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Women and Weaving: Economic Opportunities in Thailand

Dr. Kimberly Weir Department of Political Science Northern Kentucky University Highland Heights, KY [email protected]

Paper presented at the International Studies Association’s Annual Conference, San Diego, CA, March 22-25, 2006

Abstract ThaiCraft, a nongovernmental organization (NGO), has focused on handicrafts as a way to improve women’s economic conditions in Thailand over the last few decades. Like many NGOs, these organizations rely on skills women already have to weave products that can be sold in the marketplace. The organization faces a dual challenge. On the one hand, it seeks to improve women’s standard of living, or practical gender needs. On the other hand, it also confronts the longer-term, strategic gender needs, if it is to help reduce gender inequalities over the long-term in Thailand. Can an economic activity that is so gendered promote overall development? This paper seeks to examine the effects of the NGO and the greater implications that NGO intervention has on women’s development.

This is a draft. Any comments, criticisms, or suggestions are welcome.

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Introduction Decades of failed development programs made agencies and organizations realize that success was contingent upon considering gender issues in planning (Carrato, 2002:13-14).

Promoting women’s development necessarily requires more than just

promoting economic development, though typically that is where nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) begin. Women have both practical and strategic ‘gender interests’ (Molyneux 1985). Practical gender interests are the tangible requirements for necessary for providing and protecting one’s family.

Strategic gender interests involve more

abstract concerns, rooted in sociocultural norms, which affect the ability of women to satisfy their basic needs. Women are more likely to act when their practical gender interests are insufficient or when something, such as war, interferes with their ability to meet these needs. In her seminal work on women in Nicaragua during the civil war, Maxine Molyneaux (1985) found that the successful way to organize women for the purpose of empowering them was to first appeal to their practical gender needs. As those primarily responsible for caring for their families, women’s primary concerns are for meeting their family’s needs. Only after their needs are secured can women turn their attention to more abstract issues that reinforce their subordination. Caroline Moser (1989) expanded on Molyneux’s conceptualization of strategic gender interests, emphasizing that meeting strategic gender interests is essential for political development. The aim of meeting strategic gender needs is to enable women and organizations that aid them to address and challenge the “patriarchal social relationships and political structures” that hinder women’s political development (Warkentin, 2001:112). In seeking to promote women’s

3 advancement, NGOs will prove more successful if they first appeal to women’s practical gender interests. Moreover, as women’s practical gender needs are met, they are in a better position to challenge the patriarchal system and pursue issues involving strategic gender needs. Learning from development program failures prompted a change in approach. NGOs have since managed to promote women’s development in a variety of ways, credited with declines in fertility to increases in income.

Through service delivery

activities such as microcredit and development programs, NGOs have been relatively successful in helping women to address issues of gender inequalities (Feldman, 1997:1)1. Appealing to women’s practical gender interests as a means to address strategic gender interests, therefore, is essential to promoting overall development. One NGO in Thailand, ThaiCraft, has proven successful in helping women generate income through the handicrafts industry as a way to help them meet their practical gender needs. Promoting these basic needs is certainly a necessary first step in helping women out of poverty.

Through the process the NGO employs, however,

opportunities for women’s strategic gender development, and hence their overall development, are conversely affected by the organization’s approach.

While in its

attempt to help rural villagers secure a sustainable income and preserve a rich cultural 1

I am speaking about women in developing countries in general. I recognize that there are any number of factors that differentiate women, including class, race, religion, economic situation, level of education, sexual orientation, age, location, and so forth. (For more on the unique experiences of women, see hooks 1986; Williams 1993; and Lazreg 1994 on race issues; Lazreg 1994 on religious issues; Phelan 1989, 1994; and Jagose 1996 on sexual orientation; and Tinker 1990, Ferber and Nelson, et al, 1993, and Scott 1995, on economic issues.) My intention is not to conflate women’s experiences into one homogenous thing, but rather to explore Southern women’s development. I agree with Craig Warkentin (2001) that labels are useful for the purpose of analysis, but that they are constructs that are not neutral, are influenced by power relations, and create categories that influence how we think (25, cf 1). Taking this into consideration, I would like to note that I do use labels in order to analyze the issues, but in the process understand and recognize the baggage they carry, induce, and engender.

4 tradition of handicraft production, ThaiCraft actually forestalls the advancement of women’s strategic gender needs. The purpose of this paper is to explore the ways in which ThaiCraft paradoxically undermines women’s long-term development in Thailand. The paper begins with a basic overview of the sociocultural norms in Thailand, and then describes ThaiCraft, a network of handicraft organizations, and its role. The next section details the various service delivery and advocacy activities in which the NGO is engaged2, followed by the effect the organization has on practical and strategic gender needs. The conclusion examines how gendered roles are reinforced, thus undermining strategic gender needs, as ThaiCraft focuses on meeting women’s practical gender needs.

Basic Overview Thai culture holds women in an image of goodness and morality, beauty and virtue, assigned to them by their culture, and directly linked to women’s roles in the home (Mulder, 2000:70). While men “dominate the wider world and express their manliness” outside the home, a woman is expected “to be dependable as a wife and a mother, to be the stable point in a world that allows males to gamble and gallivant, to seek adventure and self-aggrandizement” (Mulder, 2000:72). A woman retains these highly valued and respected qualities by remaining in the home as the steadfast wife and mother. 2

Service delivery, in general, involves the various services NGOs provide. In this paper, I address the following service delivery activities of ThaiCraft, ranging from transferring resources to local people, initiating projects, promoting economic development, providing social welfare services, and addressing wealth disparity. Advocacy activities include any number of efforts by the NGO to attract international attention to the organization’s cause. I focus specifically on ThaiCraft’s endeavor to draw international attention to promote and advertise the local handicraft industry in Thailand.

5 Cultural norms regarding gender are documented by the state’s development activities, examined in a study that spanned three decades of Thai government programs. The success of these programs, it was determined, was limited largely due to ignoring gender issues (Sopchokchai and Yongkittikul, 1994: 314-315). Women were encouraged to participate in development programs, yet the unique support they required was overlooked. Often they were left out of training, given inadequate resources, or had problems marketing the products the government encouraged them to make. The government’s approach was informed by underlying gender biases. First, heads of households (i.e. men) were the primary targets of the development project. Despite acknowledgement by developers that women were responsible for subsistence agriculture, women were excluded from “training programmes on modern methods of crop cultivation, labour-saving technologies, marketing, and services,” (Sopchokchai & Yongkittikul, 1994, 313). Second, women’s issues or projects that could assist their development were not considered.

Third, the government failed to consider how

programs could have a different impact on men versus women. Fourth, development programs that did focus on women only considered their domestic sphere roles rather than other non-domestic contributions they could make. Fifth, the government claimed to represent women’s interests, though it was really only a token agency (Sopchokchai & Yongkittikul, 1994:313-314). Rural development programs proved ineffective because women were either not considered in the projects or, when projects were targeted at them, the projects failed to promote opportunities for women outside their domestic roles. Cultural norms and tradition thus dictated the government’s approach in its development program.

6 Weaving is a significant part of Thai culture (Thai Textile Museum 2005b, 2005c). Gender norms that prevail in that society are apparent in weaving. In Thailand, a good weaver is synonymous with a good woman as “proficiency in these skills conveys status on a young woman in the village, because traditional beliefs hold that a good weaver possesses womanly virtues and will make a good wife” (Humphreys, 1998:56). These women, therefore, are the ones who male suitors want to court because the ability to weave is indicative of a desirable woman. First, a good weaver makes beautiful clothing. Men want to be well dressed, so a good weaver is a desirable spouse. Second, weaving takes place in and around the home. If a woman is weaving, then she is home. While she weaves, she can also perform other household duties and care for children. Third, because weaving is done in the informal sector, the income derived from it is not a threat to the male’s role as breadwinner. In all, a good weaver makes a good wife because she has desirable qualities and remains at home. Women are viewed as natural weavers. It is a task commonly performed by women and a stereotype that assumes all women are born with the ability to weave. Women also demonstrate characteristics such as patience, manual dexterity, and the ability to perform tedious tasks, deemed necessary for weaving (Humphreys, 1998:60; Clancy 2000:4-5; Thai Textile Museum 2005b).

As such, weaving is viewed as a

woman’s task. Given that a good woman is defined by being a good weaver, it is not surprising that women who do not weave are less respected. Young women who opt to migrate to urban areas rather than refine their weaving skills are stigmatized and therefore may be unwelcome in their villages (Skrobanek, et al, 1997).

Whether they hold more

7 respectable jobs in factories, or resort to prostitution to earn money, is irrelevant. Either way, these women are less desirable as wives, as leaving the home compromises their womanly virtues (Humphreys, 1998:60). Weaving is loaded with sociocultural values; socially it carries a high value, but economically it is undervalued as a skill because it is associated with women’s domestic work. The division of work in Thailand reflects these sociocultural norms and traditions. A gendered division of labor is reflects the ‘imprint’ of ‘socially constructed roles in the family’ (Webster, 1996:3). Labor is divided by gender and so the technology and skills each gender uses become specifically associated with men or women. Gender values assigned to technology result from differences in social processes and power structures between men and women that are shaped by the unequal power distribution in the public and private spheres (Webster 1996). Men are associated with sophisticated devices that require high-levels of skill, while women are associated with rudimentary implements that require low-level skill. Necessarily, then, the skills associated with technology are also gendered in nature (Webster 1996; Everts 1998; Foster 1998; Prabhu 1998). Textile production is prevalent in all regions of the country and, in Thai culture, is considered women’s work, falling within the scope of their household responsibilities (Thai Textile Museum 2005a, 2005b)3.

As a result, gendered divisions of labor

predominate (Humphreys, 1998:60; Mills, 1999:77; Thai Textile Museum 2005b). Fathers pass skills on to their sons that prepare them for formal sector employment while mothers train their daughters in private sphere activities. The effect of this division of labor is that technology and skills hold gender value. The skills required for weaving and

3

While the focus of this paper is on the rural population, the importance of weaving is nevertheless heavily embedded in Thai culture as it evolved from rural areas (Thai Textile Museum 2005b).

8 sewing are undervalued because they are women’s work. In Northern rural villages, men construct looms and spinning wheels while women weave and dye cloths (Humphreys, 1998:60). As such, creating the technology that helps women in their work is viewed as more sophisticated work requiring higher levels of skill. A gendered division of labor is also evident in the Southern part of the country where women make and sell baskets that are unique to that region. While men take to the sea to generate income, women “earn a reasonable income from krajood (bulrushes) [a type of fiber used for making intricately patterned mats and baskets], probably more than our husbands earn from fishing” (ThaiCraft 2005g). Whether making baskets or fabrics, weaving is a woman’s activity. Government statistics also reflect social attitudes about women’s work in national reports on labor (National Statistical Office, Thailand, 2005). In evaluating economic challenges, the government acknowledges that cultural norms in Thailand subordinate and oppress women. Its section on ‘Gender Statistics’ explains: Although women's contribution in national socio-economic development is crucial for Thai society, women remain unequal partners and gain unequal benefit from the development process. This is so mainly because there is inadequate gender awareness in the policy and planning process for national development as women's roles are always stereotyped by social values. Thus Thai women who account for half of the country's human resources are unavoidably devalued and overlooked. Women are consistently classified as ‘not being in the workforce’ because their work takes place in the informal economic sector. Moreover, housewives’ contributions either go unrecorded or the women are described as ‘economically inactive’. Women’s views about their own economic activities and how they identify themselves are shaped by sociocultural norms. It is not uncommon for women to consider themselves as not being

9 in the workforce (i.e. formal economic sector) or as economically inactive even though they are responsible for maintaining the household and often generate income from informal sector activities because of what is viewed as economic activity in Thailand. Women, moreover, are not considered heads of household, regardless of their income, unless they are living alone or there are no adult men in the house. In all, only 24% of the households are headed by women and over half of those women are widowed (National Statistics Office, Thailand, 2003:§2). In terms of education, women are, on average, less educated than men (National Statistical Office 2005:§4, Table 29).

While literacy is increasing throughout the

kingdom as equal access to education improves, girls tend to enroll in fields of study which “conform to their socially defined roles” (National Statistical Office 2005:§4). Prevailing gender norms thus limit women’s opportunities to move into areas outside of the traditional realm of their domestic duties. Prevailing sociocultural norms in Thailand are patriarchal. The general view of women is one that associates them with the home and family. Weaving is important in Thai society as a woman’s activity integral to maintaining her family. As a result, a good weaver symbolizes a good woman. Textile production in Thailand is interlaced with gendered assumptions. A gendered division of labor is influenced by these sociocultural norms which, in turn, determine the value of weaving skills. Though weaving holds private sphere social value, in terms of economic worth, these skills are undervalued.

10 ThaiCraft ThaiCraft is a national organization started in Thailand in 1992 as the successor of Hilltribe Sales, an organization formed by the International Church of Bangkok in 1972. ThaiCraft was funded by small start-up grants from a Dutch NGO, the Interchurch Organization for Development and Cooperation, and Oxfam UK. Its success allowed it to become an independently run NGO. It later received additional small grants from the Ford Foundation and Canada Fund to promote artisan training and increase producer capacity by expanding its reach to more villages throughout the country. It also relies on NGOs like Oxfam, as well as fair trade importer organizations to sell its products. ThaiCraft’s primary focus is on helping mountain dwellers save what was a dying part of their culture (handicrafts) and, in the process, helping them improve their standard of living by marketing their handicrafts (Thaicraft 2005a). In an attempt to provide sustainable incomes for village artisans, ThaiCraft’s activities are necessarily targeted at women, as they are the primary producers of handicrafts (Sopchokchai & Yongkittikul, 1994:301; Humphreys, 1998:57; National Statistical Office, Thailand 2005).

The

organization’s development approach is directed primarily at women because they are the primary producers of the goods the NGO promotes. As a service delivery organization, ThaiCraft provides the support necessary to promote development. While the organization is not exclusively aimed at women, but rather overall development, its focus is on handicrafts—a domestic activity for which women are largely responsible. ThaiCraft is an umbrella organization that networks and coordinates local NGOs that formed on their own to help them advertise and sell their goods. Another component of the organization is that it initiates projects in rural villages

11 to promote its mission and goal of preserving the traditional handicrafts of tribal Thai people, while fostering sustainable development (Thaicraft 2005a, 2005i). ThaiCraft initially targeted the mountain dwellers in the Northern regions of Thailand and has extended its reach to people in villages throughout the country. ThaiCraft pursues its mission and goal by promoting fair trade, advertising, networking, marketing, training, supporting disadvantaged producers, and providing information. Thai nationals as well as people from abroad work with the organization, though it was initially promoted by expatriate Japanese, American, and British women volunteers whose husbands were working in Thailand (Humphreys, 1998:57). Pressures from northern-based donors influence ThaiCraft (Humphreys, 1998:57). Encouraged by donors to take a conservative approach to development, the organization based its program on what is acceptable work for women. When new enterprises are pursued, NGOs may take a gender-conservative approach, initiating projects that fit within traditional expectations of both the development worker and the recipient culture of what defines women’s work (Everts 1998). As demonstrated in a broad study on sub-Saharan African countries, NGOs encouraged women’s enterprises in clothing, textiles, crocheting and basket making---activities that are typically women’s responsibilities (Everts, 1998:29). Employing the skills women already possess is indeed a very practical approach to economic development (both as far as feasibility, but also in meeting practical gender needs), as opposed to expending limited resources to teach new skills. The problem with the approach is that income-generating projects usually reflect the sexual division of labor (Gordon, 1996:179). The result in this case is that ThaiCraft’s conservative approach perpetuates gender stereotypes.

12 Even though the organization is more inclusive of women, donor pressures pushed ThaiCraft to be conservative in its approach to development.

Moreover,

sociocultural norms that influence the national organization bias the NGO’s approach, thus limiting the degree to which ThaiCraft is able to expand women’s opportunities. The implications are that rather than challenging social norms and traditions, the organization’s activities perpetuate gender stereotypes. ThaiCraft is clearly affected by prevailing dominant global gender norms because even the way the organization reflects the reluctance of women to challenge strategic gender needs. Additionally, the organization itself is shaped by sociocultural norms, biased toward undervaluing women’s work. Its gendered preconceptions influence the NGO’s approach to development. Sociocultural values in Thailand equate women with the private sphere and men with the public sphere (Mulder 2000). These norms inform ThaiCraft as an organization and how it conducts its activities. To begin, preconceived notions about weaving led the organization to underestimate the skills required for an activity that involves complex patterns, counting, and measurements (Humphreys, 1998:59)4. The knowledge and skills needed to decorate silk and cotton textiles are not inherent in women as often assumed, but instead are passed down from mothers to daughters (Humphreys, 1998:56; Thai Textile Museum 2005a). These preconceived notions about weaving undervalue women’s work, as something that is inherent, rather than a skill that is taught, learned, and passed down through the generations. Gender biases also led ThaiCraft to limit rather than expand the range of women’s skills.

As ThaiCraft underestimated the skills and training required for producing

textiles, it also underestimated the potential of these women. By encouraging women to 4

See Table 1 for technical details on weaving (Humphreys, 1998:59).

13 expand on the work they already do, craft-based NGOs could “take their business, marketing and design training programmes further, encouraging participants to develop new skills and build on existing ones, and where possible to take formal qualifications, so that their talents and skills may be more easily recognized” (Humphreys, 1998:62). ThaiCraft could do more to promote textile production as a more financially valuable activity without violating the expected conservative approach of donors.

Assigning

higher economic value to their work would instead help to empower women rather than undermine their overall development potential by reifying social norms.

But the

sociocultural norms, coupled with donor influences, limit the range of possibilities for development. Craft-based NGOs like ThaiCraft depend on women’s weaving skills in development projects. Even though the activity generates income, it is a private sphere activity that takes place in the informal sector. By relying on skills associated with the home associated with women and their domestic roles, ThaiCraft perpetuates sociocultural norms. Weaving is heavily laden with high social value in that a good weaver is synonymous with a good and desirable woman. At the same time, however, it holds low economic value as an ‘unskilled’ occupation. Weaving is income-generating work that, an extension of women’s domestic roles, reifies the stereotypes associated with the activity (Humphreys 1998). Where NGOs rely on handicrafts and other work already associated with women, they risk perpetuating gendered stereotypes that, in turn, reinforce the subordinate position of women. Weaving holds a high social value and is associated with women. Gendered divisions of labor ascribe a low economic value to weaving.

ThaiCraft relied on

14 weaving---an activity entrenched in Thai culture---to generate income. In addition to donor pressures, prevailing norms influenced ThaiCraft’s approach to development. Socially, women’s roles as domestic producers have been reinforced (Humphreys 1998). Moreover, the stereotype that accords good weaver with good wife is supported as women now generate an income by weaving. Economically, the value of weaving is not elevated, nor is the skills associated with it, despite the income weaving generates. In sum, in attempting to promote development among poorer people in Thailand, ThaiCraft’s activities had an adverse effect on women’s development.

Service Delivery and Advocacy Activities To promote its cause, this nongovernmental organization engaged in numerous activities in its attempt to preserve a cultural tradition in handicrafts and promote a sustainable living for rural villagers. Among the service delivery type activities that ThaiCraft promoted are transfer of resources, initiating projects, promoting economic development, providing social welfare services, and addressing issues of wealth disparity. ThaiCraft also engages in an advocacy-type activity by drawing attention to its development projects.

Transfer Resources To begin, ThaiCraft transfers a variety of resources to facilitate its objective of helping poor villagers to become economically more empowered.

As the primary

producers of these handicrafts, women are usually the focus. The resources ThaiCraft transfers are aimed at advertising and selling products unique to Thailand. Networking

15 and coordination are significant to the success of promoting development. Though the organization does not teach weaving, it does offer artisan training to increase the marketability and consistency of the products (Humphreys 1998). In an attempt to market products abroad, part of ThaiCraft’s work is to help artisans design products that appeal to the broader market (ThaiCraft 2005h). In addition to handwoven fabrics, among the products available that are targeted toward foreign importers are housewares like laundry baskets, tissue box holders, and letter holders. The organization networks the rural villages and coordinates their production efforts. This ensures they produce a variety of high-quality products and that they receive cooperative-set prices rather than individual prices for their handicrafts. ThaiCraft also transfers the financial and technical support it receives from its donors to market and sell these products. Over the years, the organization has brought British designers to the villages to run workshops and advise the artisans on design, materials, quality control, marketing, and fashion, particularly as they produce for an export market (Humphreys, 1998:57-58). As part of its ongoing work, ThaiCraft organizes seminars and workshops for the artisans in production and marketing for both domestic and export sales (ThaiCraft 2005j). Conveying information to the artisans is just as important as advertising to the public. Technological support promotes development by offering Internet access to publicize the organization. Initiate Projects ThaiCraft transfers resources through its development projects, aimed at achieving ThaiCraft’s dual goal of keeping the handicrafts tradition alive and offering sustainable income to the producers of these goods (ThaiCraft 2005a). One project

16 involves going into villages to encourage production. Through workshops and seminars, the NGO trains artisans with the goal of them becoming self-run groups with ThaiCraft acting as the umbrella to coordinate sales both at home and abroad and continue making the handicrafts industry visible (ThaiCraft 2005f). By adopting fair trade principles, ThaiCraft promotes economic development through cooperative pricing. In its efforts to guarantee fair trade for its producers, the organization was a founding member of the Asia Fair Trade Forum (ThaiCraft 2005a). ThaiCraft is also a member of the International Federation for Alternative Trade. This involves direct sales of handicrafts from the producers to the buyers through the NGO, a non-profit organization. Producers of the goods thus receive more profits for their labor, and are able to remain in rural areas, work from home, and have flexible hours. ThaiCraft’s involvement cut out intermediary shippers and sellers, while guaranteeing a fair price is equally paid to the producers. Promote Economic Development The overall goal of ThaiCraft is to promote sustainable development.

The

organization encourages rural villagers to use natural, renewable resources to produce handicrafts reflective of their culture. Natural dyes, plants, and silk from harvested silkworms are used to produce traditional products.

This approach provides an

opportunity to earn an income without causing environmental degradation.

The

organization helps villagers with few natural resources. In Ban Nong Kong, for instance, artisans traditionally used bamboo, palm leaves, and rattan to weave baskets and household wares (ThaiCraft 2005c).

Deforestation, however, threatened their

livelihoods. With the help of ThaiCraft, the villagers started a cottage industry using

17 recycled packing tape as a substitute for traditional weaving materials. ThaiCraft now markets their products in both domestic and foreign markets. Fair trade principles increase the possibility of artisans receiving more reasonable wages than if they produced goods as subcontractors. In the latter case, businesses pay women to work out of their homes to cut overhead costs. Rather than pay them salaries or by the hour, women receive payment by the piece. What ThaiCraft offers is a way to receive higher payment for the goods they make. Earning a more sustainable income offers an alternative to migration, as well as an opportunity to better meet practical gender interests. With more women earning a sustainable income, ThaiCraft activities extend access to medical treatment, adequate nutrition, and formal education (ThaiCraft 2005i). Provide Social Welfare Services ThaiCraft provides social welfare services in the form of training and business assistance. As an LDC, Thailand is limited in the number of services it can provide. People in rural areas, in particular, typically have fewer educational opportunities, with women receiving less education than men (National Statistical Office 2005:§4, Table 29). ThaiCraft, in turn, helps to fill a void left by government agencies. Providing women with opportunities to sell their products compensates for less formal education by giving girls a way to earn a living. Though ThaiCraft’s services fall within the scope of its business scope, the training and marketing services it provides improves women’s access to medical care and nutrition.

Given that women are primarily responsible for

maintaining the household, improving women’s economic situations increases service availability in rural areas.

18 Address Wealth Disparity Issues Promoting economic development inherently involves addressing issues of wealth disparities. By aiding people in developing countries, NGOs aim to improve the standard of living for poorer people. In part, this goal is achieved through advocacy type activities. ThaiCraft works to challenge the social norms and traditions that disadvantage poorer people and particularly women, who suffer most with the feminization of poverty. ThaiCraft organized the management and marketing of handicrafts. With these activities, the NGO increases economic opportunities available to artisans in Thailand for marketplace sales to tourists and importers. The advent of the Internet later facilitated advertising and publicizing the organizations and its products. Attract Attention Through publicity, ThaiCraft is able to draw attention to its development projects. Worldwide Internet access provides ThaiCraft with a venue to advertise information about the organization, the products it markets, and the people it helps. ThaiCraft targets two audiences with its user-friendly website that is in English. One audience includes potential members and volunteers. The organization informs them about its mission, goals, activities, and the accomplishments made over the last decade. The website also provides contact information for those interested in volunteering their services (ThaiCraft 2005e). ThaiCraft seeks member support from volunteers who can participate from anywhere in the world by offering donations, assistance in fund-raising, newsletter writing, and administration work. It also needs on-site volunteers to assist with product design and development, and sales work.

19 ThaiCraft also targets potential buyers, emphasizing the “crafted quality at a reasonable price,” for products that are “not cheap mass production” (ThaiCraft 2005h). Part of the organization’s efforts to expand its reach included implementing a database to track products and sales (ThaiCraft 2005k). ThaiCraft extensive Internet site includes an online catalogue shows pictures of hundreds of products available, with extensive information and assistance for importing these goods. It also supplies information about fair trade, pictures of the handicrafts, and instructions for purchasing these products. The organization also publishes newsletters and other public relations materials in its efforts to raise awareness about Thai villagers and their unique products.

On its website,

ThaiCraft shares stories about how it helps artisans across the country (ThaiCraft 2005b). Each region of the country has different links to the villages where it works and describes the type of products those people make, the materials they use, and how the organization has helped that community. In sum, ThaiCraft’s goal of sustainable development is intertwined with the desire to preserve a cultural tradition in handicrafts. Its service delivery activities promoted rural villages and, primarily women, in such a way as to improve their standard of living. By drawing both national and international attention to the handicraft industry, ThaiCraft was better able to promote its development projects, and even ride through recession caused by the Asian flu crisis in the late 1990s.

ThaiCraft’s Effect on Practical and Strategic Gender Needs The service delivery and advocacy activities in which ThaiCraft engages produce a number of outcomes. Without question, women’s practical gender needs are more

20 likely to be met with ThaiCraft’s intervention than without its aid. As their economic base increases, so does the women’s access to goods and services. Women subsequently rely less on the state or other service delivery NGOs for assistance. Concomitantly, however, women experience political disenfranchisement and rural populations lose young women to urban areas and jobs. In this section, each outcome is described, along with how the NGO involvement affects women’s practical and strategic gender needs. Increase Economic Base In this instance, the NGO helped to increase the economic base for the rural villagers as well as the state as a whole, accomplishing this by transferring resources and skills, initiating projects, promoting economic development, and addressing wealth disparity issues. In some areas in Thailand, such as Kham Phra, ThaiCraft has increased demand for local products, such as cotton in the village of Kham Phra (ThaiCraft 2005d). Promoting growth for some villagers had a positive effect on others as the organization’s activities spurred the local economy beyond just the artisans it set out to assist. Women benefit from increased incomes.

Helping women achieve more

sustainable incomes also benefits their families as a whole. In Thailand, Thai men are more likely to spend their earnings on non-essential goods and services than women (National Statistical Office, Thailand, 2005:§6, Table 57). Increasing rural women’s income in both countries is more likely to benefit entire families because women are more prone toward contributing earnings toward the household budget than on personal needs (Blumberg 1995). An increase in villager incomes’ at the sub-state level thus contributes to the state’s overall income, especially from sales to foreign tourists and importers to foreign

21 markets. ThaiCraft’s activities helped earn villagers more than $3 million over the ten years since its inception (Thaicraft 2005j). Despite setbacks resulting from the Asian financial crisis in 1997, Thailand’s economy is once again on the upswing, with higher increases (+6.75) in 2004 than expected (ASEAN 2005). Even in spite of the drop during the Asian Flu Crisis, the country’s export of goods and services has increased and its account balance has improved (World Bank 2005). Increase Women’s Economic Opportunities Craft-based NGOs increase women’s economic opportunities in two ways. First, they encourage and facilitate the production and sale of handicrafts, a commodity produced primarily by women. Second, ThaiCraft encourages women to pass down weaving skills to their daughters for reasons beyond preserving tradition. Despite the low remuneration, young women learn marketable skills.

ThaiCraft facilitates women’s

economic opportunities in rural areas and urban areas. Women have the option to stay in rural areas because handicraft production helps them earn a living. They are also better equipped, however, to find jobs if they migrate to cities.

Relieve Pressure on State Another outcome of the NGO’s activities is that it takes pressure off of the state by providing services the governments cannot afford. ThaiCraft offers resources and skills training backed by donor support, volunteers, and some of the profits it retains to manage the organization. ThaiCraft is also able to assist rural artisans produce and sell goods that provide them with much-needed income. It encourages self-sufficiency in the

22 local NGOs through savings schemes. Profits earned by the artisans gain more families access to medical, nutritional, and education social services they need. In turn, ThaiCraft acts as a surrogate for the state by helping people attain the basic services they need. Because these states cannot ensure responsibility for providing exigencies, handicraft NGOs help to relieve citizen demands for state services. Compensating for the state’s inability to produce services and promote development, ThaiCraft helped to legitimize the state’s internal control and stability by reducing citizen pressures favoring pro-poor policies. External control of the state in relations to other actors also increases. Political stability is less likely to result in external interference in state execution of plans or management of resources. Surrogate services increase state stability by earning the state recognition by domestically and internationally as a capable institution.

Similarly, it enhances state autonomy

internationally as other actors are more likely to respect state decision-making power if the state is stable. That is, in situations where states are more capable of taking care of their own people, IGOs and other governments are less likely to converge on the state in the name of humanitarian intervention or for relief operations. NGO activities also bolstered the state’s internal and external legitimacy. As citizens’ needs are satisfied, they are less likely to view the state in a negative way and more likely to recognize it as a legitimate authority. Internationally, the state is perceived to be a more legitimate actor if it is less often subject to political instability. Perpetuate Women’s Political Disenfranchisement By initiating projects directed at exploiting women’s private sphere skills in an effort to promote economic development, the organization’s activities had the adverse

23 effect of perpetuating the political disenfranchisement of women.

These handicraft

organizations relied on domestic activities that are the responsibility of women to generate income. In Thailand, weaving holds high social value but low economic value in Thai society. ThaiCraft relied on value-laden domestic activities to generate income. This approach promoted economic development, but inhibited social and political development as the pursuit of economic development undermined the possibility of attaining strategic gender interests in the future because of the approach taken. Handicrafts provided the means to generate income, but at the expense of reinforcing sociocultural norms. In Thailand, promoting weaving as an activity to generate income reifies sociocultural norms. ThaiCraft inadvertently reinforced gender stereotypes about women and their work, the gendered division of labor, and the social value associated with weaving. Now weaving not only carries with it high social value, but economic value is assigned to it. Work that is an extension of the household yet generates income results in the reification of women as homemakers. Resurrecting an activity that is embedded with cultural value also reinforces traditional views about good weavers being good women. Promoting economic development in this way also affected women’s potential for political development. Women’s political participation is determined by the amount of time they can spend on non-work related activities. Women’s responsibilities in the private sector limit their ability to make use of formal political rights (Friedman, 2000:33). Since handicraft production is an activity that takes place in the informal, private sector, these NGOs, in essence, increased women’s domestic workloads by generating income through artisan activities. As such, it is not surprising that far fewer

24 women than men hold political positions in Thailand (National Statistical Office, Thailand, 2005:§7). Handicraft NGOs initially undermine social and political development in the process of promoting economic development because they rely on very culturally entrenched activities. These activities reinforce the patriarchal structure of the state. The notion of the state is one derived from global North created as a product of the wealthy males who sought to protect their property (Pateman 1988; MacKinnon 1989; Young 1990; Phillips 1993). This concept of the patriarchal state spread from Western Europe through colonialism to serve the basis for the idea of the state in the international system (Enloe 1989). As such, the structure of the state is patriarchal in nature (Tickner 1992). The implication of this is that by perpetuating the disenfranchisement of women, ThaiCraft and others like it help to reinforce the state as a patriarchal entity. In turn, the state as a sovereign structure is also reinforced. ThaiCraft consequently contributed to the political disenfranchisement of women by increasing the amount of time spent on household-based activities, yet it is proving women with the opportunity to become more self-sufficient, thereby helping women meet their practical gender needs. Over time, this type of activities should provide women with an adequate foundation upon which they can then pursue their strategic gender needs.

In this instance, however, exploiting women’s handicraft skills to generate

income, reified the domestic roles that undervalue women’s work economically and disenfranchise women politically. In turn, state authority remains in the hands of a few elites who are primarily men, thereby keeping the state structure intact. The internal control of the state in decision-making improves because women have fewer

25 opportunities to challenge state decision-making if their focus is on practical gender needs. With women as subordinate political actors, they are able to pursue strategic gender needs, if they so desire. Contributes to the Exodus of Young Women The national craft-based NGO contributes to the exodus of young women to urban areas by promoting handicraft activities to generate sustainable income for women. ThaiCraft, however, includes curbing migration as one of its goals. Though one of ThaiCraft’s goals is to reduce the movement of young women to urban jobs, its activities equally have the potential to prompt urban migration. By facilitating the production and sales of handicrafts and by encouraging villagers to keep craft traditional alive, it is possible that mothers are more inclined to teach their daughters weaving skills. In addition to the cultural value attached to weaving, this activity now offers economic incentives as well. In Thailand, artisan-based NGOs offer opportunities for generating income in rural areas, which may help to reduce urban migration. In addition to that, however, these organizations also provide young women with marketable, though (currently) economically undervalued, skills. In this case, NGO activity may offer young women alternatives to urban migration with rural income opportunities. Given that the patriarchal structure of the family limits their independence, young women may opt to migrate, equipped with skills in demand in light industry. In Thailand, one reason young women choose to leave rural areas is because their freedom and economic independence is stifled in the patriarchal home (Humphreys, 1998:60; Mills, 2000:12). Another is because urban work offers the potential to make more money than rural work (National Statistics Office, Thailand

26 2003). Though the choices are still limited, handicraft training increases the number of options open to young women. Ironically, the skills young women must command in order to weave or embroider in the informal sector are not viewed as ‘skills’ in the formal economic sector. Many of the light industries target women because they have skills and characteristics associated with textile production, yet women are viewed as ‘non-skilled’ labor, which justifies low wages and poor work conditions. The low value assigned to women’s work, along with the view that women are more docile, patient, nimble-fingered, and compliant also makes them attractive to light industry managers (Humphreys, 1998:60; Clancy, 2000:4-5). As women’s abilities and the qualities associated with them are economically undervalued in their own society, it is not surprising that foreign industries come in and exploit this labor very cheaply. Though viewed as ‘non-skilled’ laborers, young women exhibiting the skills deemed appropriate for light industry work entices multinational corporations. Labor supplies, in turn, attract foreign direct investment. As an alternative to informal sector prostitution, formal sector factory work benefits the state with taxable earnings that are easier to track. The threat of disease is also reduced if young women choose factory work, incurring fewer expenses for the state and decreasing security risks. In sum, ThaiCraft intervention carries both positive and negative effects at the grassroots, national, and international level. Women in rural villages have increased access to income. As women are more likely to invest that income in their families, the domestic household’s quality of life improves. Families become more self-sufficient as they less reliant on external aid and women become more empowered in determining

27 their economic well-being. At the cost of improving women’s abilities to meet their practical gender needs, however, is the distancing of women in their ability to attain strategic gender needs.

The unfortunate side effects of promoting the handicrafts

industry including reifying women’s positions as informal, unskilled domestic labor that perpetuates the political disenfranchisement of women and even pushes young women to urban areas. While ThaiCraft is effective in helping women meet their practical gender needs, it puts attaining strategic gender needs further out of reach.

Part V: Conclusion How craft-based activities subsequently reify women’s roles in Thailand is a complex causal relationship.

ThaiCraft has helped an increasing number of rural

villagers achieve sustainable levels of income, thereby increasing economic opportunities to improve their standards of living. As women are the primary producers of these goods, women’s economic opportunities increased as the handicraft organization encouraged and facilitated handicraft production. Activities also helped to relieve social welfare demands on the state. Programs designed to increase economic development conversely affect social and political development. In attempting to appeal to women’s practical gender needs as a way to facilitate economic growth, ThaiCraft essentially compromised women attaining strategic gender needs. All of the activities in which ThaiCraft engages, to varying degrees, reinforces women in traditional domestic roles. This paper may appear to be a scathing criticism of ThaiCraft and its activities, though that is certainly not my intention. Instead, it is a comment on the very complex nature of development. ThaiCraft’s goal of improving the

28 quality of life through sustainable development is an honorable one. The progress the organization has made in helping women become more self-sufficient goes without question. Exploiting skills women already have is no doubt the most efficient way to promote economic development, as is seen time and time again with development NGOs across the world5. The difficulty remains in finding ways to overcome the social and political norms that accompany relying on skills associated with women’s domestic duties. As NGOs recognize and are made aware of this outcome, they may be better prepared to consider its effect in their planning and subsequently establish a strategy that coincides with attaining women’s strategic gender needs as well as their practical gender needs.

5

The most common scheme that comes to mind is micro-credit organizations that fund women to grow and sell produce.

29

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