Land and Livelihoods in North-East St Vincent 64

Land and Livelihoods among the Black Caribs of North-East St Vincent: Case studies of farming and cottage-based agro-processing Rose-Ann Smith and David Barker, Department of Geography & Geology,University of the West Indies, Mona Campus Kingston 7 E-mail: [email protected] Summary: This paper investigates the culturally-influenced farming practices and cottage-based agro-processing activities of remote Black Carib communities in northern St Vincent. One objective is to document their livelihoods because little research has been undertaken hitherto in these communities. The paper contributes to the emerging literature on Garifuna communities within the Caribbean region because Black Caribs adopted the name Garifuna in the 1970s, and so were incorporated into a contemporary Caribbean political movement. In spite of regional political recognition, livelihood issues faced by these local Vincentian communities are very similar to those faced by poor farming communities in other parts of the Caribbean.. The paper examines how the people of the remote villages in Sandy Bay, Owia and Fancy must negotiate their farming and fishing livelihoods in the face of drought, tropical storms and economic neglect. A variety of mixed methods were used including questionnaire surveys and focus groups. The primary data were collected in the aftermath of a severe drought followed by Hurricane Tomas in 2010. Several coping strategies embedded in the social capital and culture of the Garifuna are identified as having potential to help build adaptive capacity and strengthen resilience within the communities.Cottage-based agro-processing facilities are highlighted as methods of income and livelihood diversification. Keywords: LIVELIHOOD VULNERABILITY

GARIFUNA

ST VINCENT

Introduction The impacts of global changes resulting from economic globalization and climate change have been a recent focus of contemporary research on sustainable rural livelihoods in the Caribbean region (McGregor et al., 2009). At the local scale, research in Jamaica and St Kitts (Campbell, 2011; Clarke, 2013) has utilized the double exposure framework (O’Brien & Leichenko, 2000) to contextualize the simultaneous impacts of global change. While there are many similarities in vulnerability scenarios with respect to cli-

65 Caribbean Geography 2013 18 mate hazards and trade liberalization, some components of vulnerability are location-specific, depending on the particular character of small-scale livelihood systems. In the larger Greater Antilles, for example, vulnerabilities and coping mechanisms vary across a mosaic of different agro-ecological zones (Campbell et al., 2010). In the Windward Islands, spatial variation in rainfall distribution and topographic conditions also produce strongly contrasted agro-ecological zones, between the leeward and windward coastal zones. Their smaller physical sizes and north-south axial orientations, however, mean that geographical patterns are less complex compared to the Greater Antilles. Despite the relatively small size of the islands, communities located on the leeward and windward coasts of the Windward Islands are likely to experience differential hazard impacts and vulnerabilities. This paper adds to the growing literature on Caribbean vulnerability by focusing on rural communities in north-east St Vincent. Like rural communities elsewhere in the region, livelihoods systems are challenged by the impact of climatic hazards, which may destroy crops, livestock and land resources. Livelihoods are also influenced by the daily economic challenges of market accessibility and price fluctuations over which households have little control, but which have serious implications for food security and income. These communities, however, belong to a distinctive social group, the indigenous Black Caribs. This research is the first attempt to focus on this specific ethnic group in Caribbean vulnerability studies. This research forms part of a broader doctoral thesis which examines the vulnerabilities facing these remote Vincentian communities, and explores elements of the indigenous cultural knowledge in the context of economic globalization and climate change. The mixed method ethnographic approach involved a questionnaire survey of 311 households, unstructured interviews with 70 farmers in Sandy Bay, Owia and Fancy, and two focus group sessions in each community. The paper examines farming livelihoods and associated farming problems and identifies elements within their coping strategies that offer options for increasing resilience in the face of climate hazards and economic hardships. These elements are embedded within indigenous Carib culture. They include a strong collective identity, indigenous knowledge networks and income diversification through small-scale agro-processing cottage industries which collectively could be strengthened into community-based adaptive strategies and more sustainable livelihood systems.

Recent History of the Garifuna People Black Caribs inhabit the communities of Sandy Bay, Owia and Fancy in north-east of St Vincent. Since the 1970s, a strong political movement in the region, echoing the global interest in indigenous peoples (Palacio, 1993; 2008), has incorporated the Black Caribs of St Vincent into a wider political grouping based on ethnicity, known as Garinagu (plural) and Garifuna (singular). The movement has given these indigenous people international and regional recognition, while trying to forge linkages between isolated Garifuna communities in Dominica, Belize, Honduras, and St Vincent. In St Vincent, the Black Caribs still struggle with the legacy of European colonization, which decimated their population and their access to land resources. Yet, the

Land and Livelihoods in North-East St Vincent 66 connection to land and livelihood is an integral part of the Garinagu cultural identity (Twinn, 2006). Political recognition at the regional and international level, however, has not translated into strengthened resilience to global change at the community level. Farming and fishing livelihoods among these communities are being cruelly exposed to climate change and economic globalization, and there is a notable absence of sustained and organized efforts at community-based capacity building and resilience building, at the national and the international level. The so-called Yellow Caribs were the aboriginal Amerindian inhabitants of St Vincent and neighbouring islands before the arrival of Christopher Columbus and the Europeans (Davy, 1971; Kirby & Martin, 1972; Wilson, 1999; Taylor, 2012). They were described as ‘essentially a farming people [who] planted small manioc and sweet potato gardens…, and although they certainly fish..., they cannot be characterized as a society of fishermen’ (Allaire, 1999: 182). They were individualistic and free, and seemed to have little organisation or structure, having a chief who only appeared in time of war (Kirby & Martin, 1972; Taylor, 2012). Their collective identity was based on communal land tenure and associated agricultural practices, and these remain an important part of their indigenous identity today (Thorne, 2004). St Vincent is referred as the Yuremein or homeland of the Garifuna. The origin of the Garifuna people can be traced back to the 1700s, when Yellow Caribs (the original Amerindians,) intermarried with the Arawaks and African Slaves (Kirby & Martin, 1972; Taylor, 2012; Twinn, 2006). Efforts to document their culture date back to 1926 (Palacio, 1993) though the terms Garifuna and Garinagu, from the native language by which Black Caribs identify themselves, were legitimized in the 1970s. The ‘indigenous’ label, was accepted following a political move by indigenous activists within North and Central America (Palacio, 2008). A regional acceptance of this label was signaled by the formation of the Caribbean Organisation of Indigenous Peoples [COIP] in 1989, an organisation formed by individuals in Guyana, Trinidad and Tobago, St Vincent, Dominica and Belize (Palacio, 2006 as cited by Palacio, 2008). In 1992, it gained acceptance as a member organisation in the World Council of Indigenous Peoples [WCIP]. While St Vincent and the Grenadines is recognised as the homeland of the Garifuna culture, much of the original culture of the Garifuna of St Vincent has disappeared (Palacio, 2008). Attempts to re-establish Garifuna culture within St Vincent have been unsuccessful and ineffective. One of the most significant connections to cultural identity, going back to the 1700s, was between the Garifuna people and land. As Twinn (2006: 99) notes ‘within the lineage of Carib history the principal element in the creation of Caribs as Caribs, was the Carib/Land relationship...’. This connection to land can be observed in St Vincent (Yuremein) and Honduras, where the largest population of Garifuna are currently residing (Thorne, 2004; Twinn, 2006). The eruption of the La Soufriere volcano in 1979 was symbolic and instrumental to Vincentian Caribs because it led to the subsequent sale of the Orange Hill Estate, the largest plantation in St Vincent (3,500 acres) by the Bernard family in 1985. The property was sold to Windward Properties Ltd, an incorporation of four companies whose directors were four Vincentians and four Danes. The sale mobilized a political movement by

67 Caribbean Geography 2013 18 Caribs in the media, with support from other Vincentians and the diaspora, who opposed lands being sold to foreigners (John, 2006; Twinn, 2006). The situation was a political turning point for the Caribs who collectively advocated and pursued claims to this land, arguing it was part of their ancestral heritage. It led to the formation of the Campaign for the Development of the Carib Community [CDCC], which was formally recognized by other Carib Groups such as the Garifuna of Belize and the Caribs of Dominica (Twinn, 2006). This was the first Carib organisation to claim ancestral land rights and raise social and economic community issues regarding lack of electricity, proper health facilities, and telephone networks (Twinn, 2006). After a series of legal battles, the government repurchased the Orange Hill Estate and created the state-owned Rabacca Farms, whilst seeking compensation for the Caribs (John, 2006; Twinn, 2006). Nevertheless, Caribs felt that nationalization of the estate did not do much for them, and their discontent focused on the government’s proposed land reform. This resulted in further political action by about 400 Caribs, who described the proposal as inequitable because it required them to lease their ancestral land at too high a price, and they felt threatened into signing a lease about which they had little detail (Twinn, 2006).

Livelihoods, drought and tropical storms The remote communities of Sandy Bay, Owia and Fancy (Figure 1) are referred to by Vincentians as the Carib country. The north-east windward side of the island comprises the rugged foothills of the Soufriere volcano, and coastal areas are dissected with a more gently rolling topography. Sandy Bay, Owia and Fancy are all coastal communities, but households in Owia are located on steep hilly sections of the village. In Sandy Bay households occupy more gently sloping terrain that is more exposed to coastal elements. A variety of field methods were used to elicit both quantitative and qualitative data which is reported here. These data collection techniques included a large questionnaire survey of 311 households, of which 54 percent were male-headed households and, within this sub-group of farmers, 63 percent were 53 years or over. Other field methods included focus groups held in each community, semi-structured interviews and field observations. These data together revealed that the main livelihood activity in all three communities is farming. The household survey identified 136 respondents, 109 of whom were household heads, who said their principal economic activity was farming, representing 44 percent of the total number of households in the survey. Fishing is also present in these communities, both as a full-time and a part-time economic activity, though it is much less important than farming. Both field data and official data on the value of the fish catch by landing sites point to Owia as the main fishing community. Farmers produce for their own consumption and market surplus cash crops, mainly from hillside plots. Although a wide variety of cash crops are grown, root crops pre-dominate (Figure 2). The mainly hillside farmlands are cultivated predominantly by older farmers. Farming households have limited financial resources. A majority of 55 farmers live within households that earn less than EC$500 monthly from their economic activities.

Land and Livelihoods in North-East St Vincent 68

FIGURE 1:Study area communtities SOURCE: GIS Unit Physical Planning Unit, SVG Farmers identified a number of problems in the interviews that impact negatively on these production systems and on their communities. The main ones were climatic hazards (drought and storms) and economic issues (markets and prices). Praedial larceny, pests and diseases, and poor roads also were mentioned. The drought of at the end of 2009 and the beginning of 2010 caused significant damage to crop production. For instance, one farmer reported harvesting only two sacks of sweet potatoes rather than his normal output of 30 sacks. Two farmers reported a loss of 700 holes of plantain and two acres of eddoes and plantains, respectively. Farmers were struggling to recover from the impact drought when, later in October of the same year, they experienced Hurricane Tomas, a Category 1 hurricane. This hurricane resulted in damage to the island’s agriculture sector estimated EC$67.2 million (CDEMA, 2010). The combined effects of the drought and the hurricane had serious negative impacts on farm production, household assets and the general well-being of households. According to respondents, the short space of time between these events, allowing little time recovery, was particularly devastating and challenging.

69 Caribbean Geography 2013 18

FIGURE 2: The type of crops produced in each community Farmers utilize their indigenous knowledge in efforts to try to cope with drought and tropical storms. The importance of indigenous knowledge in Caribbean agriculture has been recognised in several studies (Beckford & Barker, 2007; Nwonwu, 2010; Bamigboy & Kuponiyi, 2010; Tikai & Kama, 2010). Senanayake (2006: 87) refers to indigenous knowledge as ‘the social capital of the poor..., their main asset to invest in the struggle for survival, to produce food, to provide for shelter and to achieve control of their own lives’. Indigenous knowledge is essential in helping farmers manage their land resources. Examples in these communities include traditional practices like intercropping and lunar phase farming, though these techniques are not unique to Caribs. Fallowing too is widespread; 30 percent of farmers indicated that they rest or fallow the farm (‘leave the land bare’) during the dry season, while others who lack alternative income sources, farm the land all year around. Farmers’ crop choice partly reflects ways of trying to cope with drought. They cultivate sweet potatoes, cassava, peanuts and peas which require less water. Sweet potato is cultivated by 49 percent of farmers in the sample, while cassava and peas are cultivated by 11 percent and 10 percent of farmers respectively, across all three communities. Groundnuts are only cultivated in Owia and Fancy, by 28 percent and 37 percent of farmers, respectively. Cultivating more drought-resistant crops is a viable short term coping strategy often based on farmers’ knowledge of how well familiar crops do under drought conditions. It is regarded as a form of insurance in managing temperature stresses in crops during prolonged drought (Benhin, 2006; Brussel, 2009; Stigter et al., 2005). Nevertheless, while crops such as sweet potatoes can be viable in a normal dry season,

Land and Livelihoods in North-East St Vincent 70 TABLE 1: Strategies for adapting to climatic stresses as reported by farmers Strategies to cope with climatic stresses Does nothing Tie back plants

Frequency 73 9

Contour furrowing

10

Build drains in land

8

Plant in Season

12

Irrigation

6

Special variety/drought resistant crops

6

Special vegetation for landslides

2

Rain water harvesting using spouting and catchment containers

34

prolonged periods of drought can result in crop failure according to the farmers interviewed. The 136 farmers identified in the questionnaire survey employ several other strategies to cope with and improvise responses to climatic hazards related to torrential rainfall, often incorporating other elements of traditional knowledge (Table 1). The steep terrain, however, limited financial resources and lack of government assistance constrain farmers’ options in dealing with problems such as landslides caused by flood rains. Table 1 shows that most farmers seem unable to do anything in the dry season. This is indicated by the following statements: ‘Can’t do nothing, that is nature, you just have to hope and pray rain come and that you catch some rain’ ‘Can’t do nothing, just replant after’ ‘ Have to satisfy, you can’t do anything, just go through with it until rain come to bring them back up’

The 2009 drought and Hurricane Tomas in 2010 occurred in rapid succession and, given the magnitude of the economic problems as reported by farmers, is another example of double exposure in the Caribbean. O’Brien &Lechienko (2000) note that double exposure can result in both winners and losers. Caribs are cast clearly as losers in this vulnerability scenario. The daily struggles of people in these poor remote communities to cope both with economic problems and climate hazards put into stark perspective livelihood vulnerabilities which, in turn, brings into sharp focus issues of how to build resilience. In addition to the problems created by climate hazards, the economic problems cited by farmers, on the other hand, relate to market accessibility, price fluctuations and the high prices of farm inputs. For example, 87 percent of farmers in Sandy Bay and all

71 Caribbean Geography 2013 18 those interviewed in Owia and Fancy reported economic problems. The following statements are indicative of the nature of these problems: ‘The most problem we face is with market, we face plenty problems with market’ ‘Right now me buy manure for a $100 a sack and me can’t even make back a $10’ ‘Produce don’t sell so, they don’t have a marketing board. We have to beg people to come and buy our produce’ ‘The produce don’t have an outdoor market like, say like they will have a marketing board and they will come and buy and ship way’ ‘Things getting worse; I use to plant arrowroot and banana, but no money, no place that when you have your produce you can get it sell’

Land, Social Capital and Labour The collective identity of the indigenous Caribs was an important aspect of their ancestral history. In pre-Columbian times, Caribs lived communally with no distinct family unit. The basic social unit was the community itself and in times of peace the ubutu/war leader supervised crop cultivation and fishing (Mitchell, 2006). The communal lands of the Caribs quickly disappeared with the onset of European colonization but remarkably, following the 1979 volcanic eruption of Soufriere, the issue of communal Carib lands emerged centre-stage in national debate. Ironically, the national debate about ancestral lands for Caribs has not translated into advocacy of communal tenure at the local community level. Indeed, in these Carib communities, land tenure at the household level is more typical of land tenure patterns of St Vincent and the rest of the Caribbean, rather than of Carib ancestry. Table 2 for example, shows that 51 percent of households report their tenure as family land, while only 12 percent say they own their land. Family land is widely documented across the region and originated after emancipation (Besson, 1987). Another vestige of communal living is the utilization of community labour networks. Like family land, these communal elements are not unique to Caribs but common throughout the Caribbean region. Nevertheless, communal social relations form an important part of strategies to negotiate livelihoods and are part of community social capital. Social capital is defined as ‘the norms and networks that enable people to act collectively’ (Woolcock & Narayan, 2000: 226) and can be subdivided into bonding capital and networking capital (Adger, 2001), or bonding, bridging and linking capital (Rossing et al., 2010; Woolcock, 2000). Bonding capital refers to the norms, values and trust relationship that exist among families, neighbours and close friends, while networking capital is based on weaker bonds of trust outside of kinship networks, though they are more formal and institutionalized (Adger, 2001; Woolcock, 2000). Bonding social capital in the communities is evident in labour networks which emphasize family labour and communal labour, both of which are informal and dependent on the needs and resources of individuals. They require investment in time and effort if trusting relationships are to be generated, and seem easier to destroy than to build (Grootaert & Bastelaer, 2001). Nwonwu (2010: 16) argued that ‘the utility of traditional

Land and Livelihoods in North-East St Vincent 72 TABLE 2: Land tenure system of farmers New Sandy Bay (%)

Owia (%)

Fancy (%)

Total (%)

8

12

14

12

Government/Squatter

17

16

32

23

Family land

60

41

52

51

Lease

15

30

1

13

Other

0

1.6

1

1

Land Tenure Own land

agriculture lies in the cost effectiveness and efficiency in labour utilisation’. By pooling labour resources and efficiently utilizing family labour and informal communal labour, cash outflow is reduced as well as the cost of production. Table 3 shows that family labour predominates and is used by 65 percent of the farmers interviewed. In 56 of these 91 households, it is the only form of labour utilized. Other households combine family labour with other types. Farmers who are solely dependent on family labour may be more vulnerable to climate hazards and economic problems. Bishop-Sambrook (2005), for example, argued that vulnerability is increased when a household is solely dependent on family labour to meet its needs, and vulnerability is exacerbated by loss of a household member. Informal communal labour has various local names such as ‘swap labour, ‘hand go hand come’ or ‘fast help’ and was reported by four farmers in Sandy Bay, seven in Owia and eight in Fancy. The idea is that one farmer assists another in cultivation of farmland or harvesting and is repaid in kind by the farmers he helps, often in a similar task. It is mainly used at the beginning of the growing season for ploughing (forking the land), sowing, and during harvesting periods, and all periods in the farm calendar when work load is heavy. Thus farmers repay each other by investing similar time and work in each other’s farm. One farmer used the phrase ‘give them a strength’ to describe the system, while another in explaining swap labour said: ‘Well me and them come along real good because sometimes if they want a little help, I go and help them and them come and help me’

According to older famers, ‘swap labour’ was once popular and more prevalent but is dwindling in significance due to the high unemployment rate. Again this vestige of communal labour is not unique to the Caribs of St Vincent - a similar arrangement is called ‘morning sport,’ ‘morning wuck’ or ‘day fi day’, remains popular among the Jamaica’s Accompong Maroons (Chang, 2007) and in other rural communities in Jamaica (Potter et al., 2004). The third type of labour, paid or hired labour, is used by 36 percent of the farmers and has become increasingly important, even though farmers are often unable to afford to hire persons for more than two to three days at any one time. Hired work is mainly used for tilling and harvesting. The demand for hired labour seems to partly reflect the

73 Caribbean Geography 2013 18 TABLE 3: Type of labour used by farmers Type of Labour

Frequency

Percentage (%)

Self help

46

33

Family

91

65

Paid

50

36

Other

11

8

decreasing interest of younger family members to assist on the farm. Farmers complained that the younger generation is no longer interested in farming and many prefer to ‘go into the hills’ (for marijuana or ‘ganja’ farming). The local agricultural extension officer confirmed that the farm population seemed to be aging as only the older farmers are observed attending farmers’ meetings. A focus group conducted with young men involved in illegal marijuana farming supported this claim. They said that traditional farming is difficult with little returns, and they have seen their parents work hard and yet be unable to obtain a market for their produce. They argued that ‘ganja’ farming, in spite of the risk and difficulty, has a guaranteed market in St Lucia, Barbados, Guadeloupe and Martinique. Marijuana farming is thus perceived to be a lucrative alternative livelihood to traditional farming, attractive to young Carib men (and elsewhere in St Vincent). Connell (2013) argued that following the collapse of banana production in the 1990s, marijuana farming, described as a competitive and profitable alternative, became a leading export crop in St Vincent, and the island was identified as the major producer in the Caribbean. Moberg (2005) noted too the negative impact of trade liberalization prompted some farmers in St Vincent, St Lucia and Jamaica to withdraw from commercial exports crops (like bananas) and cultivate illegal drugs. While socio-economic issues pressure many farmers into using paid labour, they are unable to afford it on a regular basis due to their limited resources. Hence, family labour and ‘swap labour’ are significant in reducing the cost of labour inputs, and so buttress economic and climate vulnerability. Family labour and swap labour are especially important in cultivation, maintenance of farmland and harvesting. After a storm, for example, when crops are destroyed and subsequent cleaning up of the land and replanting become necessary they are especially useful. Following the impact of Hurricane Tomas in 2010, as many as 11 and 19 farmers reported relying on ‘swap’ labour and family labour, respectively, to assist in the cleaning of the land and replanting of crops to cope with the aftermath of the disaster. These two forms of communal labour arrangements, part of the communities’ social capital, buttress economic and climatic vulnerability because they reduce the labour cost of production. Thus, as a coping strategy, they are capable of being successfully incorporated into longer-term adaptations to global change.

Land and Livelihoods in North-East St Vincent 74

Cottage-based agro-processing as a route to building resilience to global change A wide range of traditional food products are produced from indigenous crops in the Caribbean region, as in other parts of the developing world. In Jamaica, for example, bammy is produced from local sweet cassava and though not a staple food product, it is widely eaten with sea food. Not only are traditionally processed local foods part of local diet and food preferences, but cottage-scale industries offer opportunities for households and communities to generate additional income through market sales. Within the communities of Sandy Bay, Owia and Fancy, there are several small-scale agro-processing cottage-industry operations. The products include farine and cassava bread manufactured from cassava, madongo dumpling made from arrowroot, doucana manufactured from sweet potatoes, and coconut oil produced from coconuts. While all are traditional or indigenous agro-processing industries, cassava, arrowroot and sweet potatoes were crops cultivated by Caribs before the arrival of the Europeans (Bulliet et al., 2008; Boyer & Dubosky, 2001), and so arguably form an important cultural anchor of Carib identity and a link with the past. For households engaged in these activities, cottage-scale agro-processing is useful means for supplementing incomes through additional market sales and for utilizing farm produce that might otherwise go to waste.

The use of the cassava for the production of Farine in Owia Owia has a reputation locally and nationally for the production of farine and has the most vibrant of the small-scale cottage industries of the three communities. Farine is an edible product made from cassava, used for making porridge and bread and, in some cases, as thickening agent in soup and stew. Two families were identified as the main producers of farine. Figure 3 and Figure 4 show the simple, low cost technologies used by these producers. While both producers used a copper for drying the farine, the methods by which the starch is squeezed from the cassava tuber differs. In the larger family operation, the father has designed and constructed an innovative method for compressing ground cassava to separate the starch from the fiber, which is then sifted and baked into farine. The second producer uses a more traditional, labour intensive method, for example by extracting the juice from the cassava manually using a ‘cru crush’ bag attached to a post (see Figure 5). The larger producer of the two family producers is better organized and output is much higher than the other family operation. It has been in business for over 15 years and utilizes mainly family labour, though three additional persons are employed on a permanent basis. Over time, the enterprise has grown into a small business called Carib Farm. Farine is not only sold within the local community, but there is an established market with several supermarkets and market vendors elsewhere in St Vincent and Bequia in the Grenadines. Table 4 shows quantity and price of the farine sold to five supermarkets on mainland St Vincent over an eight month period from July 2007 to April 2011. The data, provided by the Ministry’s New Grounds Agriculture Station, was obtained from a random selection of sales receipt within the period mentioned. Accurate monthly or yearly data from receipts were not available during interviews for reasons of confidentiality, though it is estimated that gross income from farine production on a yearly basis is approximately EC$36, 000.

75 Caribbean Geography 2013 18

FIGURE 3:An innovative method of grating cassava root SOURCE: Author's field work

FIGURE 4:An innovative method of extracting cassava juice SOURCE: Author's field work

Land and Livelihoods in North-East St Vincent 76

FIGURE 5: Traditional method of extracting cassava juice using a 'cru-crush' bag Another interesting feature of Carib Farm is that the family has developed an integrated farm combining crop and livestock production. The farm is approximately 110 acres, of which seven acres are used to grow cassava, five acres are in sweet potatoes with two acres devoted to livestock (cattle, goats and sheep). On a yearly basis, the approximate gross income from the production and sale of cassava and sweet potatoes is estimated at EC$40,000. The producer indicated that his major objective is to expand his business to include butchering (sale of meat from livestock), cassava bread production, further investment in farine production, and generally to improve the overall face of the business to meet national food safety and health standards by modernizing to allow further expansion of markets beyond local borders. This is an excellent example of an innovative entrepreneur who has utilized and built on existing household assets to expand his business. It clearly demonstrates the importance of livelihood diversification to increase income and reduce vulnerability. However the nascent business still faces considerable challenges. One constraint is an inadequate supply of cassava for farine production. Cassava, a crop which takes a year from planting to reaping, is needed on a monthly basis for farine production. While the producer grows his own cassava, he does not produce enough, so cassava is purchased from other farmers. Thus, another challenge for the manufacturer is transport, both to obtain supplies from others cassava farmers, and to get the finished product to market. The challenge is compounded by poor roads and tracks and difficult rugged terrain in the

77 Caribbean Geography 2013 18 TABLE 4: Farine Production and Sales of Carib Farm, 2007 – 2011 Date Sold (month and year)

Quantity (lbs)

Price (EC$)

July 2007

345.5

1975.38

Dec 2008

50

300

February 2009

130

820

March 2009

80

520

November 2009

90

585

March 2010

74

518

March 2011

112

834

April 2011

30

240

SOURCE: Ministry of Agriculture, Industry, Forestry, Fisheries and Rural Transformation farming area, and the poor, inefficient transport network and high transportation costs from Owia to Kingstown. The producer has sought the assistance of the Ministry of Agriculture through the local Extension Officer to obtain a duty free vehicle, but this has not yet materialized. The second producer uses even more rudimentary more traditional production methods and sells within the community. It is done only on a very small scale due to age and ill health of the operator. Supplementary household income is obtained by allowing other people within the community to use this primitive technology for processing their own cassava into farine. This illustrates another interesting and important feature of these farine cottage industries, an element of community-based self-help. This system allows cassava farmers who otherwise might not be able to sell their cassava after harvesting, to secure an alternative market for cassava as a processed product; farine has a long shelf life. Farmers not only transport their cassava to the home of the producer, but also take part in the processing operation itself because it is highly labour intensive, given the primitive nature of the technology. The operator of Carib farm offers similar service opportunities for cassava farmers within the community, yet another strategy to diversify his income. Farmers pay a fee of up to EC$40 to convert one sack of cassava into farine. The operator reported that, on average, two farmers per week make use of this facility.

Cassava bread and other indigenous products in Fancy In Fancy, cassava is used to make cassava bread. Part of the process in making of cassava bead includes sun drying (Figure 6) which, while rather primitive, is simple, unique, indigenous and cost effective. Other indigenous food by-products in Fancy include madongo dumpling, made from the grey starch top portion skimmed from the white starch of the arrowroot, and doucana made from sweet potatoes. While cassava bread is sold within the community, the madongo dumpling is mainly manufactured and con-

Land and Livelihoods in North-East St Vincent 78

FIGURE 6: "Sun Drying" cassava bread SOURCE: Author's field work sumed within the household. However, madongo along with other indigenous dishes is sold during National Heroes Day festivities by the Fancy Unity Farmers Cooperative. The doucana, wrapped in banana leaves, is also sold within the community on a very minimal scale. The precarious viability of these small-scale cottage industries is dependent on the use of cost effective local, indigenous crops and the traditional skills of workers. A major drawback for these cottage industries is their limited scale and the seasonality of the operations, which tend to be irregular and rarely extend beyond the local community. The main period of activity for the Fancy Unity Farmer’s Co-operative, for example, is during the celebration of the National Heroes Day in St Vincent, although they may take part in other activities when called upon the Ministry of Tourism. As a major cultural attraction within these festivities, the group will produce traditional dishes such as doucana, potato pudding, farine, cassava bread and bakes for sale within and outside their communities. Outside of these activities however, the Co-operative is inactive. Continuous operation on a daily basis is constrained by lack of financial resources, proper facilities for operation and limited interest of group members outside these periods of activities. Most of the raw materials are purchased, thus increasing production costs. The cooperative is currently focused on purchasing land so that it can grow its own cassava to minimize costs, improve its scale of operation and increase profitability. These indigenous cottage industries have potential for expanding their operations, but face considerable challenges.

79 Caribbean Geography 2013 18

FIGURE 7: A part of the coconut oil production process SOURCE: Authors' field work

Coconut Oil Production in Sandy Bay The closure of the once viable coconut oil industry in St Vincent in the 1990s had a severe negative impact on farmers in these communities. Coconut production suffered from competition from cheaper and supposedly healthier substitutes such as soya oil and corn oil (IICA, 1997) and so was a victim of economic competition and trade liberalization. Today coconut is enjoying a renaissance as healthy product (Fife, 2005) though it has not led to a revival of the coconut industry in St Vincent. Other problems facing the Vincentian coconut industry were spider mite and red ring disease, rise in production costs and the overall inability of the industry to supply the regional market in the period 1991-1995 (IICA, 1997). Coconut, introduced to the Caribs during the Columbian Exchange, quickly became an important part of their diet and livelihood activities, and remains so today. Following the closure of the industry, some resourceful local farmers became small producers of coconut oil as a way of utilizing the dry coconuts, reducing wastage and increasing their income. Within the communities, seven farmers, (four within the Sandy Bay community), were identified as producers of coconut oil, which for them is a supplementary income provider. The dry coconuts are burst, the fruit is taken out and grated by hand using a simple grater, and then the juice is squeezed and separated (Figure 7). The juice is normally left overnight and then boiled the following day. The oil is then removed, bottled and sold within and outside the community. This simple industry is very

Land and Livelihoods in North-East St Vincent 80 labour intensive, small-scale and heavily reliant on family labour. The major problems identified by producers are praedial larceny, which adversely affects the supply of coconuts. In reference to the problem of praedial larceny, one farmer poetically stated ‘the coconut them ah fall in ah bag’. Many of the farmers interviewed advocated the re-establishment of the coconut industry, and establishment of agro-processing units to prevent their coconut output from spoiling while also providing an additional income source. They also advocated further development of the coconut oil industry, which they said provided a guaranteed market for the dry coconuts and a steady income. To date, however, these local demands have not been translated into any significant policy or community-development initiatives.

Conclusion On a daily basis, vulnerable Garifuna farmers must contend with climatic and economic shocks and stresses that impact livelihoods, notwithstanding their low socio-economic status and limited asset base. Stresses are further exacerbated by the remoteness of the communities and their limited access to external aid. It is under these difficult circumstances that farmers formulate coping strategies. The major impetus behind decision-making is economic, to earn a basic income and improve their standard of living. Although the Garifuna people lost their ancestral rights to land during European colonization, elements of cultural identity persist today in their attachment to land, community relationships and food preferences. Social capital plays a pivotal role in coping with climatic and economic stresses through sharing indigenous knowledge, use of traditional farming practices and labour arrangements that help cut productions costs. Such indigenous traditions and knowledge help mitigate the economic and weather-related challenges faced by farmers. Several cottage industries based on the processing of locally grown farm produce, such as farine and other by-products of cassava and the production of coconut oil, were identified as ways some households diversify livelihoods. They provide additional markets for local farm produce, reduce risk and supplement household income. Cottage industries have the potential to be significant in the development, diversification and transformation of agriculture within the Caribbean. Promoting the development of small-scale cottage industries within the communities of north-east St Vincent could be part of longer term adaptation strategies leading towards more community-based development, to help build resilience and buttress the negative stresses and shocks that result from climate hazards and economic malaise.

Acknowlegment The authors would like to express sincere thanks to the Office of Graduate Studies and Research (OGSR), the University of the West Indies, Mona Campus, and the Organization of American States who awarded travel funds to one of the authors for field work in St Vincent. The OGSR also provided support funding for the attendence and presentation of an early version of this paper at the Association of American Geographers Annual Conference in New YorK in 2012.

81 Caribbean Geography 2013 18

References Adger, W. N. (2001) Social capital and adaptation to climate change, Tyndall Centre Working Paper No 8, Norwich, Tyndall Centre for Climate Change Research. Allaire, L. (1999) ‘The Caribs of the Lesser Antilles’, in Wilson, S. (ed) The Indigenous People of the Caribbean, Gainsville Florida: University Press,177-185. Bamigboye E.O. & F. A. Kuponiyi (2010) ‘The Characteristics of Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS) Influencing Their Use in Rice Production by Farmers in Ekiti State Nigeria’, Agricultural Journal, 5 (2), 74-79. Beckford C. & D. Barker (2007) ‘The role and value of local knowledge in Jamaican agriculture: adaptation and change in small-scale farming’, Geographical Journal, 173(2), 118-128. Benhin, J.K.A. (2006) Climate Change and South African Agriculture: Impacts and Adaptation Options, Centre for Environmental Economics and Policy in Africa, Discussion Paper No 12, South Africa, University of Pretoria. Besson, J. (1987) ‘A parodox in Caribbean attitudes to land’, in Besson, J. & J. Momsen (eds) Land and Development in the Caribbean, London: Macmillan, 13-45. Bishop-Sambrook, C. (2005) Contribution of Farm Power to Smallholder Livelihoods in Sub-Saharan Africa, Rome: FAO. Boyer, P. S. & M. Dubofsky (2001) The Oxford Companion to United States History, USA: Oxford University Press. Brussel, S.E.C. (2009) Adapting to Climate Change: the challenge of European Agriculture and Rural Areas, Commission of the European Communities, Commission Working Staff Working Document Accompanying the White Paper No 147. Bulliet R.W, C. P. K., Hirsch S.W, Johnson L.L. & D. Northrup (2008) The Earth and its People: A Global History Volume II: Since 1500, USA: Cengage Learning Inc. Campbell, D. (2011) ‘Domestic Food Production and Hazard Vulnerability in Jamaican Agriculture: Adaptation and Change in Southern St Elizabeth’, PhD Thesis, Department of Geography & Geology, University of the West Indies, Mona campus, Kingston. Campbell, D., Barker, D. & D.F.M. McGregor (2010) ‘Dealing with Drought: Small Farmers and Environmental Hazards in Southern St.Elizabeth, Jamaica’, Applied Geography, 30, 1-16. Caribbean Disaster Emergency Management Agency [CDEMA] (2010) ‘Summary of Impact of Hurricane Tomas on CDEMA Participating States of St. Lucia and St.Vincent and the Grenadines’[http://www.cdema.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=830%3Ahurricane-tomas-summary-of-impa ct-saint-lucia-and-saint-vincent-and-the-grenadines&catid=35%3Apress-releases&Itemid=1] Accessed January 12, 2011. Chang, M. (2007) The Jamaican Accompong Maroons: Continuities and Transformations, PhD Thesis, State University of New York at Albany.

Land and Livelihoods in North-East St Vincent 82 Clarke, J. (2013) ‘The Impact of Trade Liberalization on Land and Livelihoods in St.Kitts since Independence’, PhD Thesis, Department of Geography & Geology, University of the West Indies, Mona campus, Kingston, Jamaica. Connell, J. (2013) Islands at Risk? Environments, Economies and Contemporary Change, UK: Edward Elgar Publishing Ltd. Davy, J. (1971) The West Indies Before and Since Slave Emancipation, London: Frankcass Publishers. Fife, B. (2005) Coconut Cures: Preventing and Treating Common Health Problems with Coconut, SA: Piccadilly Books Ltd. Grootaert, C. & T.V. Bastelaer (2001) Understanding and measuring social capital: a synthesis of findings and recommendations from the social capital initiatives, Social Capital Initiative Working Paper No 24, Washington D.C., The World Bank. Inter-American Institute for Co-operation on Agriculture [IICA] (1997) Agriculture in St.Vincent and the Grenadines, 1991-1995 and Beyond, Bib, Orton IICA / CATIE. John, K. (2006) Land Reform in Small Island Developing States: A case study on St.Vincent, West Indies 1890-2000, USA: Virtualbookworm Publishing. Kirby, I. E. & C. I. Martin (1972) The Rise and Fall of the Black Caribs, St Vincent and the Grenadines National Trust. McGregor, D. F. M., Dodman, D. & D. Barker (eds) (2009) Global Change and Caribbean Vulnerability: Environment, Economy and Society at Risk, Kingston, Jamaica: UWI Press. Mitchell, M.G. (2006) Crucial Issues in Caribbean Religion, New York: Peter Lang Publishing Inc. Moberg, M. (2005) ‘Fair trade and Eastern Caribbean banana farmers: rhetoric and reality in the anti-globalization movement’, Human Organization, 64, 4–15. Nwonwu, F. O. C. (2010) Indigenous Knowledge Systems in Igbo Traditional Agriculture, UK: AuthorHouse UK Ltd. O’Brien, K. L & R. M. Leichenko (2000) ‘Double exposure: assessing the impacts of climate change within the context of economic globalization’, Global Environmental Change, 10, 221-232. Palacio, M. (1993) The First Primer on the People called Garifuna: the things you have always wanted to know, Belize: Glessima Research & Services. Palacio, J. (2008) ‘How did the Garifuna become an indigenous people? Reconstructing the persona of an African-Native American People in Central America’, Revista Pueblos y Fronteras digital La Noción de Persona en México y Centroamérica, 4, 1-28. Potter, R. B., Barker, D., Conway. D. & T. Klak (2004) The Contemporary Caribbean, U.S.A: Prentice Hall. Rossing, T., Rubin, O., & I. Brisson (2010) ‘Building Short-Term Coping Capacity and Longer Term Resilience through Asset-based Adaptation’, in Verner, D. (ed) Reducing Poverty, Protecting Livelihoods, and Building Assets in a Changing Climate:

83 Caribbean Geography 2013 18 Social Implications of Climate Change for Latin America and the Caribbean, Washington D.C.: The World Bank. Senanayake, S.G.J.N. (2006) ‘Indigenous Knowledge as a Key to Sustainable Development’, The Journal of Agricultural Sciences, 2, 87-94. Stigter C.J, Dawei, Z., Onyewotu, L.O.Z. & M. Xurong (2005) ‘Using Traditional Methods and Indigenous Technologies for Coping with Climate Variability’, Climate Change, 70, 255-271. Taylor, C. (2012) The Black Carib Wars: Freedom, Survival and the Making of the Garifuna, USA: University Press of Mississippi. Thorne, E. (2004) ‘Land Rights and Garifuna Identity,’ NACLA Report on the Americas, 38 (2), 21-25. Tikai, P. & A. Kama (2010) ‘A Study of Indigenous Knowledge and its role to Sustainable Agriculture in Samoa’, Ozean Journal of Social Sciences, 13, 65-79. Twinn, P. (2006) ‘Land Ownership and the Construction of Carib Identity in St.Vincent’, in Maximillan C.F. (ed) Indigenous Resurgence in the Contemporary Caribbean: Amerindian Survival and Reviva, New York: Peter Land Publishers Inc. Wilson S. (ed) (1999) The indigenous people of the Caribbean, Gainesville, Florida: University Press of Florida. Woolcock, M. (2000) ‘Social Capital in Theory and Practice: Where do we Stand?’, in Ramaswamy, S., Kelly, T. & J. Isham (eds) Social Capital and Economic Development: Well being in Developing Countries, USA: Edward Elgar Publishing Limited. Woolcock, M. & D. Narayan (2000) ‘Social Capital: Implications for Development Theory, Research and Policy’, The World Bank Research Observer, 15, 225-249.