personnalités possibles substantiellement et temporellement variables. Ce sentiment d’identité personnelle ne peut être étudié par des méthodes empiriques traditionnelles ni dans le cadre d’un contexte de communication persuasive. Une meilleure harmonisation avec ce sentiment de personnalité a le potentiel d’améliorer les expériences de communication.

William James über “Possible Selves – Mögliche Konzeptionen des Selbst”: Implikationen für die Untersuchung von Identität in Kommunikationskontexten Dieser Artikel beschäftigt sich mit Ideen zum Selbst wie sie von William James vorgeschlagen wurden, und damit, wie diese Konzepte für die Kommunikationsforschung nutzbar gemacht werden können. Der Artikel fasst zuerst die Elemente des Selbst nach James zusammen und geht dann der Frage nach, wie diese möglichen Selbstkonzepte im Kontext persuasiver Kommunikation Anwendung finden können. Es sollte demnach mindestens zwei Ansätze geben, mögliche Selbstkonzepte empirisch zu untersuchen: Entweder über den Zugang zu einem Selbst aus einer Reihe von möglichen Selbstkonzepten oder über die Synthese von potentiell widersprüchlichen Selbstkonzepten. Weiterhin argumentieren wir in diesem Beitrag, dass der Einfluss dieser Selbstkonzepte auf Verhalten und auf die Bedingungen von Verhalten den Schluss zulässt, dass der Fokus auf die Untersuchung von Identität als Mediator von Kommunikationseffekten gelegt werden sollte. Die Arbeit von James sollte eine weitere Aufarbeitung des Konzepts der Selbsterfahrung inspirieren, da Selbsterfahrung ein Gefühl der Kontinuität bietet und zwar trotz substantieller und temporär veränderlicher möglicher Selbstkonzepte. Diese Wahrnehmung von persönlicher Identität kann nicht mit traditionellen empirischen Methoden und auch nicht im Kontext persuasiver Kommunikation erfasst werden. Die Auseinandersetzung mit diesem Sinn von Selbst trägt das Potential in sich, Kommunikationserlebnisse weiterzuentwickeln.

William James en los “Yo Posibles”: Las Implicaciones para el Estudio de la Identidad en los Contextos de Comunicación Resumen Este artículo describe ideas sobre el yo sugeridas por William James y cómo estas conceptualizaciones pueden ser usadas en la investigación de comunicación. Primero, este artículo resume los elementos del yo de acuerdo a James y como los “yo posibles” pueden ser extraídos del contexto persuasivo comunicacional. Se sugiere que hay al menos dos aproximaciones para el estudio de los yo posibles desde un perspectiva empírica: el acceso a un yo dentro de un campo de muchos yo posibles, y la síntesis de yo potencialmente conflictivos. Más aún, el artículo discute que la influencia de esos yo sobre el comportamiento y sobre los antecedentes del comportamiento sugiere que una atención mayor debería ser focalizada sobre el estudio de la identidad como un mediador de los efectos de comunicación. No obstante, se discute que el trabajo de James debería inspirar más exploración de la experiencia del yo como ese que provee un sentido de continuidad a pesar de la variación sustancial y temporal de los yo posibles. Este sentido de identidad personal no puede ser interrogado a través de métodos empíricos tradicionales ni dentro del contexto persuasivo de comunicación, y un mayor afinamiento de este sentido del yo tiene potencial para mejorar las experiencias de comunicación.