Evidence for Locally Produced, Naturally Accountable Phenomena of Order, Logic, Reason, Meaning, Method, etc. In and as of the Essential Quiddity of Immortal Ordinary Society, (I of IV): An Announcement of Studies Author(s): Harold Garfinkel Source: Sociological Theory, Vol. 6, No. 1 (Spring, 1988), pp. 103-109 Published by: American Sociological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/201918 Accessed: 31/12/2008 04:33 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=asa. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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EVIDENCE FOR LOCALLY PRODUCED, NATURALLY ACCOUNTABLE PHENOMENA OF ORDER*1, LOGIC, REASON, MEANING, METHOD, ETC. IN AND AS OF THE ESSENTIAL QUIDDITY OF IMMORTAL ORDINARY SOCIETY, (I OF IV): AN ANNOUNCEMENT OF STUDIES2 HAROLD GARFINKEL Universityof California, Los Angeles

pursuing their program of current studies-which in anothercontext he has criticized as "individualistic" -ethnomethodologists should celebrate The Structure of Social Action by returningto the analytic fold.4 I disagree. There are good reasons for ethnomethodological studies to specify the production and accountability of immortal, ordinary society-that miracle of familiar organizationalthings-as the local production and natural, reflexive accountability of the phenomena of order*. Among those reasons is making discoverableone of those phenomena of order* but only one, namely what analysis incarnatein and as ordinarysociety, as practical action's locally and interactionally produced and witnessed embodied details, could adequatelybe. Although both formal analytic sociology and ethnomethodologyaddressproducedphenomena of order*, and althoughboth seek to specify the productionand accountabilityof immortal ordinary society, a summary play ' When, in this paper, order*, is spelled with an on Durkheim's aphorismreminds us of their asterisk, but only then, it serves as a convenientproxy. I use order* as a marker to hold a place for any of the differences. For The Structureof Social Action, Durkendless topics in intellectualhistory that speak of logic, purpose,reason, rationalaction, evidence, identity,proof, heim's aphorism is intact: "The objective meaning, method, consciousness, and the rest. Any of of social facts is sociology's fundamenthe topics that order*is proxy for should be read with an reality tal principle." suffix: accompanying (order*)-in-and-as-of-the-workingsFor ethnomethodologythe objective reality of-ordinary-society.Then the topic of order* would be understood to speak of a phenomenon of order*, a of social facts, in that andjust how it is every practicalachievement. When order is spelled without an society's locally, endogenously produced, asteriskit is used in its textuallyappropriatevernacularor naturallyorganized, reflexively accountable, technical meaning. 2 Based on my talk, "The Seriousness of Professional ongoing, practicalachievement, being everySociology" at the Annual Meetings of the American where, always, only, exactly and entirely, Sociological Association, Chicago, August, 1987. (See members' work, with no time out, and with footnote 3.) A priorversion, A Reflection, was published no possibility of evasion, hiding out, passing, in the d.a.r.g. Newsletter, Fall, 1987, of the Discourse or is Analysis Research Group, Dr. Richard D. Heyman and postponement, buy-outs, thereby sociolDr. Robert M. Seiler, The University of Calgary, ogy's fundamentalphenomenon. In his talk, Alexander properly reminded Calgary, Alberta, Canada. 3 Section on Theoretical Sociology, "Parsons' The the profession that in The Structureof Social Structure Social Action:ThreeViews Years On," At a recent symposium of the American Sociological Association celebratingthe 50th anniversaryof the publication of The Structure of Social Action3, Jeffrey Alexander called attention to the book's continuing influence upon professional sociology. In the generosity of the celebration, he situated ethnomethodology'sprogramin the agendaof analyticsociology and offered ethnomethodology good advice. From his place within the agenda, he identified for ethnomethodologiststhe studies they do, advised them of studies they should do, and offered friendly advice about emphases they cannot avoid. In thoughtful reflections, he praisedethnomethodologicalstudies for carrying on with the problem of social order that Parsons specified with which he instituted formal analytic sociology. In a spirit of generosity Alexander offered ethnomethodology an olive branch. Rather than

of Fifty BernardBarber,Chair. AnnualMeetingsof the American Sociological Association, Chicago, August, 1987. I wish to thankBernardBarberfor his invitationto speak at this celebration.

4 Alexander'sextended argumentis found in his book, Action and Its Environments,ColumbiaUniversityPress, New York, 1988, pp. 224-258.

Sociological Theory, 1988, Vol. 6 (Spring:103-109)

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Action Parsonsgave to professionalsociology a way to find and exhibit the real production and accountability of immortal, ordinary society. Concerned with, and profoundly reasoned about generic, massively recurrent properties of human action in and as the properties of populations, The Structure of Social Action set an example for formal analytic sociology and has become emblematic of analytic sociology and of the worldwide social science movement. Ethnomethodologyhas its origins in this wonderful book. Its earliest initiatives were taken from these texts.5 Ethnomethodologists have continued to consult its text to understand the practices and the achievements of formal analysis in the work of professional social science. Inspiredby The Structureof Social Action ethnomethodology undertook the task of respecifying the productionand accountability of immortal, ordinarysociety. It has done so by searching for and specifying radical phenomena. In the pursuitof that program,a certain agenda of themes announced and elaborated in The Structure . . .,

has over

the years offered a contrastingstandingpoint of departureto ethnomethodology'sinterestin respecification. Found throughoutthe book, faithfulto the book, and used by ethnomethodologists to read the book, these themes brought the book's materials together as its coherent and researchableargumentthat the real society was available to the policies and methods of formal analytic sociology. With these policies concrete society could be investigated and demonstratedto indefinite depths of detail, with no actual setting excused from jurisdiction,regardlessof time, place, staff, locality, skills, or scale. In the brief remarks that space allows, I must reduce Parsons' agenda of themes from an argumentto a recitationof slogans. Endlessly seminal was sociology's stunning vision of society as a practicalachievement. Affiliated to this vision were several technical specifics. A first one was the problemof social orderformulatedby Hobbes. Another, inexorably tied to it, were theorizing's constantly undertakenand unfinishable tasks of requiringthat the vexed problem of the practicalobjectivityand practicalobservability of practical actions and practical 5 Of course, in deliberatelyreconstructivereadingsof them.

reasoning, because it was vexed, serve as the standingsource and groundsfor the adequacy of theorizing's claims. Third, in every actual case of inquiry a priority of relevance was assigned, no matter how provisional, to empirical studies to specify the problem of social order's identifying phenomena. Altogether, sociology's standing job was to specify the issues that identified as society's workings-real workings, actual workings, and evidently-the ongoing production and accountabilityof ordinarysociety. Deep policies and technical methods of theorizing were stated explicitly with which to specify real immortal, ordinarysociety in the methods of its production, and in the conditions of their effectiveness, as structures of practicalaction. Administeringthe unit act as if it were constitutive of practical action was one of these methods of theorizing. Administeringan in-principle difference between common sense knowledge of social structuresand scientific knowledge of social structures was another. Theorizing was directed to design and administerpolicies with which to specify real society as observable structuresof practicalaction. These policies were accompanied by concerns to design, develop, clarify, correct, criticize, and administermethods of constructive analysis. For one example, a recurrently used method consists of designing a formal scheme of types, giving their formal definitions an interpretedsignificancewith which to develop and explain the orderly propertiesof the types as ideals, and then assigning the propertiesof the ideals to observable actions as their describedpropertiesof social order. The book's policies of theorizing and methodsof constructiveanalysis emphatically provided for issues of immortal society's observability. Among these policies one policy dominatedall the rest: the distinction between concreteness of activities and action provided for analytically. The distinction inhabitsevery line of The Structureof Social Action. When the book was written, the distinctionwas omniprevalentin professional sociology and the social sciences, and it remains so today. I shall call actions provided for concretely that Parsonsprovidedfor with his distinction, Parsons'plenum. His plenum is a constituent partof the pair, actions concretelyand actions analytically. His plenum was administeredas a constituentof the pair.

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Parsons needed a plenum. He was not the first authorever to need one and he was not alone. Not only in the social science movement but everywhere in intellectual history authors have made use of plenums. Authors have designed plenums with which the tasks of recording, reading, writing, collecting, picturing,speakingabout,remembering,marking, signing real world specifics were accompanied by provisions for worldly things left over and worldly things left out, real world matters that remained unremarked.Webster tells us "Plenum" has been used to speak of "a space every part of which is full of matter-as opposed to vacuum," "fullness," "a general or full assembly," "the condition of being absolutely full in quantity, measure, or degree; a condition of fullness, completion." "Plenty!" puts the case according to Webster. So does "Plenarty." So does "Plenilunium." For what I want to get at, the question is not, what does plenum mean? And not, how is plenum to be defined? But who needs a plenum? I don't mean its not needed. I mean who has had what need of a plenum? By whom has a plenum been needed? For what?

beautiful plenum is Colin Cherry's soundful, noisy assemblages in and with which intelligible and remembered"sounded doings" are demonstrablephenomena. Experimentalperception's noisy assemblages--its plenumpermit published experimental studies of selective attentionto be collected as specifications of the "cocktail party effect." A recent and compelling plenum is found in the intractabilityof common sense that exhibits itself in furiously numerous but so far unsuccessfulattemptsin the computingindustry to design computable representationsof ordinaryhumanjobs. With his concreteness/analysis pair, Parsons demonstrated7there was no orderliness in concrete activities. With his plenum, Parsons specified the analytically empty concreteness of organizational things. With Parsons' plenum the concreteness of organizational things is not yet real organizational things. Nor is it yet organizational things produced according to, let alone consisting of, methodic procedures-call these "actual" organizationalthings-nor is it yet organizational things evidently. Establishedanalyticsociology's big prizeTo do what with it?6 and Parsons' big prize-is immortalordinary William James' plenum, the blooming, society, and not just any imaginable society buzzing confusion, was needed to specify but (i) real society, the society available in distinctive generic properties of perception coherent structures of inexhaustible details; and attention.Alfred NorthWhiteheadneeded (ii) actual society, society for just how it is common sense that would sit in judgment on produced, with just what causal texture; (iii) every version of itself. EdmundHusserl used and real and actual society, evidently, i.e. his hyle as his plenum with which essential, real and actual society representedin claims invariant structures of consciousness-the that are offered by analystsfor their truthand noesis-noema structures-could be found and correctness, for their availability to correctamade findable without so assigning to a bility, for the claimed work of a socially transcendentalphenomenologicalego its jobs organized setting's production and accountthat perception'sthings would have been lost. ability that is available to autonomousassessThe circumstantiality of signs, another of 7 I use demonstrated Husserl's plenums, was needed to carry out respectfully, without irony, as his policy of the ideality of meanings. A Parsons' version of what he was doing with the pair. 6 Obviously, much turns on what plenum is taken to mean. Having rejected the first two questions-"What does plenum mean?" and "How is plenum to be defined?" and insisting on this one: "Who has had what need of a plenum?", I must risk the charge of willfully having my way with it, no matter what way it is, by having left specifically unspecified what plenum is to mean. Temporarily,andjust here, that is just what I want to do. To define and explain plenum would introducea distracting excursion. I don't want to take up those questions, but insofar as we can, without taking up those questions, I want to ask, "Who has used the notion of a plenum and for what?"The sense of what plenum means will emerge as I documentthat.

With his pair he took it to be showable, and to have been shown, he demonstrated,there was no orderlinessin the plenum. Not only for his part, but on behalf of professionalsociology, and as a stand-infor the analytic social sciences. For their part, with their pairs, with their administereddistinctions, they are able to demonstrate the same things. Caution:That does not mean that I figure there is no orderlinessin concrete activities. Because I say Parsons and the analytic social sciences demonstrate and demonstratedI fear that this will be treated as my real position and be used to read my subsequenttext. In the rest of the paper I say otherwise. I must caution the readernot to use that readingto subsequentlyunderstand the remainderof my argument, which argues just the opposite.

106 ments of truth, correctness, relevance, facticity, motivationand other adequacies. For Parsons, real and actual society, evidently, that prize is not to be found in the concreteness of things. Many interesting things are to be found in the concretenessbut not real, immortal society. Instead, real immortal society is only specifiable as the achieved results of administeringthe policies and methods of formal, constructiveanalysis. Real society is specified distinctively and in detail and with everythingthatdetail could be in the formal generic structuresof practical actions. These are obtainablewith the policies and methods of constructive analysis. These policies and constructivemethodsalso furnish the correctable warrantfor analysts' claims. Analysts' claims offer constructive methods to certify their status as objective knowledge of the work of producing accountable, invariant, essential structures of practical action, the great recurring,immortal,comparable structuresof ordinaryactivities. Orderlinesses in the plenum pose for formal sociological analysis8 its tasks of detecting and specifying that orderlinessand demonstrating it in massively recurrent, distinctive, essential, invariant identifying details of formally analyzed structures of practicalaction. To review: from The Structure of Social Action we could learn there was no orderliness in the plenum. We could learn from The Structure . . . how to distinguish between actions provided for concretely and actions providedfor analytically, and we could learn how to administer this distinction over the vicissitudes and local contingencies of research and argument. We learned from The Structure . . . that specifics in producing the phenomena of order are found, collected, described, explained, and demonstratedby administeringa distinctionbetween concretenessof organizational things on the one hand, and the real society that methods of constructive analysis would provideon the other;thatonly methods of constructive analysis could provide-only and entirely-for any and every orderliness whatsoever, for every one of the endlessly many topics of order meaning, reason, logic, or method, and for every achievementof any of these topics of order* after they were 8 As well as for the social sciences, among other countlessly many arts and sciences of practicalaction.

SOCIOLOGICALTHEORY prepared for inquiry by formal analytic sociology by being respecified as phenomena of order* that are achieved in and as analytically representedgeneric workings of immortal,ordinarysociety. Parsons' thematic agenda was in every respect answerable to the observability of immortal, ordinary society. It was therein everywhere sensitive to the difference between the concretenessof actions and actions construed analytically. In The Structure's thematicagenda, and, in that the agenda was everywhere answerableto the distinction for all issues of adequacy, Parsons was spokesman for the social science movement. He was not its leader,inthis respect. And of course he did not originatethe distinction. But with that distinction he spoke for the world-wide movement of professional social science which accords the distinction unanimous endorsement. In all these respects and, most pointedly, in respect of unanimousagreement that there is no order in the plenum, Parsons talkedon behalf of professionalsociology and of the world-wide social science movement. Ethnomethodologicalstudies, in which I include of course, conversational analytic studies, learned to take serious exception without sacrificing issues of "structure"and the "great recurrencies", and now with results in hand they take serious exception. Twenty years after Studies in Ethnomethodology there exists as the work of an internationaland interdisciplinarycompany a very large corpus of empirical studies of practical actions, so-called "naturally organized ordinary activities." These studies demonstratelocally produced, naturallyorganized, reflexively accountablephenomena of order* in and as of Parsons' plenum, in detail. In order that concreteness not be handed over to generalities, I shall mention several studies by ethnomethodologists. These may remind the reader of just what concreteness has been used by Parsons and the social sciences, among indefinitely many analytic arts and sciences of practicalaction, to insist upon. Talking medicines among the Kpelle of Liberiaso as to be heardby those who need to hear it that one is properlyconcealing secrets (Bellman 1975, 1981). Mathematicians' work of proving the schedule of 37 theorems and their proof

EVIDENCEFOR PHENOMENAOF ORDER accounts that make up, as instructions, Godel's proof (Livingston 1986). The work of a local gang in a neurochemistry lab making artifact recognizable and demonstrable in electron microscopic records of axon destruction and regrowth in rat's brains (Lynch 1985). Designing and administering a medical school curriculumin pediatrics, and evaluating the competence with that curriculumof medical students, interns, and residents (Robillard and Pack 1976-1982). Administering federally funded mental health programs in the U.S. Pacific Trust territory, specifying the way these programs design and administer,staff, finance, care for and analyze records with which to track in specifics social and medical pathologies of Oceania (Robillard and colleagues 1983, 1984, 1986a, 1986b, 1987). Teaching English as a second language to pre-school children from immigrantfamilies (Meyer 1985, 1988). Teacherand studentsconcertedlyarranging for and spotting trouble-in-the-makingin an inner city high school classroom (Macbeth 1987). Coordination work-site practices of 911 dispatchersin 'working' a call (Zimmerman and Whalen 1987). Finding in an afternoon the sequentially organized character of an experiment in undergraduate laboratorychemistry(Schrecker in press). Understanding among Australian aborigines learnedby an Americananthropologistby helping them document their sacred sites so that they can withstand legal controversies instituted by corporate interests (Liberman 1986). The use by partiesat work (1) in the offices of an entrepreneurialfirm in the fast food business, and (2) in the operationsroom at the London air traffic control center, of the on-site "notion" of a working division of labor as a local means in each of interrelating and explication the activities to be found there. (Anderson, Sharrock and Hughes 1987). Learning to play improvised jazz piano (Sudnow 1978). Talking the convict code in an inmate half-way house (Wieder 1974). Undergraduatesachieving the definiteness of sense and the coherence of a text's details

107 in reading introductorysociology (Morrison 1976). Collaborative writing at a computer in a GradeOne classroomcollected and elucidated as two relatedproductionproblems:where am I? and what next? (Heap 1986a, 1986b). Designing a Xerox copier to assure complaint free operation by office personnel (Suchman 1985). Teaching civil procedure to first year students in one of the country's leading law schools (Burs 1986). And then there is the extraordinarycollection of studies on conversation. Hundredsof published studies have established the existence of a domain of phenomena that was unknown and unsuspecteduntil it was collaboratively developed by Harvey Sacks, Emmanuel Schegloff, and their colleagues. (For a bibliographysee Heritage 1985). I have listed a very small numberof titles in the corpus of published studies that report radicalphenomena.9 When I speak about the phenomena that they report as radical phenomenawhat am I claiming about these phenomena? What is ethnomethodologicalabout these studies and their results? First, the phenomena they report are available to policies of ethnomethodologyfor example, they are available under the exercise of "ethnomethodological indifference" and they are available under a respect for the unique adequacy requirement of methods. But they are specifically not available to the policies and methods of constructive analysis. These phenomena cannot be recovered with a priori representational methods. They are not demonstrablein the establishedterms of classic studies. Second, the social science movement, in carrying out its research agenda, as a systematic feature of that agenda, depends upon their existence as omnirelevantdetails of their agenda and makes use of them, finds them essentially unavoidable and essentially

9 I regret that this list will lend itself to finding in it personsand studies thatare not mentioned.I apologize to the company of ethnomethodologistsand CA people for not knowing how to spare them the unfair consequences of readingthe list as a roll call. Whoever has tried to do ethnomethodologicalstudies would be thereby equipped to recognize thatthe list testifies to a division of laborand that the list is not a bibliographyof all eligible, possible, relevant, or consequentialwork.

108 without remedy, but finds them specifically uninterestingand ignores them. Third, the reportedphenomenacan not be reduced by using the familiar reduction procedures in the social science movement without losing those phenomena. Fourth, the reported phenomena are only inspectablythe case. They are unavailableto the arts of designing and interpretingdefinitions, metaphors,models, constructions,types, or ideals. They can not be recovered by attemptsno matterhow thoughtful,to specify an examinablepracticeby detailinga generality. Fifth, they were discovered. They are only discoverable and they cannot be imagined. Sixth, they specify "foundational"issues in and as the work of a "discipline" that is concerned with issues of produced order in and as practicalaction.10 Seventh, these phenomena are locally and endogenously produced, naturallyorganized, reflexively accountable in and as of detail, and therein they provide for everything that details could possibly be. Eight, not only do these phenomena providefor detail as a topic of order*, but any and every topic of logic, order, reason, meaning, or method is eligible for respecification as locally achieved phenomena of order*. Not only the topic of detail but every topic of order* is to be discovered and is discoverable and is to be respecified and is respecifiable as only locally and reflexively produced, naturally accountable phenomena of order*. These phenomena of order* are immortal, ordinary society's commonplace, vulgar, familiar, unavoidable and irremediable and uninteresting"work of the streets". To summarize: It is ethnomethodological about these studies that they show for ordinary society's substantive events, in materialcontents, that and just how members concert their activities to produce and exhibit the coherence, cogency, analysis, consislOFoundationalissues are reported in the remaining three parts of the series, of which this article is Part I. PART II: The Curious Seriousness of Professional Sociology PART III: Six Rendering Theorems PART IV: Incommensurably, Asymmetrically Alternate Pairs of AccountableTechnologiesfor the Production, Analysis, Understanding, Description, and Observabilityof Order* In and As of Practical Action and Practical Reasoning's EmbodiedDetails.

SOCIOLOGICALTHEORY tency, order, meaning, reason, methods,which are locally, reflexively accountable orderlinesses-in and as of their ordinary lives together, in detail. A very large corpus shows in and as of Parsons' plenum, in detail, contrary to the entirety of the social science movement, in incommensurably asymmetrically alternate sociology, the local production and natural, reflexive accountabilityof immortal,ordinary society really, actually, evidently, and these ordinarily. A development of many years of work in ethnomethodology and conversational analysis these studies are founded on, they continue, and they dependupon the work of a large company of colleagues. It is the company's achievement that their studies, by composing a current serious situation of inquiry, provide access to a technical domain of organizationalphenomena. These phenomena were not suspected until their studies established their existence, provided the methods to study them, and providedwhat methods and their accompanying issues of relevance, evidence, adequate description,observability,validity, teachability, and the rest could be. Distinctiveemphaseson the productionand accountability of order* in and as ordinary activities identify ethnomethodologicalstudies and set them in contrastto classic studies as an incommensurablyalternate sociology. My purpose in these remarks has been to sketch these emphasesand to identify the fact of a companywhose existence furnishesthese emphases their technical details, assures their consequentialityfor the tasks in ethnomethodological inquiries of discovering the identifying issues of the problem of social order, and grounds my claims in the real-world practicesof their craft. REFERENCES Anderson, R.J., W.W. Sharrock, and J.A. Hughes. 1987. "The Division of Labour." Paper presented at the conference on "Action Analysis and Conversation Analysis," Maison des Sciences de L'Homme, Paris, September26-30. Bellman, Beryl. 1975. Village of Curers and Assassins: On the Production of Fala Kpelle Cosmological Categories. The Hague: Mouton. . 1981. The Language of Secrecy. Unpublished monograph. Departmentof Sociology, University of California, San Diego. Burs, Stacy. 1986. An EthnomethodologicalCase Study of Law Pedagogy in Civil Procedure. Unpublished monograph,Universityof California, Los Angeles.

EVIDENCEFOR PHENOMENAOF ORDER Heap, James L. 1986a. "Sociality and Cognition in CollaborativeComputerWritings." Paperpreparedfor discussion at the Conference on Literacy and Culture in EducationalSettings at the University of Michigan School of Education. . 1986b. "CollaborativePractices During Computer Writing in a First Grade Classroom." Paper preparedfor presentationat the annualmeetings of the American Educational Research Association, San Francisco. Heritage, John. 1985. "RecentDevelopmentsin Conversation Analysis." Sociolinguistics. 15:1-19. Liberman,Kenneth. 1986. UnderstandingInteractionin Central Australia: An EthnomethodologicalStudy of AustralianAboriginalPeople. London:Routledge and Kegan Paul. Livingston, Eric. 1986. The EthnomethodologicalFoundations of Mathematics. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Lynch, Michael. 1985. Art and Artifact in Laboratory Science: A Study of Shop Workand Shop Talk in a Laboratory.London:Routledge and Kegan Paul. Macbeth, Douglas. 1987. Management's Work: The Social Organization of Order and Troubles in Secondary Classrooms. Doctoral dissertation, School of Education,University of California, Berkeley. Meyer, Lois. 1985. Making a Scene: Probing the Structureof Language in Sibling Interaction. Unpublished manuscript.University of California, Berkeley. . 1988. "It Was No Trouble:Achieving Communicative Competence in a Second Language." in Development of Competence in a Second Language, edited by Robin Scarcella, Elain Anderson and Stephen Krashin.Newbury House. Morrison, Kenneth. 1976. Reader's Work:Devices for Achieving Pedagogic Events in Textual Materialsfor Readers as Novices to Sociology. Doctoral dissertation. Department of Sociology, York University, Toronto. Robillard, Albert B. and Colleagues. 1983. Pacific Island Mental Health Counselor TrainingProgram:A

109 Final Program Narrative and Evaluation Report. Honolulu:Departmentof Psychiatry. . 1984. Pacific Islander Alternative Mental Health Services: A Project SummaryReport. Honolulu: Social Science ResearchInstitute. . 1986a. "MentalHealth Services in Micronesia: A Case of Superficial Development." In Current Health Policy Issues and Alternatives: An Applied Social Science Perspective, edited by Carole E. Hill. Athens, GA: Universityof Georgia Press. . 1986b. "Community Based Primary Health Care: Reality or Mystification?" In Participatory Approaches to Development: Experiences in the Philippines, edited by Trinidad S. Osteria and JonathanY. Okamura. Manila: De La Salle University. .1987. Pacific Islander Mental Health Research Center. Grantapplication. Departmentof Mental and HumanServices, Public Health Service. Robillard, Albert B. and ChristopherPack. 1976-1982. Research and didactic videotapes, occasional papers, in-house memoranda,tape and video recordedrounds and medical and clinic conferences, and lectures. Departmentof Human Development, Michigan State University. Schrecker, Friederich. In press. "Doing a Chemical Experiment:The Practicesof ChemistryStudentsin a Student Laboratory in Quantitative Analysis." In EthnomethodologicalStudies of Workin the Discovering Sciences, edited by Harold Garfinkel. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Suchman, Lucy A. 1985. Plans and Situated Actions: TheProblemof Human-MachineCommunication.Palo Alto, CA: Xerox Palo Alto ResearchCenter. Sudnow, David. 1978. Ways of the Hand. Cambridge, MA: HarvardUniversityPress. Wieder, D. Lawrence. 1974. Language and Social Reality. The Hague: Mouton. Zimmerman,Don and Jack Whalen. 1987. "Multi-party Managementof Single Telephone Calls: The Verbal and GesturalOrganizationof Work in an Emergency Dispatch Center." Presentedat the SurreyConference on Video, Universityof Surrey, Guildford,England.