LIBATION IN GA RITUAL1)

MARION KILSON (Radcliffe Institute, Cambridge, Massachusetts, U.S.A.)

In recent years there has been a resurgence of interest in the anthropological analysis of religion, in general, and of ritual symbolism, in particular. 2 ) This paper is intended as a contribution to his growing body of literature. It presents a descriptive analysis of libation as a sacrificial act in order to elucidate certain ideas about the ordering of the universe and about the meaning of sacrifice in one TVest African society, the Ga of southeastern Ghana. The Ga, a cognatic Kwa speaking people who number about 236,000, inhabit a series of coastal towns and villages on the Accra Plains. Traditionally fishermen and cultivators, the Ga constitute a highly modernized. group within the contemporary Ghanaian population Nevertheless, aspects of the traditional social system persist even within Accra, the capital of Ghana. In this paper I am concerned with traditional Ga religious conceptions and relations as they are expressed in the ritual of the kficlc cult, which Ga believe to be their indigenous religious system.

Underlying kpele ritual is a system of ideas concerning the nature of the universe. At the core of this cosmology is the conception of a hierarchy of beings which comprises five classes: a Supreme Being, I ) This paper is based upon fieldwork ainong the Ga in Accra, Ghana, in 1964-6; and in 1968. This research was supported by grants from the Charles E. Merrill Trust Fund, Radcliffe College and the Institute o f African Studies, University o f Ghana in 1964-65 and from the Joint Committee on African Studies o f the Ainerican Council o f Learned Societies and the Social Science Research Council in 1 6 8 . I wish to thank Mr. E. A. Ammah for commenting on a draft o f this paper and Professor T . 0. Beidelman for his invaluable criticism o f earlier drafts. 2 ) E.g. Evans-Pritchard, E. E., AT2ter Religion, Oxford 1956; Middleton, J., Lugbara Religion, London 1960, Beidelman, T . O., Swazi royal ritual, Africa 36, I&, 373-405; Turner, V. W., The Forest of Symbols, Ithaca 1967.

Journal o f religion in Africa

11

Marion.Kilson.

162

gods, human beings, animals and plants. The differentiation and ranking of classes is based on four existential distinctions: creative-created, immortal-mortal, rational-irrational, mobile-immobile. Thus, the creative power of the Supreme Being differentiates it from all other classes of being; the immortality of gods distinguishes them from all other forms of life; the rationality of hutnan beings differentiate them from animals and plants; the mobility of animals distinguishes them from plants. The value of an attribute which differentiates a superordinate class of being from a subordinate class not only characterizes that class but all superior classes in the hierarchy; conversely, the value which distinguishes the subordinate class pertains not only to that class but to all lower classes within the hierarchy. The assignment of these variant existential values to classes of being may be expressed schematically as: class Supreme Being divine beings human beings animals plants

existential zalzle creative created created created created

immortal immortal mortal mortal mortal

rational rational rational irrational irrational

mobile mobile mobile mobile immobile

Ga believe that the Supreme Being or God (Ataa Naa Nyongnzo, Father Grandmother God) created the universe in all its aspects: the physical world, gods, animals, plants, and finally man. Ga consider that God not only created the universe in the distant pas:, but continues to be the source of all forms of life at the present time. Thus, man depends upon God for life (which implies not only existence but the means of continuing and improving existence). In prayer, Ga appeal to the Supreme Being through gods and ancestral shades for blessing for living and unborn Ga, for increase in the population, for abundant food, for rain to nurture plants, for success in human endeavours, and for peace among Ga. If men anger God by failing to perform certain rites or by violating divine injunctions, God may punish man by withholding the means of perpetuating life or by causing calamitous events, such as epidemics and earthquakes. The maintenance and restoration of order in the relations between God and man depentl upon the performance of ritual by which mortal Ga attempt lo establish contact with divinity and to achieve certain goals through this interconnection. Although God is the ultimate source and controller of life, human beings

Libation in Ga Ritual

163

cannot achieve contact with him directly; rather relations between God and men are mediated by gods and ancestral shades. The immortality of gods (deel~zawodzi)differentiates them from other classes of being. While the locus of their activity is thought to be the sky, gods may descend to earth. Certain gods are associated with specific topographical features, such as lagoons, mountains, and rivers, which are their customary places of descent. Not only may gods descend to particular terrestrial locations, but they may manifest themselves as moral beings of other classes and may speak directly to men through mediums (wongtsenzei). Men, on the other hand, may appeal directly to gods and thereby to God through either female mediums or male priests. Vl'hile a god is thought to elect his medium, the priesthood is hereditary. The performance of ritual associated with particular gods is the responsibility of certain cognatic kin groups ( w e ) . Within the cult group the most important ascribed status is that of priest (wulonzo). The priesthood rotates among component houses (shia) of the w e ; the senior members of the appropriate house select one of their number to fill the office. In the performance of his duties, a priest is assisted by a collectivity (agbaa) of men and women who are recruited from the constituent houses of the we. Apart from ritual duties associated with annual agricultural rites, throughout the year priests perform ritual on the days of the week sacred to their gods; they may intercede with their gods for suppliants seeking divine assistance; they are called upon occasionally to arbitrate disputes among townspeople, and at both traditional and modern political ceremonies certain priests play prominent sanctioning roles. Although gods are the most important mediators between God and living men, ancestral shades may act as intermediaries between their descendants and divine beings. An understanding of the ancestral role necessitates a brief explication of Ga notions of person. Ga believe that a person (adesa) has two aspects: one physiological, the other spiritual. During mortal life, the soul (susuwza) inhabits the body (gbon~otso,person tree) except during sleep when it may leave the body to travel without lin~itationsof time or space. At physiological death, the soul is thought to continue to inhabit the body for three days; after which it leaves the body to wander until the final funerary rites ( f a a f o ) are performed a year or more later. At these rites, the soul "crosses the river" and achieves its ultimate social status as an ancestral shade (sisa). Although the world of the shades (gbohiiadaeng, dead men's world) is

164

Marion Kilson

not sharply defined by Ga, they believe that a person has the same social status in death as in life: a chief is chief, a priest is priest, a commoner is commoner. Ga believe that ancestral shades continue to be involved and concerned with the affairs of living men. Ancestral shades may manifest themselves to the living in human form or in dreams, and their spiritual presence may be invoked to assist the living. Men appeal to ancestral shades to intercede with divine beings or to act in their own right on behalf of their living descendants. While the soul is the immortal aspect of a person, the body involves the soul in certain inextricable relations. The blood ( l a ) which a person derives from both parents affiliates him with individuals and groups in Ga society during his lifetime and after death his soul continues to be concerned with the affairs of these same social units. In order to illustrate how this cosmology works, I plan to discuss various aspects of Ga ritual in a series of papers. I n this paper I analyze one ritual act, the act of libation. Libation, which has been widely noted in West African societies, but rarely discussed in detail, is performed in a variety of situations in Ga society. It forms an integral part of every kpele rite, of every life crisis rite, of traditional and modern political ceremonies, and it is used to confirm secular transactions and agreements. While the form of libation is essentially the same in every rite and ceremony, its intention and content differ according to the situational context. I n the annual se; of kpele agricultural rites, the content of libation is most elaborate and, in this sense, may be considered the prototype of libation in other religious ant1 ceremonial events. The discusion of libation in this paper is restricted libation in kpele planting rites, which I observed in Accra in 1965.

Annually in each Ga town, kpele cult groups perform agricultural rites which involve the cultivation of millet ( n g w ~ a a ) T. he ritual cycle begins with the preparation of the field (ngg~taangnzo)for planting and ends with the storing of the seed. Each phase in this cycle is marked by the performance of a rite: ( I ) digging the ground (slzibaa), (2) planting the seed ( n g ? ~ z a a d u ~ n o(3) ) , transplanting the shoots (?zgmaufaa), (4) removing the ban of silence imposed on the town during the gestation period ( o d a d a ), (5) reaping (ngmaakzs), (6) feasting (ngmaayeli) ,

Libation in Ga Ritual

165

(7) purifying the town (mangnaawzo), and (8) storing the seed (ngmaatoo). By performing these rites, mortal Ga not only ackowledge their dependence on divinity for existence, but also symbolically enact what divinity must accomplish for men to live. Ga believe that God is the source of all life and that nothing on earth can exist without divine consent. Thus, the performance of these agricultural rites is both an affirmation of belief in divinity and an enactment of what mortals desire from divinity. While similar agricultural rites are obser-\led in all Ga towns, each town celebrates the series independenkly. I n each town, one priest is responsible for calculating the commencement of the ritual cycle. In Accra, Danfzb's priest initiates the rites nine lunar months after the preceding Lanlfe Dzan we feast for ancestral shades (holnowo) Lante Dzan we, the family responsible for the cult of Dantzl, celebrates homozuo two weeks before the other Accra families observe their honlowo rites 1). Moreover this rite is the calendrical marker for the calculation of the commencement of the sacred year nine months later. In Accra, the first three planting rites (shihaa, ngmaadu~?zo,ngmaafau) are celebrated independently by the cult groups of six gods in succession: ( I ) Dantu, the time keeper, ( 2 ) Sakumo, the warrior patron of the Ga, (3) Naa Koole, the goddess of peace, (4) Gua, the blacksmith, (5) Naa Ede, the goddess of childbirth, and (6) Nai, the god of the sea. In each instance, the rite is performed on the day of the week sacred to the celebrated god. \t7ith the exception of ngwzaayeli which all kpele cult groups observe, the remaining rite: are performed by a limited number of cult groups: ngwzaaku by the cults of Dantu, Nai, Sakzbmo, and Naa Koole and both lnangnaamo and ng+naatoo by the Sakulno cult 2 ) . Nevertheless, in every rite while the priest and his assistants are members of the cognatic family which is responsible for the cult of the celebrated god, the ritual which they perform is on behalf of the entire Ga community. I ) Ga offer various "historical" explanations for this procedure. Some say that Lante Dzan we preceded other Ga families to Accra. Others maintain that the Ga paramount chief once went to war leaving Lante Dzan we in charge of the town. During the chief's absence, the time for homowo arrived and was celebrated. On the chief's return, enraged to find that ltomowo had been observed in his absence, he demanded that it be performed again. Thereafter, Lante Dzan .we has celebrated homowo before the other families in Accra. Cf., QuarteyPapafio, A. B., T h e Ga Homowo Festival, Journal of the African Society 19, 1920, 126-34, 227-32. 2) See Chart I, Calendar of Kpele Agricultural Rites in Accra.

I 66

Murion Kilson

Although the rites of planting are observed by different cult groups, the forin and content of ritual is essentially the same. h,Ioreover, the form of the three planting rites is similar, while the ritual content rlecessarily varies in accordance with the agricultural task to be performed. Each rite consists of five episodes: ( I ) preliminary ritual outside the shrine of the god. ( 2 ) procession to the sacred field, (3) ritual in the field, (4) recession to the shrine, and ( 5 ) concluding ritual outside the shrine. Within the rite, libation is poured four times: at the opening and closing of the entire rite outside the shrine, and at the beginning and end of the episode in the sacred field. Within the context of a planting rite, libation serves to denlarcate phases in the rite I ) . Libation marks the transition between private and public episodes. The episodes in the courtyard outside the shrine are public, for anyone who wishes to attend may be present. At certain rites the presence of secular authorities, paramount chief and subchiefs, is obligatory. The episode in the field is private. Only persons who have specific ritual tasks to perform may enter the sacred field. Though less private than the ritual in the field, the recession and procession are also private. Whereas a number of mediums and members of the officiating family may go to the field, only those who have ritual tasks to perform may enter the field. An aim of all libations, especially the first libation in the courtyard of the shrine, is to invoke the presence of divine beings and ancestral shades. The gods are believed to accompany the celebrants to and from the field. T o come into contact with gods is dangerous for impure individuals and also for society. Ga believe that if anyone crosses the path of a procession or comes too close to the sacred field in which ritual is being performed, the gods will be angered. Not only will their anger be vented upon the infractor who must be purified, but they may punish society by withdrawing and refusing to assist the faithful. Thus, in kpele planting rites, libation demarcates episodes within each rite. These episodes vary in the extent to which they are public. The most public episodes are those in the courtyard of the shrine, the most private are those in the sacred field. Each rite i~ a progression from public through private to public; in this progression, libation sets off transitions between public and private ritual episodes. I)

See Chart 11, Basic Form of Kpele Planting Rites.

167

Libation in Ga Ritual

CHARTI CALENDAR OF Kpele AGRICULTURAL RITES I N ACCRA --

Rite--

-

-

-

-

- --

--

--

-

-

Weekday --

--

-

Interval A f t e r Dantu Shibaa -

Skzbaa (Digging Ground) Dantu I ) Sakumo Naa Koole Gua Naa Ede Xai

Monday Tuesday Friday Saturday Sunday Tuesday

Sgwzaadz~mo (Planting Millet) Dantu Sakumo Naa Koole Gua Naa Ede Nai

Monday Tuesday Friday Saturday Sunday Tuesday

2

Ng~?zaafaa(Transplanting Millet) Dantu Sakumo Naa Koole Gua Xaa Ede Nai

Monday Tuesday Friday Saturday Sunday Tuesday

4 weeks 4 weeks I day 4 weeks 4 days 4 weeks 5 days 4 weeks 6 days 5 weeks I day

Odada (M;elcoming Gods from Field) Thursday

5 weeks 3 days

I day 4 days 5 days 6 days I week

I

I I I

I

I

day

week week I day T\ eek 4 days week 5 days week 6 days weeks I day

Ho~?zowo(Feast for Ancestors) Idante Dzan \\e Accra

Saturday Saturday

12

h7g?naakzl (Reaping Millet) nantu Sakumo Xai Xaa Koole

Saturday Tuesday Tuesday Friday

12

h'qitzaayeii (Millet Feast) Dantu Naa Koole Sabumo Xai Sakumo Nai Sakumo Gua

Sunday Friday Tuesday Tuesday Tuesday Tuesday Tuesday Saturday

il~anqniznutzo(Purif>ing T o w n )

kyednesday

18 weeks

2

days

hTr?maatoo (Storing Millet)

Tuesday

20

weeks

I

day

-' I Nine lunar

weeks 5 days 14 weeks 5 days

weeks 5 days 15 weeks I day 15 weeks I day 15 weeks 4 days weeks 6 days weeks 4 days 16 weeks I day 16 weeks I day 17 weeks I day 17 weeks I day 18 weeks I day 18 weeks j days 12

Ij

months after the preceding La~zteDzan we Homowo.

Episode

Universal elements Shibaa

I

Ritual a t the shrine preparation of how1 of water purification of celebrants libation formation of procession

2

Procession to the sacred field

3

Ritual in the sacred field libation performance of agricultural task libation formation of recessio~z

4

Recession to the shrine

5

Ritual at the shrine greeting presentation of drink by secular authorities libation serving drink to celebrants

digging ground

Unique elements Ngmaadumo Ngmaafaa

planting seed

transplanting shoots

dance to implore gods to fertilize seeds

possession dancing by mediums

The transitional nature of libation is symbolized by the position of the libating priest. Tn each instance, despite variability in compass orientation, the priest stands at an entrance. I n the courtyard outside the god's shrine, the priest stands before the entrance of the shrine facing the shrine. I n the sacred field, the priest stands inside the entrance of the field facing the field. Tn both places, the priest stands facing the area of divine presence and activity. By virtue of his office, the priest is man's representative to divine beings. I n the act of libation, the position of the priest in relation to the other celebrants symbolizes his mediating role. The priest stands not only in front of the other celebrants but in the center of the group. At the shrine, the central position of the priest divides the congregation into male members of the religious community who stand on his riqht and male members of the secular community and women who stand on his left. The associations of right and left with superiority and inferiority, and with masculinity and femininity, are relevant in many contexts in Ga culture. The act of libation which the priest performs has two component

Libation i n Ga Ritual

169

ritual actions: praying and libating. tirith flexed arms, the priest holds in both hands a cup ( k p u t u a ) or a bottle, which is filled with the liquid of libation. I n Ga thought to clasp something with both hands implies sincerity and reverece. By holding the vessel of libation in both hands, the priest expresses the reverent attitude with which he performs the act of libation. Holding the vessel of libation at waist level, the priest invokes the presence of divine beings and ancestral shades, explains the reasons for their summoning, and supplicates the gods on behalf of the community. When the prayer is completed, the priest thrice pours libation on the ground. The priest pours the liquid towards himself 1). By libating towards himself in kfcle agricultural rites, the priest symbolizes his wish for interconnection between gods and men. It is believed that the essence of the liquid which is poured on the ground is consumed by the immortal beings who have been invoked. After the libation has been poured, drink may be served to those who have witnessed the act of libation.

The act of libation involves two ritual actions: one verbal, the other non-verbal. These actions are performed sequentially: a priest prays before he libates. Sometimes a number of such sequences of ritual action may comprise a single act of libation. Thus, a priest may begin to pray, libate, resume the praver, libate, conclude the prayer, and libate. I n analyzing the act of libation, it is metholologically useful and theoretically important to maintain a distinction between verbal and non-verbal ritual action, for each communication channel 2 ) elucidates distinctive yet complementary aspects of the meaning of libation in kpele ritual.

Verbal action: Praying The form of the libation prayer consists of three successive elements: ( I ) invocation of divine beings and ancestral shades, ( 2 ) explanation for summons, and (3) supplication of divine beings. While the form of the prayer is constant, the length and content vary not only with I ) If the priest poured the liquid away from himself, it w-ould imply an act of separation. A t funeral rites, libation is poured away from the officiant who thereby exDresses his wish that death may not recur. 2) Peacock, James L., Javanese clown and transvestite songs, Proceedings of the r966 Annual Spring Meeting of the American Ethnological Society, 64-76.

170

Marion Kilson

the ritual context, but with the ritual knowledge of the officiant. The prayers at the beginning and closing of a rite in the courtyard of a shrine are invariably longer and more elaborate than those in the field. Prayers by the same individual at different rites are similar but vary in the elaboration of different themes. Certain stock phrases recur in every prayer irrespective of the officiant or the occasion. Thus, the content of each libation prayer displays certain formalistic and idiosyncratic features. Analysis of some elaborate versions of prayer in terms of the three formal elements elucidates many Ga ideas about the ordening of the universe. ( I ) The first part of the libation prayer concerns the calling of immortal spirits. Three categories are in\.oked: ancestors, gods, and God. When gods and ancestors are summoned, they are invoked collectively. God and certain major deities, however, are invoked individually. These divine beings are called by name and by various appellations which refer to their attributes or to their roles in certain traditional historical events. The appellations for God express his various attributes, such as his bisexuality (Ataa Naa ATyotzg~110,Father Grandmother God), his role as creator of the universe ( N i i Boo Mawzt, Grandfather Creator God), and his sustaining role in human life (Ots7~ediapong,O ne on ~vhoin one leans). When God is invoked, these ideas may be elaborated explicitly as they are in the following texts: Alnlighty God ~ i h ocreated sky and earth and on earth trees and stones, ribers and mountains, balle3s and other things; afterrnard then he created human beings and he put all into the hands of men and through this then he gave Ga also a messenger [i e., Sakumo] .

O f r Nyonqnzo ni bo ngwri ke shikpong ke slzikpong no trei ke tei, fai ke godziz, nudzii ke nibii krokowcei; cee mli ni ebo adrrni ni cto fee ewo adesai adeng ke tco no no ni eha Ga 1zu bofo .

Father God, what you have opened that is what we will be able to perform What you have not done before, we cannot do anything about it, but rnhat you have not mentioned, we cannot perform.

Tsr Nyongnzo Mazelu, noni ogblenaa no dzi noni zuobannye zc~otsu. iVoni ofee ko dn Ie, wo nyeng lze noko, shi noni otsiko tn le, zelo nye hen& wotsu.

The major gods who are celebrated at rites of planting are also invoked by name. Although the order of invocation varies, it often corresponds to the sequence in which the rites are observed. (a) The rite of digging ground for Dantz~,the time keeper, initiates the cycle of agricultural rites in Accra. His appellations are: God of

Libation in Ga Ritual

171

long ago, you eat first (Able Dada, oye ni ko); god of the container [sc., in which seed is stored] (Kafznz wong); herald, first god (oka, klengkleng budu) . (b) The second god to be celebraied is Sakumo, the warrior guardian of the Ga. Sakunzo's role as the impartial defender of the Ga is the theme of most of his appellations which his priest invariably recites in the followi~lgorder: Grandfatherlold man Sakumo ; Great, great Sakumo ; Sakumo, it is good when you are present; you destroy and you repair; when S a k u ~ i ois called, he answers; one whom one calls in danger; you kill for Ga; Sakumo senior, yes; Sakumo junior, yes; Ewe fear you, Ashanti fear you.

h'ii,/Nuumo Sakunzo; Kloote kotobridza akotobri;

Odai zuonzu oye;

ofite osaa;

abuo Tete ke tsei,

onyanku afle;

okz6 anla Nkran;

Trte yee; Tete yee;

Anqula sro, Ashanti sro.

(c) The third celebrated god is Naa Koole, the huntress and goddess of peace who holds the Ga lands and is one of Sakunzo's wives. It is believed that she once saved the Ga from defeat at the hands of the Ashanti by cooking a meal which satiated the Ashanti and enabled the Ga to vanquish them. H e r appellations include : Lady ATaa Koule (Naa Koole abooyoo); flowing like water (oshanka); truthful (oshi du edu): woman warrior (onza) ; omnipresent mother (dzengkre awo) ; Grandmother, Ashanti shall never succeed (ATaa, Ashanti ngkowie daa); it is woman that cools things (i e , peacemaker; yoo dzoo nii ahe). (d) The fourth major god to be celebrated is Gua, the blacksmith, who is believed to have created so111e of the stars. Among his appellations are: Gua, lo Gtm, you do not have Gz~a,you call Gz~a(NiiGua, naa Gua, obe Gua, otse Gua): Gua is from long ago, Gzta is unity (Aye nzoonzo, Aye sroo); when you flash lightening, then we all fall down (bo moni ke okpe flaw, eke wofee wongbz~~uzoshi). (e) The fifth deity is Naa Ede Oyeadz~,goddess of childbirth, who does not have any distinctive appellations. ( f ) The final god to be celebrated is Nai, the god of the sea, who is considered the highest ranking god. These ideas are expressed in his appellations: king of kings, lord of lords (kingbi lzing, avzralobi a m ralo); you kill always (ogbe dada); he dirties and cleanses the shore (afunya); owner of the land (shitse). These six gods are invoked by name not only at their own rites, but at those of other gods. The priest of the celebrated god, however, is likely to use the full complement of

172

Marion Kilson

appellations for his god, but only one or two appellations for other major gods. Besides these major gods, other gods and ancestral shades are called collectively. Although ancestral shades are invoked in kpele libation prayers, they are summoned as auxilliary intermediaries between gods and men. The primary aim of invocation is to achieve contact with divine beings. Consequently, the following analysis of libation in kpele ritual is restricted to a discussion of the relations between divine beings and mortal men. The initial calling of divine beings in libation prayers is both a recognition of the distinction between human beings and divine beings and an attempt to establish communication between these classes. In Ga thought, these classes are always separate and distinct; there is never any question of an intermingling or a fusion of these classes of being. Rather, through the ritual act of praying, a priest attempts to make contact with divine beings. The aim of invocation is to lessen the distance between classes of being by bringing divine beings temporarily closer to human beings through ritual. ( 2 ) After divine beings have been invoked as collectivities and personalities, the priest explains why they have been summoned. H e states the name of the rite which is being performed, its appropriateness with reference to preceding ritual events, and the role of gods in ensuring the success of the rite. Underlying this exegesis are the notions that on a mystical plane, the gods perform the agricultural task which human beings enact on earth and that the efficacy of human action depends on divine will. Thus, the second part of libation prayer expresses the dependence of mortal men upon immortal gods in Ga thought. These ideas are variously expressed in the following texts:

God,. . .you counted the stars for a year.. .. Dantu has dug the earth, Sakumo has dug the earth, Naa Koole has dug the earth. Today Saturday,. . . Gua will dig.

Ataa Nyongmo,. . . bo dientse okane ngulamii keha a f i . . . Dantu ebashi, Sakumo ebashi, ATaa Koole osaka abewura ebashi. Ngmene hoo,. . . Nii G u a . . . ebashi.

Today he will sow the seed that millet may grow. . . that all his children [the Gal may have something to eat.

Ngmene . . . eke ekome yaawo shikpong

ni ngmaa akwe . . .

ni bii fee

ana eko aye.

Libation in G a Ritual

N y e fee nye hea eko nyenua ni woke bauwo shikpong nee pe k e woke w o shikpong mono doi fuu.

All of you drink some so that as we sow we may be successful. (4)

Nai, today the time has come for Aiii Gbese to perform what the Ga entrusted to him, and so he holds two bottles to pour down. And so you first, you consume it. I call you for all of us.

Ogbe dada . .. bee Afroso noni Gamei kewo edeng ngmene bei eshe, nohewo ehie edeng aflani nii enyo ni ekebaushwie no. Nohewo nye tshutshu nye woa. Ngtse nye hia mo.

(3) When the tasks of divine beings have been mentioned, the priest supplicates these beings. The supplication, the final part of the libation prayer, sets the reciprocal basis of the relationship between gods and living men. Essentially, this relationship is a contractual one based on moral reciprocity. Thus, the two central themes of supplication are that the gods should reward the faithful who celebrate them and that they should punish the enemies of the community of believers. The priest prays for success in human endeavours, for perpetuation and increase of human life, for the means of perpetuating life, for blessing and peace, for protection and assistance, and for the casting away of misfortune. These ideas are expressed in the following phrases: (a) May we have success (lit., white clay). W o ha ni aha ayilo futa. (b) Drink some.. .that our way be straight. Ant4 e k o . . . ni w o gbe adoa alza wo. (c) Our mediums have four eyes, may their eyesight be clear. W o wongtsemei anzehiingmei edzwe, nye haa amehiingmei no atse (d) Next year when we sit down, may we be more. N i mose agbo zrotashi nakai nongng, woyi afa fee nelze. (e) May rain fall so that the ground may be moist that mushroom may grow. Blelzu aka ni shi adzo ni mle akwe. ( f ) May we eat the fruits of the dry season, may we eat the fruits of the rainy season. W o y e gbo, woye gblnaa. (g) God, you first come and bless. Ataa Nyongmo, bo klengkleng badoo no oha wo. (h) May peace be peace. N i omanye afee omanye. (i) All our gods from Volta River to Langma to Owutafla, country and seaside people, help. W o w o n g fee kedoe A d a shwila-o keyaghe Langma keyagbe Owutafla, koongbii ke nshobii ni ameyc amebua.

I74

Marion Kilson

( j ) May anyone who is ill, be well. M o f e e m o n i be Izewale, ena Iteatale. (k) When one thousand are killed, may none of our people he among them. A t s w a akpe w o n o be mli. (1) Defend us every day. A k p l a wolae gbe fee gbc. (m) May our enemies die before we do. W o h e n y e l o i alto w o alono d z i gbeke. (n) As xve sow seeds my ours sprout, while our enemies' remain in the mud; those who say that the town should not he peaceful, may theirs remain in the mud. Xi w o k e baawo nee noni baadeekpoe mono n i noni baaka slaikpong w o ' Iaenyeloi n i aniekre mang akadzo. (01 The wicked person xvho hates us, may his \vickedness and quarrelsomeness he heaped on his head. Mtlsz~foyingtolo n i . . . awlebaanye w o enzusu k e einangso abz~aeyiteng.

Aspects of the relationship between divine beings and living men are expressed in such supplicatory phrases. God and the gods control human destiny directly and indirectly. They not only give and destroy human life, but divine beings control natural phenomena on which men depend for their existence. They determine whether or not rain falls, fish are plentiful, plants grow. If they withhold such essentials, men quarrel and die; if they grant them, men prosper. Order in the world of man, therefore, is dependent upon orderly relations between living men and immortal beings which is reflected in the regular passage of seasons, abundance of food, and peace among Ga. Disorderly relations between men and divine beings are manifested in calamitous events, such as drought, famine, earthquake, disease, and death. The maintenance and restoration of harmonious relations between divine beings and men depend upon the performance of ritual whereby men reaffirm their subordinate status in the hierarchy of being and acknowledge their dependence upon God and gods.

Nonverbal action: Libating When the officiant has finished praying, he pours the liquid of libation on the ground thrice. It is believed that the gods consume the essence of the spilt liquid. The act of libating is a sacrificial act which establishes contractual relations between mortal men and immortal spirits. Ey performing ritual addressed to divine beings, living men acknowledge their subordinate dependent status in relation to these beings and partially fulfill their obligations to honor them. At the same time, through the act of libation mortal men attempt to manipulate divine beings and to force them to honour their duties to men. Although

Libation in Ga Rituul

17.5

mortal men can never know whether of not gods accept a libation, Ga believe that by accepting the drink which is offered, divine beings not only sanction the acts of living men but acknowledge their responsibilities towards men. At one level of analysis, the act of libating is a symbolic enactment of ideas about the ordering of the universe and the moral reciprocal relations between classes of being which have been expressed in prayer; at another level of analysis, the act of libating attempts to establish a contract between mortal men and immortal beings through sacrifice. Further insight into the meaning of libation in kpele ritual can be gained from a consideration of the sacrificial object. The liquid of libation corresponds to the animal victim of bloody sacrifice. 1) Moreover, the liquid which is prototypical for all other liquids for Ga and which figures most prominently in kple ritual is water (nu). I n discussing Nuer sacrifice, Evans-Pritchard writes that "two living objects which are distant from each other can be brought into union only by means of an intermediary of the same order, a third life". 2 ) In what sense is water a living substance in Ga thought? I n writing of the "revivifying role of water in religious symbolism," Mary Douglas ascribes its power to its formlessness. Quoting Eliade she writes "Breaking up all forms, doing away with the past, water possesses this power of purifying, of regenerating, of giving new birth ... JVater purifies and regenerates because it nullifies the past, and restores. . . the integrity of the dawn of thingsU.3) The regenerative power of water is certainly an important notion underlying certain kpele ritual acts. Before each planting rite, celebrants purify themselves by washing in a bowl of water prepared by the priest. Townspeople who come to the shrine to be blessed by the priest during a rite are daubed with water from this bowl. A priest may sprinkle water from the bowl over the congregation as a sign of blessing and purification. More appropriate to an understanding of Ga libation than the regenerative properties of water deriving from its formlessness is the association of divinity and water. The gods are associated with water in a number of ways. In the natural world which men inhabit, 1) Ga offer bloody sacrifices at millet feasts, political ceremonies, and piacular rites. On these occasions, blood is sprinkled for spirits to consume. 2, Evans-Pritchard, E. E., The meaning of sacrifice among the Nuer, Journal of the Royal Anthrofiological Institute 84, 1954, 21-33, 3) Douglas, Mary, Purity and Danger, New York 1966, 161.

176

Marion Kilson

major deities are associated with bodies of water. I n the shrine of each kpele god, a pot of water is kept which symbolizes the god; it is ritual associated with this pot which the priest performs during the year on days sacred to the god. Fundamentally, however, the importance of water (nu) in kpele ritual relates to the conception of rain (nu) as the mediating substance between the world of divinity (Nyongwzonzang, God's town) and the world of men (hulu~zang,sun's town) in general and between God and lnan in particular. God, the dynamic principle, the source of life in all its forms, the maintainer of order in the universe of his creation, is associated with the sky. God sends rain to earth as a sign of his concern for men and his approval of their actions. Ga, therefore, regard rain as a propitious omen for any undertaking, as it is a sign of divine approval. Rain which falls on the passive earth enables plants to grow on which men depend for their mortal existence. Thus, rain as a gift of God and as an aspect of God is life giving and it is in this sense that water is alive in Ga thought. Thus, in the sacrificial act of libation Ga offer a victim to divinity which is materially silnilar to the gift which divinity gives to man. The same medium of exchange establishes the contract between men and divinity irrespective of its locus of initiation. I have argued that water is the appropriate medium through which Ga attempt to achieve interconnection between immortal beings ant1 mortal men. If this is so, why is gin rather than water invariably used in kpele planting rites? Gin and other distilled alcoholic beverages are termed blofodaa (European drink). Yet in speaking of the use of such beverages in ritual, Ga do not refer to their associations with western culture but to their strength or power. In planting rites only gin, a colorless alcoholic liquor, which resembles water is used in libation. I sugest that gin is used in preference to water in these rites, because it is more vital than water. Gin in this sense is more potent than ordinary water, hence more efficacious in achieving the aims of libation. As a final aspect of the meaning of libation, I wish to consider why the liquid of libation is poured on the ground thrice. The triple performance of a ritual act is the hallmark of Ga ritual action. Apart from the pouring of libation, countless other examples of this triple motif in kpele ritual can be enumerated: celebrants sip a ritual drink three times; non-possession dances are performed thrice; each god is ~rorshippedon three days of every sewn day week; the incense carrier

Libation in Ga Ritwl

I77

censes the gateway to the sacred field thrice before entering; sacrificial animals are raised and lowered three times before they are slaughtered; three ringlets of nyanyara leaves and three sponges are put into all bowls of sacred bath water; three ritual drums are used in kpele dances, etc. Ga exegetical statements concerning this pervasive ritual motif are not particularly enlightening. Informants have said ( I ) that when a person goes to a house, he first knocks, then he is asked to enter, and finally he states his case; ( 2 ) that there are three senior gods in Accra and one asks blessings from these three by performing a ritual act thrice; (3) that gods will be sure to hear or to see the third time that they are supplicated. I suggest that two ideas may underlie the triple motif in Ga ritual action. The first is that power is augmented through a repetition of similar units, whether these units be symbolic actions or symbolic objects. I further suggest that there are three units and not some other number, because three is the smallest number within which the notion of mediation can be contained. This notion of meditation is central to Ga cosmological conceptions of a hierarchy of being, and to the aims which men attempt to achieve by interconnection between classes within this hierarchy through the performance of ritual in general and libation in particular. Although this is a deductive explanation of the triple motif in Ga ritual which is not verbalized by even the most thoughtful of kpele authorities, it is consistent with the ideas which they articulate and those which they enact in ritual.

In this paper I have described the ritual act of libation in kpele planting rites. Libation is a medial rite in a number of senses. Within the context of a planting rite, libation is medial in that it demarcates transitions between public and private ritual episodes. Libation is performed by a priest who in Ga society is structurally medial between mortal men and immortal gods; the priest is man's representative in relation to divinity. Further, libation itself is a mediating act, for the aim of libation is to make contact with supernatural beings in order to establish the contractual relationship which Ga believe exists between divine beings and mortal men. Aspects of the reciprocal relations between men and gods are expressed in the verbal and non-verbal components of the act of libation. The verbal part of libation sets the terms of the contract which Journal of religion in Africa

12

178

Kilson, Libation in Ga Ritual

the nonverbal component enacts. In the libation prayer, divine beings are invoked first and thereby isolated as a distinct category of being in relation to mortal men. The second part of the libation prayer informs the divine beings of the particular tasks which men wish them to perform on a mystical plane, while men enact similar tasks on a natural plane. The final part of the libation prayer sets the reciprocal nature of the general relationship between gods and men. After the prayer is completed, the officiant libates, thereby establishing through a sacrificial act the contract, the terms of which he has stated in prayer. Libation in Ga kpele ritual is a sacrificial act. I n Hubert and Mauss' terms, it is a "rite of sacralization" 1 ) which emphasizes the union of two distinct categories of moral being in order to validate and ensure the success of rites which men perform. Ga libation is an act of communion, for it aims to bring two classes of being into contact through a living intermediary. I n Ga libation, this other living being is not a creature but a liquid, which, while it cannot be immolated like an animal, can be symbolically annihilated by pouring. Although Ga consider that mortal men cannot coerce divine beings, through libation men attempt to establish obligatory contractual relations between divine beings and human beings. As a sacrificial act, Ga libation differs from the piacular bloody sacrifice of the Nuer and other peoples in that the aim is to make contact between divine beings and human beings not in order to separate the two classes of being more definitively, but in order to ensure their harmonious interaction. Libation as a sacrificial act in kpele ritual emphasizes communion between two classes of being which are always separate but whose cooperation is essential for human existence and prosperity. The apparently simple act of libation in kpele ritual, therefore, is as central to the understanding of Ga cosmology as the dramatic bloody sacrifice of Nuer ritual is to the understanding of Nuer theology. 1)

Hubert, Henri, and Mauss, Marcel, Sacrifice, Chicago 1964.