Dragon in the Bush: Peking's Presence in Africa Author(s): George T. Yu Source: Asian Survey, Vol. 8, No. 12 (Dec., 1968), pp. 1018-1026 Published by: University of California Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2642154 . Accessed: 14/06/2011 10:08 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=ucal. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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DRAGONIN THEBUSH:PEKING'SPRESENCEIN AFRICA* GEORGET. YU

Africanlooms large in the foreignpolicy of the People's Rethe influencesupon externalbehavior public of China. Notwithstanding statusstemmingfromthe Great ProletarianCultural and international Revolutionand the twinproblemsof hostileattitudesand rigid policies, Chinahas continuedto be activein Africa.To be sure,overtactivityhas since the heightof the Chinesepresencein been reducedgeographically Africain 1964/1965.SeventeenAfricanstatesmaintainedformaldiplomaticties withChina in 1965; in 1968 onlythirteenremained.Yet even thisnumberis misleading,as severalAfricanstates-e.g., Kenya-maintainedlittlemorethan nominalrelationswithChina. Really meaningful withChinainvolvesless thansix states,includingGuinea,Mali, interaction and Tanzania. However,one mustcautionagainstequatingthereduction withthe and otherwise, in China'sovertpresencein Africa,geographically idea of Africa's rejection in toto of China. Nowhere have the dynamics of China's conduct of foreignpolicy toward Africa and the response of Africa to China been more evident than in East Africa, comprising Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda. Early in their independence China recognized and sought formal relations with these three states, each of which reciprocated by entering into diplomatic relations withChina. There the similaritybetweenthe states ends, withregard to both China's policy and the African response. The pattern of interactionwhich has since evolved has been characterized largely by selectivity,both by China and Africa. The process of selectivity,moreover,has been both voluntary and involuntary,depending upon the actions and reactions and the contextof all parties. environmental-situational Within this frame of reference,our discussion of China in East Africa will focus upon, but not be limitedto, the following: (1) the Chinese model, (2) China's economic presence, and (3) China's overt informal foreign policy instruments. China has long soughtto presentitselfas the model forthe Third Worldpolitically,economically and otherwise-and its obj ectives in Africa must China makes little distinction be seen withinthis context.However, -4while between substance and means, i.e., between the end product and the techniques of building and sustaining the model, most African elites, be they

*Thisstudyis a productof researchin East Africamadepossibleby a grantfrom China,theSocial ScienceResearchCounciland on Contemporary theJointCommittee of Illinois. Studies,University Comparative theCenterforInternational 1018

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governmental, intellectual or political,have doubtsaboutthe substanceof themodelbutfindgreatappealin itsselectivetechnicalaspects.Individually or collectively, themethodsof armedstruggleto achieveliberationfrom colonialrule,theinjectionof a martialspiritamongthe masses,political and socialmobilization and regimentation, and plannedeconomicdevelopmenthavebeenrecognized 'byAfricanelitesas viabletechniquesfornationbuilding.In short,theprimaryappeal of theChinesemodellies in its perceivedtechnicalcompetency. In East Africaoneencounters a numberofrationalities explainingtheappeal of theChinesemodel.Contemporary Africaneliteshave been greatly concernedwith"success,"withmakingthe new societiesworkable.While theyhave notrejectedtheEuropeanmodel (the Britishmodelin thecase of East Africa),theyhave been increasingly attractedto examplesof successfulnew social systemssimilarto theirown in historicaland environmentalbackground. WithintheAfro-Asian threenationshavebeen context, of greatinterest:China,India and Japan.Whilerecognizedas a developed as a Westernnationin an Asian nation,Japanhas beenperceivedprimarily geographicalcontextand therefore notviable as a modelforAfrica.India sincethepassingofNehruhas beenregardedas beingin a stateof degeneration,politically,economicallyand socially,and thus of littleinterestto the success-oriented East Africanelites.To date,China withits policyof and overallpolitical and economic,domesticand external, self-reliance has been perceivedas a modelwhichmightbe pertinent achievements to Africa'sdevelopment. servesalso as a Chineseappeal.In thesearchforidentity, Traditionalism has been subjectto intensescrutiny. East Africa'spast,real or imaginary, to theconsequencesof colonialism,whichpartially This can be attributed arrestedthe growthof thingsAfrican,and to the contemporary need to rediscoverand developindigenoussymbolsfor nation-building. China, to its past,has made wide use of whichrequiresno credentialsto testify traditionalsymbolsand forms,not fortheremembrance of thingspast but new attitudesand values via commonlyacceptedand recforintroducing ognizedstimuli.ModernChinesetheateris an excellentexampleof theuse of traditional symbolsand formsto achieveattitudinal change.Contemporary East Africaneliteshave been attractedgreatlyby the Chineseuse of bothas a successfultechniqueforfostering attitudinal and traditionalism, social changeand foritsimplications aboutthepotentialuse of traditional Africansymbolsand formsforsimilarobjectives. Still anotherappeal of the Chinesemodelcan be foundin thepolitical, moraland social imperfections perceivedin Africansocietiesand accepted China. East Africanelitesdeplorein their as eradicatedin contemporary ownsocietieswhattheyregardas thelack of spiritand theabsenceof organization.This attitudecan be foundamongboththeintellectuals and the locallybased administrators facedwiththedailyrealitiesof governing. All perceiveas necessarytheneedforsomeformsof martialspiritand political

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if Africais to emergeout of and social mobilizationand regimentation In the ChinesemodeltheAfricanfindsboththespiritand traditionalism. the organizationhe seeks. If thereis one thingthat has impressedthe Africanvisitorto China,it is themartialspiritand thesense of organization.We mustemphasizeonce morethatthe appeal lies primarilyin the means,notthesubstance.Thus,Franz Schurmann'sIdeologyand Organizationin Communist Chinahas beenreceivedin certainAfricanelitecircles as a studypar excellenceof Chineseorganizational techniques. If selectivetechnicalaspectsof theChinesemodelhave been appealing, therehave also been thoseAfricanswho sharestrongmisgivings aboutthe consequencesof themodel.A commonreactionamongEast Africantechand government administrators) nicians (e.g., educators,militaryofficials who have residedin China over an extendedperiod of timehas been a politicalstrongrevulsion towardslifein a societythatis highlyregimented, ly and socially.Amongthisgroup,themystiqueof theChinesemodelhas been badly shattered. The appealoftheChinesemodellies in theimportance thatEast Africans haveassignedto successand to thetechniquesby whichit is achieved.That East Africaneliteshave been success-oriented should not be surprising; ofChinaas a successful workingpolitical neithershouldAfricanperception East Africanstates-yet to systemcome as a surprise.To the struggling fromexternaldominationand dependence, yetto take be freedcompletely offeconomically, and yetto developa viable politicalsystem-Chinahas in variousdegreessuccessfully achievedall or mostof theseobjectives,the Hence China's appeal. In turn,the CulturalRevolutionnotwithstanding. greatattractionto techniquesmustbe seen withinthis context,namely, of certainobjectivesvia the utilizationof China'ssuccessfulachievement specificmethods. The differentiation betweensubstanceand methodby certainAfrican elitegroupsraisesa hostof questions.To thestudentof China,the dichoin 1898: "Chinese tomyrecallsthesloganmadefamousbyChiangChih-tung, Westernlearningforpracticalaplearningforthefundamental principles, encountered by China in its attemptat replication."The vast difficulties formbased upon this conceptis history.The questionfor Africa thus becomesmore thanjust one of academicinterest.Can methodand suband if not,what are the short-and stancebe successfully differentiated, long-term consequencesforAfrica? China'srelationswithand impactupon Africahave not been limitedto therealmofthepurelytechnicalappealoftheChinesemodel.Contemporary AfricainteractswithChina on a varietyof levels,a principalone being bothforeignaid and trade.A numberof purposes,real economicrelations, economicinteraction. and symbolic,explainthebasis for Chinese-African economicrelationswithAfricaservean imFromtheChineseperspective, "presportantsymbolicfunctionby establishinga Chineseinternational ence,"whichsuggestsbothstatusand power.In the East Africancontext,

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China'seconomic"presence"has demonstrated China's real achievements and potentialcapabilities.Combiningthereal and symbolic,aside fromthe actualpoliticaland economicadvantagesto be derivedfromtheproposed Tan-Zamrailroad,China undoubtedly sees the railroad as an important symbolof China's presencein Africa. Therehas ofcoursebeensubstantive aid fromChinato Africa.However, this aid, both economicand technical,has been more selectivethan extensive.By theend of 1966, China'sloans and grantsto Africa(including NorthAfrica) totaledless than$400 million;East Africa'sshareamounted to $90 million.Thoughlimited,the aid has nevertheless made an impact on Africa,botheconomically and politically, chiefly becauseof its selective distribution. In recentyearsTanzaniahas beena primerecipientof Chinese aid. By June,1968,Chinahad offered Tanzania a totalof $36.3 millionin loans.All aid has beenallocatedto development withprojects expenditures, rangingfroma completely equippedtextilemill,thedevelopment of a state farm,and assistancein theconstruction of a police academy,to the offer to survey(now in process) and construct the Tan-Zamrailroad.China's aid has thusbeen designedto servebothshort-run obpolitical/symbolic jectivesas wellas Tanzania'slong-runeconomicand politicaldevelopment. To date,it has beensuccessfulon bothcounts. Finally,Chinese-African economicinteraction includestrade,which,unlike foreignaid, has notbeen governedwhollyby politicalconsiderations. In East Africa,politicalattitudesand commercialtradehave largelybeen differentiated. For example,Chinahas increasedits tradewithKenyanotwithstanding a steadydeterioration in politicalrelations.In 1966 direct exportsfromChina to Kenya reached$5.4 million,as comparedto $23 thousandin 1961; duringthesameyearsdirectimportsfromKenya came to $2.6 millionand $150 thousandrespectively.' Good politicalrelations, ofcourse,further trade.Thus,China'sdirectexportsto Tanzaniaincreased from$11 thousandin 1961 to $10 millionin 1966; concurrently, direct importsfromTanzania to Chinatotaledonly$1,200 in 1961,increasingto $9.5 millionin 1966. Undoubtedly the favorablebalance of tradeearned muchneededforeignexchangeforChina; thatthetradesurplusalso contributespartiallyto China's aid program-e.g.,local costs-may also be suggested. The East Africanstateshaverespondedvariouslyto economicinteraction withChina,pursuingdiverseor similarpoliciesin accordancewithindividualneeds.In thecommercialrealm,all threeaccepttradewithChina. This has providedKenya,Tanzania and Uganda witha supplyof inexpensive importedmanufactured goods rangingfromsteel toy tanks,plastic articlesofvarioustypes,wirerodsand paperclips,to printedkhangacloth. Generallyspeaking,thequalityofChineseexportshas beengood; however, 'East AfricanCommonServicesOrganization, East AfricanCustomsand Excise, AnnualTradeReportofTanganyika, Ugandaand Kenya (Mombasa,Kenya,1962and 1967).

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theprimaryattraction appearsto lie in theirrelatively low cost.Another factorwhichhas contributed to theincreasingavailability of Chinesegoods has been the relatively highprofitmarginthatthe Asian merchant(who dominatesretailtradein East Africa) can secure.If trade servesan internalfunction,commercialrelationswithChina also providea market forEast Africanagricultural products.China has becomean importerof rawcotton,sisal fiber,pyrethrum flowersand powder,coffee, tea and other goods.The volumeof exportsto Chinahas notbeenlarge; in 1966 it came of East Africa'stotalexportsfortheyear. to $15.5 million,or lessthan3%7o real and symbolic,of China as an importerof However,theimportance, East Africanproductscannotbe overemphasized. Similarto otherrawmaterial-producing countries,the East Africanstatesmust seek outletsfor theiragricultural Added to this productsto financeinternaldevelopment. factorhas been the decliningmarketforcertainproducts,e.g., sisal. The new Chinesemarket,while primarilyof economicsignificance, has also had noneconomicramifications, namely,the broadeningof East Africa's foreignrelationsand thepromoting of a lesserdegreeof dependency, economicand otherwise, upon traditionalrelationships. For theseand other of tradewithChina has become reasons,thecultivationand development to the East Africanstates. economicallyand politicallysignificant While the East Africanstatesbasicallyagree amongthemselvesabout tradepolicies,thereis no consensuson the questionof Chineseforeign on thisquestionhavebeenmanifested aid. The twoopposingviewpoints by KenyaandTanzania.Kenya,whichrejectsaid frommostCommunist states, has rejectedall formsof Chineseaid, includingChina'sofferof a $30 million loan and grantin 1964. On the otherhand,Tanzania has become a primaryrecipientof Chineseforeignaid and of assistancefromall other foreignsources.This has been due partlyto economicnecessityand partly to Tanzania's foreignpolicyof seekingrelationswithall statesin keeping of newties.Indeed,one of themost withan emphasison theestablishment fascinatingaspects of Tanzania is the currentpresenceof a varietyof ofsources-China,theUnitedStates, foreignaid programsfroma diversity East Germanyand WestGermany.A Tanzanian (and a not too untypical African)viewpointtowardChineseaid specificallyand foreignaid generallywas expressedby a Dar es Salaam liberationmovementofficialas fromthebestavailablesources-medical follows:onesecuresaid selectively suppliesfromthe UnitedStates,monetarysupportfromthe Sovietblock, and militarysuppliesfromthe Chinese.China,of course,does not supply meantwas that militaryaid alone; whatthe liberationmovementofficial one acceptsassistancefromChina in the same spiritin whichone accepts or prejudice.It it fromall otherforeignsources,withoutdiscrimination has beenin thisspiritthatTanzaniaand Ugandahave acceptedChineseaid. In East Africa,whileone can sense China's economicpresenceand the appeal (coupledwithdoubt) oftheChinesemodelamongtheelite,attempts termsChina's impactupon East Africaon other to assess in meaningful

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diffionthepopulaceatlarge,becomeextremely levels, especially itsimpact forstatistics toa lackofdatasources;except cult.Thishasbeenduepartly African mostotherareasofChinese-East ontradeandaid,dataconcerning liesprimarily in However, thedifficulty interaction arealmostnonexistent. One encounters a aboutthesubjectmatter. thehighdegreeofsensitivity to discussthesubjecton thepartofbothAfricans and reluctance strong relations has conresident expatriates alike.Researchon Chinese-African suffered. sequently ofChinese-African inCertain tentative conclusions aboutthedynamics on thebasisoflimited data.A study teraction however, canbe suggested, foreign policyinon statecraft ofinformal has pointedto theimportance a country's contact struments.2 suchinstruments bringintodirect Basically, suchmediaas opinions(through representatives e.g., technicians-and and theprinted radiobroadcasts word)withthepeopleor processesof in an effort The emphasis another to achievespecific objectives. country, as opposedto a stateor face-to-fact interaction hereis onpeople-to-people A majorassumption ininformal to-state is thatby utilizing relationship. a statemaybettersolidify struments friendship or increasethelevelof ofChinese-East rewithanother African conflict state.Within thecontext China's contacthas evolvedthrough lations,a degreeofpeople-to-people policyinstruments. use ofinformal foreign A discussion of informal mustincludean foreign policyinstruments oftwobasicfactors: examination thetechnique andtheresponse. We shall ofthesefactors instruments to threetypesofinformal limitourdiscussion and readingmaterial, broadcasts, utilized byChinain East-Africa-radio person-to-person contact. withtheAfrican populace contact Radiobroadcasts as a devicefordirect havebeenusedextensively by China.In 1967,Radio Pekingwas trans21 hoursweekly withtransmissions ocin Englishto EastAfrica, mitting six andnineo'clockin theevecuringdailyat primelocaltime-between RadioPeking'sprohas generally beenclearandstrong. ning.Reception of a combination of newsand commentary, strongly gramhas consisted withintervals African response ofrecorded music.In general, ideological, mention. First,radio In thisregard, twofactors deserve has beenlimited. tobe a relative continues luxury;giventhefactthattheaverage ownership worker in EastAfricacurrently is theequivalent dailywageofa nonskilled ofUS $1.00,thepurchase ofa radiomustbe seenas a majorinvestment. to urban and listening havebeenlargelylimited Indeed,radioownership radiostation, dwellers withsomeschooling. foreign Second,thetraditional sourceofexternal theBBC,continues toserveas theprimary news,opinions mediaremains A andentertainment. Thisreliance strong. upontheBritish stationlistening behavioramongpeopleover17 years surveyon foreign in thethree of age witha minimum of 6 yearsof education, conducted 2Andrew M. Scott,TheRevolution inStatecraft (NewYork:RandomHouse,1965).

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capitalsof East Africain 1964 and 1966, foundthatwhereas51 to 70% of thosequestionedlistenedto theBBC, only1 to 8% of thoseinterviewed receivedRadio Peking.3In short,theefficacy of Peking'suse of radio as a meansof contacting theAfricanmassesremainsdoubtful. China also utilizestheprintedwordto reachthe Africanpopulace.Extheir ceptforKenya (whereall Chinesepublicationshave beenprohibited, possessionbeingpunishablebyprisonsentence),theChinaPictorial,Peking Mao's selectedworks, Review,QuotationsFrom ChairmanMao Tse-tung, of Chinesepoemsforchildren,etc. have been readily Swahilitranslations obtainable.In Kampala, a streetstandoppositethemain Post Officesells as well as portraitsof Mao and Stalin; a widerangeof Chineseliterature, in Dar es Salaam theFriendshipBook Shop carriesa fullstockof Chinese publicationsand a completeline of Mao buttons.Thus thereis no shortage of Chinesereadingmaterials,whichcompetefreelyon the open market Americanand Russian. withall otherforeignpublications, includingBritish, While these Chinese publicationscan be enumerated,no satisfactory measurement can be offeredregardingAfricanresponseto them.Indeed, thedistinction betweenavailablityand readershipmustbe recognized;in East Africathe formershouldnotbe equatedwiththe latter.One detects amongthepopulacegenerally,and even littleinterestin Chineseliterature and secondaryschoolstudentsthe interesthas been priamonguniversity in partto theheavymonotonous marilyacademic.This has beenattributed styleof Chinesewriting(in Englishtranslation)and theequallymonotonous repetitionof ideologicalsymbolism.In East Africathe mostwidely read Chinesepublicationhas been China Pictorial; whetherthisindicates to say. or lack of interest in Chineseliterature interest generallyis difficult Anotherfactorto be takenintoaccountin assessingtheAfricanresponse fromtheChinese"contacts."If one were is theattitudinal changeresulting to takethelocallypublishedEast Africanperiodicals,Englishand Swahili, as a sample,one would detectno visibleChineseinfluence, ideologicalor otherwise. The editorof a leadingEast Africanintellectual journal,which receivessolicitedand unsolicitedmanuscriptsfromall over Africa,has ideofoundthatso faras indicatedby thewrittenword,Chineseinfluence is minimalif presentat all. logicallyamongAfricancontributors The aboveshouldnotbe takento implythattherehas beena totalabsence "contact"with ofAfricanresponsetowardChina; formany,undoubtedly, Chinavia theprintedwordhas beenrealized.However,whatimpressesone mostaboutthosewhohave eitherread Mao's worksor some otherChinese consciousof such literature publication,or who appearto be intellectually far outweighsbelief.The is thatthe degreeof skepticism and its contents, role of doubtwas perhapsbest expressedby an Africanstudentin Dar es Salaamwhoaskedtheauthor:"Do all Chinesebelievein Mao's quotations?" of one betweenthe representatives relationships Directpeople-to-people 8MarcoSurveys, Comparative Changein PublicOpinion(Nairobi,June1966).

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anothertypeof informal countryand the populace of anotherconstitute forrealizingcontact.Such personalcontacts,it foreignpolicyinstrument of one stateto enjoy the has been maintained,allow the representatives maximumlevelofinteraction withand impactoverthepopulaceof another by our researchon state.This maybe valid,butit is onlypartlyconfirmed Chinese-African interaction,especially in Tanzania. Numerically,the Chinesepresencein East Africahas been mostevidentin Tanzania; in Tanzania, wereresidingthroughout mid-1968over500 Chinesetechnicians workingon a wide rangeof technicalassistanceprojects.They included agrimedicalpersonnel,railroadsurveyors, textilemachinery technicians, culturalspecialists,construction engineersand others. study.As a The behaviorof thesetechniciansmakesfor an interesting hard working,and frugalin their grouptheyhave beenhighlycompetent, styleof living.Theyhave usuallymaintainedseparatelivingquartersand have tendedto refrainfromsocial interactioneitherwiththeirAfrican at workor withAfricansgenerally.This has been due partly counterparts barrier:fewChinesecan conversein eitherEnglishor to a communication Swahili.However,the Chinesetechniciansdo appear publiclyin groups, Dar es Salaam or strollingalongthebeach. windowshoppingin downtown thestandardbehavioralpattern WithintheEast Africansocietalcontext, formostforeigners is physicalseparationfromthe indigenouspopulation In thisway,then, (exceptduringwork) and verylimitedsocial interaction. On the the Chinesebehavein muchthe same manneras otherforeigners. differs fromthatof other otherhand,theChinesestyleof livingdefinitely has Europeansand Americans.Chinesefrugality non-Africans, particularly beentheobjectof bothadmirationand surpriseby theindigenouspopulation.One behavioraltraitwhichhas disturbedsomeAfricanshas been the inabilityof theChineseto "relax,"at leastin thepresenceof non-Chinese. In short,Chinesebehaviorconforms generallyto thestandardbehaviorof puritanical, personalstyleof living. foreigners exceptin theovert,strongly One may concludethat Chinesebehaviorhas inhibitedTanzanian reThe theincreasein people-to-people relationships. sponse,notwithstanding rigidadherenceto a patternofphysicaland social separatismhas produced a psychologicalbarrierwhichin turnhas reducedthe possiblelevels of contact.This,ofcourse,has beentheconsequenceofthedistinctdifferentiaand private betweentheirprofessional tionmadebytheChinesetechnicians roles. It is apparentthatwhereastheyhave a sense of technicalmission, theirrole as theyhave not-eitherindividuallyor collectively-perceived for also servinga culturalfunction.This has provedhighlyunfortunate the Chinese.WithTanzanian receptiveness toward China currentlyat a socially and otherwise,could high level, increasedpersonalinteraction, of Chinese-Tanzanian to a meaningful contribute furthering undoubtedly solidarity. Chinain Africais much Our researchleads us to concludethatstudying likepursuinga dragonin thebush.The dragonis imposingbutthebushis

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dense,so thatwhileoneis alwaysconsciousoftheanimal'spresence,visible On theotherhand,theobserverquickor not,observation becomesdifficult. ly learnsthatthedragonis on unfamiliarterrain,whichcompelsit to beboth itsbehaviorand physicalmovements have"selectively";consequently, are hinderedby thenewenvironment.

ofIllinois. ofPoliticalScienceat theUniversity GEORGET. YU is AssociateProfessor