FEASIBILITY STUDY COTTON – MADE IN AFRICA WWF GERMANY December, 2004 to February, 2005
PROJECT PARTNERS WWF Switzerland
&
Systain Consulting
STUDY COMMISSIONED BY Bundesamt für Naturschutz German Federal Agency for Nature Conservation
Acknowledgement WWF Germany would like to thank the German Federal Agency for Nature Conservation (BfN) for their interest in „Cotton - Made in Africa“ and to commission this study on the links between cotton production, biodiversity and poverty in Africa. Our project partners Christopher Meyer, Nicole Santer and Walter Wagner (WWF Switzerland) and Judith Vitt from Systain Consulting were key to the success of this project. We are grateful to Saro Gerd Ratter with his network of contacts in Tanzania, who helped the project team to experience the realities of cotton production in Northern Tanzania. The farmers, researchers and Government Officials as well as NGOs in that area provided valuable information and feedback during a local stakeholder workshop, meetings and interviews. We also thank the staff of WWF Tanzania for their support on the spot. For Benin, constructive inputs to the study were provided by Hendrik Breman (IFDC), Peter Ton and the SNV Netherlands Development Organization.
Executive Summary Background, Objective and Methodology of the Study In many of the poorest areas in Africa and Asia smallholder farmers largely or fully depend on the revenues from cotton production. In 2000, about 130 countries produced cotton, and it is estimated that the crop was planted on 2.5 percent of the world’s arable land area. In Africa, cotton is the third largest agricultural export after coffee and cocoa. Some 1.7 million tons of cotton are harvested every year. With a 20 percent market share, Africa is the world’s second largest cotton exporter after the United States (more than 40 percent). However, trade barriers such as taxes, subsidies, and quotas in cotton importing and producing countries hamper the export of African cotton. Insufficient infrastructure also restricts the potential revenues from cotton exports. The level of added value has remained low in the cotton producing countries of East and West Africa, as cotton is mainly exported in its raw form. Although cotton has a high water requirement of at least 750 mm annual rainfall for a successful harvest, it is predominantly grown in areas with a dry and hot climate. 50 percent of the global cotton area is rain-fed and yields are low, such as in West and East Africa, while 75 percent of the global cotton production originates from irrigated fields. Widespread salinization or waterlogging of the soil is often the result of inadequate irrigation. On a watershed scale, highly valuable freshwater ecosystems have been seriously damaged in many areas of the world (for example Aral Sea). Because of an increasing demand for water in agriculture as a whole, the effects of cotton production on the environment will become even more severe in future. Moreover, cotton is usually produced using large quantities of pesticides against persistent pest infestations. For example, 24 percent of all the insecticides sold throughout the world are used for cotton growing, although cotton only accounts for about 2.5 percent of the total agricultural area. Many of the pesticides are highly toxic, and they pollute both soil and water, with fatal consequences for natural biodiversity. Also repeated cases of human poisoning and deaths due to inappropriate handling and application of these pesticides have been reported. The Otto Group and the Michael Otto Foundation for Environment have launched an initiative called “Cotton - Made in Africa”, which focuses on five major African countries: Burkina Faso, Benin, Mali, Tanzania and Uganda. The idea of the initiative is to increase the sustainability of cotton produced in Africa by applying “sustainability criteria”, making it identifiable throughout the cotton processing chain and giving it a competitive advantage on the global cotton market. The initiative shall result in a decrease in poverty and environmental degradation in the producing countries, as well as providing a competitive advantage to the companies marketing products made from “Cotton - Made in Africa”. This study contributes to that initiative. The objective of the feasibility study is to identify mechanisms that would lead to changes in cotton production and most effectively cause the desired contribution to poverty alleviation and the preservation of natural resources and biodiversity. The main outputs of the study are an increased understanding of the mutual dependencies between cotton production, poverty alleviation and biodiversity; the identification of the most promising (effective, efficient, feasible) changes in cotton production as well as potential mechanisms to achieve these changes; and the development of recommendations for ways to implement these mechanisms in the desired way. For this feasibility study it was decided to focus only on two of the five countries selected by the “Cotton - Made in Africa” project, due to the limited time frame of three months (from December 2004 till February 2005) and the resources available for the research. In West Africa, Benin was chosen because of its closer link to the international markets due to its I
access to the sea. For East Africa, the choice was made for Tanzania on account of its experiences with organic cotton development. An interdisciplinary team of WWF Germany, WWF Switzerland and Systain Consulting has been formed. The initial desk research helped to identify the major elements to be researched in the field in Tanzania by using an interview guideline and to outline the information required for Benin. In Tanzania the team conducted field research and organized a local multistakeholder workshop with the participation of farmers, research institutions, ginneries, Non Governmental and Governmental Organizations. For Benin, desk research was conducted and the research findings were validated by international and national experts. The Cotton Sectors in Tanzania and Benin Tanzania is a coastal country lying just below the Equator and covers an area of 93.700.000 hectares. The population is estimated at 37.2 million with a population growth of 2.9 percent. The absolute number of people living in poverty has increased from 9.5 million a decade ago to 11.4 million in 2001. 87 percent of the poor population is living in rural areas; the highest poverty rates are recorded among households who depend on agriculture. The predominantly non mechanized agricultural sector makes up half of the Tanzanian Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and generates income for around 80 percent of the population. In years of average production, cotton produces 15 to 20 percent of the foreign exchange earnings, which makes it the second largest export after coffee. Benin has about 6.77 million inhabitants from 42 different ethnical groups. While economic performance over the past five years has helped reduce urban poverty, it has considerably increased in rural areas and remains a problem. The proportion of people living below the overall poverty line increased in rural areas from 25.2 percent in 1994/95 to 33 percent in 1999/00. About 40 percent of Benin’s Gross Domestic Product are obtained from the agricultural sector. In 2000, cotton production alone accounted for 9 percent of the GDP and has further increased since then to 13 percent. The agricultural sector employs about 56 percent of the economically active population. Cotton exports alone account for almost 70 percent of Benin’s total exports and between 25 and 35 percent of fiscal revenues. The share of cotton lint in Benin’s total agricultural export revenues amounted in 1980 to 21.4 percent. In 2000, their share rose to 93.8 percent. Key Findings in Tanzania and Benin The key findings within cotton farming systems in Tanzania and Benin can be summarized as follows: -
Biodiversity: In Tanzania there is no direct overlap of protected areas or areas of critical natural habitat with the main cotton producing areas. However, in Northern Benin, cotton growing leads to conversion of natural forest areas directly adjacent to protected areas and residues of pesticides are found in the rivers within the Pendjari Biosphere.
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Genetically Modified (GM) cotton: It is not yet introduced in both countries, but GM field trials have been initiated in neighbouring Burkina Faso, and the biosafety law in Tanzania provides the legal basis for GM introduction.
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Land conversion: Insufficient land resources for cattle lead to migration to other areas where pressure is increasing; land conflicts are on the rise.
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Soil erosion: No or very low use of manure or synthetic fertilizers (at least in Tanzania); the fertility of soils are depleting; no crop rotation, same plot for same crop every year II
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Water use: No overuse of water for cotton irrigation as cotton is a rain-fed crop in Tanzania and Benin.
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High pesticide risks: water pollution is a permanent threat because of pesticide misuse, leaching and soil erosion; illegal pesticides are available and pesticides are mishandled;
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Income, basic needs and food poverty: income mainly spent on food; low investment in education, health and services; prevalence of malnutrition; loss of labor power; lack of access to markets
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Lack of inputs, implements and credits: No general micro-credit schemes in place; implements are not affordable; availability of pesticides and fertilizers dependent on risky credits; expensive inputs;
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Lack of access to (farming) knowledge: Poor transportation infrastructure hampers extension; reduction of governmental funding for extension services and downsizing of staff; poor knowledge about farming techniques;
Recommendations to Improve Cotton Production Based on the above findings, the following group of strategies are proposed: 1. Education and extension programmes to improve farming knowledge and raise awareness with regard to environmental and health risks 2. Definition of No-Go-areas and buffer zones 3. Promotion of market activities The entry point for change is the cotton farming system. The proposed recommendations are derived from the question how changes in cotton production can lead to improved livelihood and environment and how these changes can be initiated and promoted. 1.
Education and extension programme
Farming is a complex issue, where decision-making depends on many diverse factors such as crops, weather, prices, water, labour force, equipment, pests, chemicals, etc. Having accurate information about all these factors provides for informed decision-making and hence competitive advantage. Once farmers have realized that knowledge gives them the possibility to save money and generate more income, they are more than happy to change their production practices. Furthermore, building the capacity to acquire knowledge and using it has positive impacts on the livelihood not only of one farmer but the whole family and community. Changes in production practices are being observed by other farmers, failures and successes discussed. In Tanzania and Benin, Extension Services are provided by governmental or parastatal agencies. It is therefore crucial to seek the dialogue and cooperation with them before the commencement of any project, which aims to improve cotton production. However, it is also important to find a few interested and educated farmers to be part of any cotton development project. Demonstration field plots, where changes in production methods can be tested, are an effective tool for education. Farmers can get together, discuss and learn how to observe the crops and take decisions on agricultural measures. They can come up with their traditional knowledge and exchange experiences. They can apply new methods in their own fields and discuss them back home.
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The following activities are an essential part of an education and extension programme: -
Establish participatory learning methods (Farmer Field Schools, Demonstration)
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Support capacity building (turning farmers into extensionists, farmers’ exchange visits)
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Improve knowledge on farming techniques and increase productivity (by skills, not inputs)
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Educate about pesticide risks and alternative plant protection methods, blacklist pesticides and reduce use of pesticides
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Promote diversification of cultivated crops and balance of food and cash crops
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No-Go-areas and buffer zones
Within West and East African countries, the protection and management of protected areas and even broader critical natural habitats cannot always be guaranteed, in particular if it comes to lower categories of protected areas like e.g. Forest Reserves (French: Forêts Classées) or areas not yet declared as protected areas but with known high suitability for biodiversity. Furthermore, cotton production uses mostly agricultural chemicals with high risks for humans and the environment. Therefore, to preserve biodiversity it is essential, that No-Go areas are defined and implemented. Also, clear buffer zones along and around protected areas, critical natural habitats and water ecosystems should be introduced by the respective authorities, communities and the farmers. Accompanying measures can increase productivity of existing fields, which then prevent further land conversion. Higher yields and more stable food security can keep farmers on their plots rather than invading into new natural areas. However productivity shall not be achieved by increasing inputs of pesticides, fertilizers or even irrigation water use, which stresses again the need for education about better farming practices having less or no environmental impacts. 3.
Promotion of market activities
Poverty can be addressed by raising income from existing sources, e.g. by raising productivity, and creating new income opportunities. Within the cotton farming system, the improvement of farming methods offers at the same time new opportunities e.g. selling rotation crops. Cost savings may be another measure to increase income. By reducing pesticides and fertilizer inputs through the extension and educational programme, a better cost-benefit ratio can be obtained for the farmers. Access to micro-credits offers the possibility for farmer households to make small investments, which give a high return. Supplementary Off-Farm Measures The typical approach to target improvements of on-farm cotton production is by promoting Better Management Practices. However, supplementary measures need to be developed to improve the overall framework conditions for agricultural production, in particular: -
Investments in transportation infrastructure
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Supportive action for improved market access (physically through contributions to improved market infrastructure and better transportation infrastructure; globally through support for lobbying activities of African cotton producers)
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Invest in better access to quality health care IV
Issues to be considered for any new Standard Development In the case of cotton, there are efforts by retailers and producers to promote organic cotton. However, the global market share of certified organic cotton is less than 0.1 percent of the world cotton market. In Tanzania and Benin, the production of organic cotton takes place on a very small scale within limited projects and production areas. With regard to biodiversity, the organic standard for cotton offers only solutions for small part of the key problems identified in this study. In organic cotton production, synthetic pesticides, fertilizers and GM cotton are banned. Soil fertility improvement is a central issue in organic farming, and so is crop rotation. However, although it is recognized, that organic farming can have positive effects on biodiversity, especially on on-farm agrobiodiversity, there is no prescription about land conversion, No-Go-areas or on water use. In addition, poverty is not covered at all by the organic standard. The issues listed below need to be thoroughly discussed and considered if any new standard development takes place: -
Establish and implement No-Go-areas and buffer zones
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Apply sustainable water management practices
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Reduce pesticide risks related to health, environment and financing
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Increase productivity and efficiency
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Ensure participatory project development and establish dialogue with and among farmers to address poverty, farming knowledge and biodiversity
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Promote alternative income generation, cost savings, micro-credits
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Prevent GM cotton introduction
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Abbreviations AIC BfN Bt CAGIA CRTF CSPR ECGA FAO FOB FUPRO GDP GM(O) GTZ GV HASHI HPI IFDC IPM INRAB IUCN LEC NGO PADSE PPA PRSP OBEPAB RAMSAR SNV SONAPRA TCB TCMB UNDP URCF WCGA WTO WWF
Association Interprofessionelle du Coton (Inter-professional Cotton Association) Bundesanstalt für Naturschutz (German Federal Agency for Nature Conservation) Bacillus thurengiensis Coopérative d´Approvisionnement et de Gestion des Intrants Agricoles (Cooperation of Input Providers) Cotton Research Trust Fund Centrale de Sécurisation des Paiements et des Recouvrements Eastern Cotton Growing Areas Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations Free on Board Féderation Nationale des Unions Producteurs Gross Domestic Product Genetically Modified (Organisms) Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit Groupement Villageois (Village Association) Hifadhi Ardhi Shinyanga (Swahili for soil conservation) Human Poverty Index International Center for Soil Fertility and Agricultural Development Integrated Pest Management Institut National des Recherches Agronomique du Bénin World Conservation Union Lutte Étagée Ciblée (Targeted Application Management) Non Governmental Organization Projet d’Amélioration et de Diversification des Systèmes d’Exploitation Participatory Poverty Assessment Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers Organisation Béninoise pour la Promotion de l’Agriculture Biologique Convention on Wetlands Netherlands Development Organization Société Nationale de Promotion Agricole (National Society for Agricultural Advancement) Tanzania Cotton Board Tanzania Cotton Marketing Board (predecessor of TCB) United Nations Development Programme Unité de Recherche Coton et Fibres (Cotton and Fibre Research Institute) Western Cotton Growing Areas World Trade Organization World Wide Fund for Nature
Glossary Basic Needs Poverty Line What a household, using the food basket of the poorest 50 percent of the population, needs to consume to satisfy its basic food needs to attain 2.200 Kcal/day per adult equivalent. The share of non-food expenditures of the poorest 25 percent of households is then added. Better Management Practices
Listings are based on systematic evaluations of such factors as species richness; the degree of endemism, rarity and vulnerability of component species; representativeness; and integrity of ecosystem processes [World Bank] Ecosystem System of interactions between plants, animals, and their inanimate surroundings, e.g. a river or a lake.
Locally adapted agricultural practices, which make farming more efficient and environmentally friendly. Examples: crop rotation, use of manure, IPM, buffer zones, sowing in rows, etc.
Endosulfan
Bollworm
Process of nutrient enrichment leading to enhanced primary production, resulting in modification to natural processes and colonisation structures and to increased biological decomposition.
Several species of Lepidoptera that feed on cotton bolls. Cash crop Production of income-earning crops for export or local consumption. Catchment Land from which a river or reservoir draws its rainfall. Cotton bale A package of compressed cotton lint after ginning, tied with wire or metal bands and wrapped in cotton, jute or polypropylene. Cotton fibre Fibre that develops as an extension of cells in the walls of developing cotton seed Cotton lint Product that results from the separation of cotton fibre from the cotton seed in the ginning process. Cotton seed The seed of the cotton plant. Critical natural habitats: (i) existing protected areas and areas officially proposed by governments as protected areas, areas initially recognized as protected by traditional local communities (e.g. sacred groves), and sites that maintain conditions vital for the viability of these protected areas (as determined by the environmental assess process) or (ii) sites identified on supplementary lists prepared by the World Bank or an authoritative source determined by the Regional Environmental Sector Unit (RESU). Such sites may include areas recognized by traditional communities (e.g. sacred groves); areas with known high suitability for biodiversity conservation; and sites that are critical for rare, valuable, migratory or endangered species.
Insecticide which is applied on cotton cultivation. Eutrophication
Extensive agriculture Forms of agriculture characterised by larger land surfaces per farmer who are then not pressed to intensify production, e.g. through the use of external inputs, to make a living. Food Security
All people, at all times, have physical and econo-
mic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food to meet their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life at the individual, household, national, regional and global levels Freshwater ecosystem Systems in which the "fundamental physical, chemical and biological processes are driven by presence of freshwater, and in which the dominant life forms are adapted to at least periodic saturation or inundation by freshwater, beyond the tolerance levels of terrestrial animals. This includes wetlands, lakes, freshwater lagoon and river systems including their flood plains and estuaries, where natural, permanent or temporary, with water that is surface or underground, static or flowing". Herbicide Synthetic chemical which kills plants. Insecticide Synthetic chemical which kills insects.
Integrated Pest Management (IPM)
Scouting
Approach for pest control that utilizes regular monitoring to determine if and when treatments are needed and employs physical, mechanical, cultural, and biological tactics to keep pest population low enough to prevent unacceptable damage or annoyance. Chemical control with pesticides is chosen and timed to be most effective and least hazardous to non-target organisms and the general environment.
An IPM method to determine the pest pressure on the field by counting plants showing signs of infestation after a defined pattern.
Pesticides Synthetic chemical which kills pests. Pesticide resistance Resistance developed by some pests and diseases species to specific pesticides, rendering them worthless or less effective. Run-off Water flow on the surface to rivers, lakes, the sea or into the ground water. Salinisation Accumulation of soluble salts in or on soils or waters.
Seed cotton Harvested cotton before ginning Siltation Transport of sand, mud, etc. by moving water, left e.g. at the mouth of a river. Sustainable Development Development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs. Waterbody pollution Pollutant, pathogen and thermal loads, causing impairment of ecosystems and of the potential utilisation of freshwater resources. Water logging Soil is saturated or nearly saturated with water, a state in which water and dissolved substances move freely but gases move so slowly that oxygen normally becomes deficient. Impermeable horizons, or bedrock near the soil surface, are often responsible for saturated soils.
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Table of Content 1. 2. 3. 4.
Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 1 Rationale of the Feasibility Study ...................................................................................... 3 Objective, Approach and Methods Used............................................................................ 4 The Cotton Sector in Tanzania........................................................................................... 7 4.1 Importance of Cotton for the National and Regional Economy................................. 7 4.2 Cotton Growing Areas ............................................................................................... 7 4.3 Institutional Overview................................................................................................ 9 4.4 Cotton Processing..................................................................................................... 10 4.5 Role of Cotton Production within the Farming System ........................................... 11 4.5.1 Land Conversion and Grazing Systems ........................................................... 11 4.5.2 HASHI Initiative .............................................................................................. 11 4.5.3 Crops Cultivated............................................................................................... 12 4.5.4 Current Crop Rotation ...................................................................................... 13 4.6 Cultivation Methods and Yields............................................................................... 13 4.6.1 Farm Implements.............................................................................................. 13 4.6.2 Pesticides and Fertilizers .................................................................................. 14 4.6.3 Irrigation, Water Use........................................................................................ 14 4.6.4 Yields ............................................................................................................... 15 4.7 Landownership ......................................................................................................... 15 4.8 Existing Cotton Projects........................................................................................... 15 4.8.1 IPM................................................................................................................... 15 4.8.2 Organic Cotton ................................................................................................. 15 4.9 Trends in the Cotton Sector of Tanzania.................................................................. 16 5. Biodiversity and Poverty related to Cotton Production in Tanzania................................ 17 5.1 Biodiversity .............................................................................................................. 17 5.1.1 Protected and High Conservation Value Areas in Tanzania and the Western Cotton Growing Areas ..................................................................................................... 17 5.1.2 Water network .................................................................................................. 18 5.1.3 Threats to Biodiversity ..................................................................................... 19 5.1.4 Threats to Biodiversity through Cotton Cultivation......................................... 19 5.2 Poverty ..................................................................................................................... 21 5.2.1 Economy and Poverty Lines ............................................................................ 21 5.2.2 Expenditures and Consumption ....................................................................... 22 5.2.3 Health, Food Security and Nutrition ................................................................ 23 5.2.4 Education.......................................................................................................... 24 5.2.5 Infrastructure and Access to Goods and Services ............................................ 25 5.2.6 Vulnerability..................................................................................................... 26 5.2.7 Linkages between Poverty and Cotton Cultivation.......................................... 26 6. The Cotton Sector in Benin .............................................................................................. 28 6.1 Importance for National/Regional Economy ........................................................... 28 6.2 Cotton Growing Areas ............................................................................................. 28 6.3 Institutional Overview.............................................................................................. 29 6.4 Cotton Processing..................................................................................................... 31 6.5 Cultivation Methods and Yields............................................................................... 31 6.5.1 Cultivated Crops and Rotation Patterns in Benin............................................. 31 6.5.2 Land Conversion .............................................................................................. 32 6.5.3 Farm Implements.............................................................................................. 33 6.5.4 Inputs (Pesticides, Fertilizer, Herbicides) ........................................................ 33 6.5.5 Irrigation........................................................................................................... 34 1
6.5.6 Yields ............................................................................................................... 34 6.6 Land Ownership ....................................................................................................... 35 6.7 Existing cotton projects ............................................................................................ 36 6.8 Trends in Benin’s Cotton Sector .............................................................................. 37 7. Biodiversity and Poverty Related to Cotton Production in Benin ................................... 38 7.1 Biodiversity .............................................................................................................. 38 7.1.1 Protected Areas and High Conservation Value Areas ..................................... 38 7.1.2 Water Network ................................................................................................. 39 7.1.3 Main Threats to Biodiversity............................................................................ 39 7.1.4 Threats to Biodiversity through Cotton Cultivation......................................... 39 7.2 Poverty Benin ........................................................................................................... 41 7.2.1 Economy and Poverty Lines ............................................................................ 41 7.2.2 Non-monetary Poverty ..................................................................................... 41 7.2.3 Expenditure and Consumption ......................................................................... 42 7.2.4 Health, Food Security and Nutrition, ............................................................... 42 7.2.5 Vulnerability..................................................................................................... 43 7.2.6 Linkages between Cotton and Poverty............................................................. 44 7.2.7 Comparison of Poverty Issues between Benin and Tanzania .......................... 45 8. Conclusions and Recommendations................................................................................. 46 8.1 Summary of the Key Findings and Potential Strategies........................................... 46 8.2 Recommendations .................................................................................................... 50 8.2.1 Recommendations to Improve Cotton Production ........................................... 50 8.2.2 Supplementary Off-Farm Measures ................................................................. 52 8.2.3 Issues to be Considered for any new Standard Development .......................... 52 References ................................................................................................................................ 54
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1. Introduction In many of the poorest areas in Africa and Asia smallholder farmers depend largely on the revenues from cotton production. In 2000, about 130 countries produced cotton, and it is estimated that the crop was planted on 2.5 percent of the world’s arable land area. Thus, cotton ranges among the most significant crops in terms of land use, after food grains and soybeans (Fortucci 2002). This means, the livelihood and prosperity of millions of farmers is based on cotton. Therefore, the improvement on livelihood of those farmers and of cotton production methods is most likely in countries where there is a large dependency on cotton as a source for foreign exchange and in those countries that have a rather stable political structure. Cotton is traded globally and often travels thousands of miles around the world during processing and manufacturing. Cotton trade and cotton prizes are regulated or at least strongly influenced by the cotton stock exchange markets as well as national and international policies. Globally acting businesses of the textile and apparel sector play a determining role in the cotton trade and have a substantial influence regarding prices and quality requirements of cotton produced. In Africa, cotton is the third largest agricultural export after coffee and cocoa. Some 1.7 million tons of cotton are harvested every year. With a 20 percent market share, Africa is the world’s second largest cotton exporter after the United States (more than 40 percent). However, trade barriers such as taxes, subsidies, and quotas in cotton importing and producing countries hamper the export of African cotton. Insufficient infrastructure also restricts the potential revenues from cotton exports. The level of added value has remained low in the cotton producing countries of East and West Africa, as cotton is predominantly exported in its raw form. Besides its economic importance, cotton is also of environmental relevance. Although cotton has a high water requirement of at least 750 mm annual rainfall for a successful harvest, it is grown predominantly in areas with a dry and hot climate. 50 percent of the global cotton area is rain-fed and yields are usually poor, such as in West and East Africa, while 75 percent of the global cotton production originates from irrigated fields. Widespread salinization or waterlogging of the soil is often the end result. On a watershed scale, highly valuable freshwater ecosystems have been seriously damaged in many areas of the world (for example the Aral Sea). Because of the increasing demand, on agriculture as a whole, for water, the environmental effects of cotton production will in future become even more severe. Moreover, cotton is usually produced using large quantities of pesticides against persistent pest infestations. For example, 24 percent of all the insecticides sold throughout the world are used in cotton growing, even though cotton only accounts for about 2.5 percent of the total agricultural area. Many of the pesticides are highly toxic, and they pollute both soil and water, with fatal consequences for the natural biodiversity. Also repeated cases of human poisoning often resulting in death due to the inappropriate handling and application of these pesticides are known. Changes in cotton production methods have a direct influence on the lives of numerous people involved in farming, processing and on the biodiversity of large regions of the world. In addition, there is also a mutual dependency between poverty and biodiversity, which needs to be considered, since the well-being of people is strongly dependant on functioning and healthy ecosystems, which especially holds true for the rural poor. This network of dependencies is schematically shown in the following Figure 1.
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Cotton Production Yield/Income Input costs Health effects Social status
Water quality Water quantity Land reclamation Erosion/sediments
Natural Biodiversity
Poverty Natural resources (soil, food, water) Natural disasters (floods, droughts)
Figure 1: Dependencies between cotton production, poverty and natural biodiversity
None of these elements can be tackled separately. Efforts to eradicate poverty must go handin-hand with actions to conserve biological resources and to the maintenance of healthy ecosystems. At the same time it can be assumed that the effectiveness of conservation activities is largely dependant on a certain level of wealth of the people involved. People living in poverty can neither afford nor can they be expected to contribute substantially to the conservation of biodiversity.
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2. Rationale of the Feasibility Study The feasibility study “Cotton - Made in Africa” arises from the common interest of the World Wide Fund for Nature WWF, the Otto Group and the Michael Otto Foundation to increase the sustainability of cotton production as well as the regions under sustainable cultivation. Through its Sustainable Cotton Initiative, WWF is working in several of the most important cotton producing regions in the world (Pakistan and Australia, with activities planned to start soon in India) where cotton growing severely threatens high value freshwater ecosystems. The Initiative is working to increase the productivity of water use at farm and river basin level irrigation with the aim of finding a balance between ecosystem functions and profitable agriculture. The Initiative represents one step towards overcoming the global water crisis, benefiting natural biodiversity and the health and livelihoods of millions of farming families in some of the poorest regions of the world. The Initiative approaches the problem of unsustainable cotton production both at the field level, introducing Better Management Practices, and at the business level, convincing globally relevant cotton buyers to increasingly source more environmentally friendly cotton. The Otto Group and the Michael Otto Foundation for Environment have launched an initiative called “Cotton - Made in Africa” (see also www.cotton-made-in-africa.com), which concentrates on five countries: Burkina Faso, Benin, Mali, Tanzania and Uganda. The idea of the initiative is to increase the sustainability of cotton produced in Africa by applying “sustainability criteria”, making it identifiable throughout the cotton processing chain and therefore providing it with a competitive advantage on the global cotton market. It is intended that the initiative shall result in a decrease in poverty and environmental degradation within producing countries, as well as enabling the companies marketing products made from “Cotton - Made in Africa” to have a competitive advantage. A focus on Africa gives WWF the opportunity to extend its activities within the Sustainable Cotton Initiative to this continent. Since cotton is mostly rain-fed in Africa, cotton production has not so far been one of the major threats to aquatic ecosystems and their biodiversity. However, developments seem to indicate that in future irrigation will become more and more widespread and that the aquatic resources will become increasingly depleted and polluted. WWF is therefore very much interested in finding ways to counteract these developments and to support a more sustainable development. The Otto Group sees a fair market potential in promoting African cotton, also from a quality, marketing and logistic point of view. Since smallholders produce most of the cotton, Otto has also identified an excellent possibility to enhance the livelihood of millions of farmers by enabling them to increase their income from cotton. If this is successful, the “Cotton - Made in Africa” project might develop to become an important step towards the poverty alleviation goals of the Millennium Development Goals (see http://www.developmentgoals.org).
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3. Objective, Approach and Methods Used Objective and Expected Outputs The objective of the feasibility study is to identify mechanisms that would lead to changes in cotton production and to most effectively cause the desired contribution to poverty alleviation and preservation of natural resources and biodiversity. The following are outputs of the study: -
to understand the mutual dependencies between cotton production, poverty alleviation and biodiversity;
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to define the goals to achieve or developments to initiate regarding poverty and biodiversity;
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to analyze possible changes in cotton production regarding their effects on poverty and biodiversity;
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to identify the most promising (effective, efficient, feasible) changes in cotton production as well as potential mechanisms to achieve these changes; to make recommendations for ways to implement these mechanisms in a satisfactory way (e.g. for the “Cotton - Made in Africa” project).
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Regional Focus of the Study It was decided to focus on only two of the five countries selected by the “Cotton - Made in Africa” for this feasibility study due to the limited time frame and resources. In West Africa, Benin was chosen because of its closer link to the international markets having direct access to a seaport. For East Africa, Tanzania was chosen on account of its experiences in organic cotton development. However, the findings of this study should partly be relevant for all of the cotton growing regions in West and East Africa respectively. Due to a detailed field research initiated by the German Technical Cooperation (GTZ) for Northern Benin in view of future cooperation with the “Cotton Made in Africa” initiative, it was furthermore decided to focus the field research on Tanzania and to conduct mainly a desk research for Benin.
Approach and Methodology An interdisciplinary team of six experts from WWF Germany, WWF Switzerland and Systain Consulting has been formed, which held monthly meetings (in Zurich, Frankfurt/Main and Hamburg), fortnightly telephone conferences and a joint internet platform. The relatively short duration for the project (from December 1st 2004 to February 28th 2005) determined the selection of the approach. In the first step during December, existing information and reports on cotton production in Africa were collected and analyzed. Also, the scope of the study for both biodiversity and poverty was defined. The working definition of those terms with regard to cotton cultivation are described in the following text box.
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Biodiversity The study looks into the destruction of biodiversity through cotton production. Biodiversity in and around the farming system is based on (a) biodiversity in the environment or off-farm biodiversity and (b) biodiversity in the agroecosystems or on-farm biodiversity. The main threat to biodiversity is seen by the impacts of agriculture on the biodiversity of the natural environment. The largest drain on biodiversity in general is caused by the destruction of natural ecosystems through land reclamation. (FIAN 2002). Further, pesticides, herbicides and fertilizer have direct impact on biodiversity, such as soil degradation, eutrophication of lakes, erosion or mismanagement of water resources. Plants and animals in and around the cultivated area make up for the biodiversity of an agroecosystem. Intensified agriculture with reduced plant diversity influences the composition and abundance of the associated biota. These are wildlife, pollinators, insect pests and their natural enemies, soil invertebrates and microorganisms. Soil organisms interact with one another and with the various plants and animals in the ecosystem forming a complex web of biological activity. This diversity influences nutrient cycling, natural enemies of pests, soil structure, resistance against epidemics and water regimes. If there is little diversity in the lower trophic levels, there will be less diversity in higher trophic levels such as herbivores and predators (Power and Flecker 2005). An important aspect within the biodiversity in agroecosystems is the genetic diversity of the cultivated plants itself. It is necessary in order to breed more productive and more resistant plants. Biotechnology cannot make up for variety losses. Crop plants are not only lost for the direct local cultivation, but also for the further development of the species. As genetic diversity erodes, our capacity to maintain and enhance crop, forest and livestock productivity decreases along with the ability to respond to changing conditions. Genetic resources hold the key to increasing food security and improving the human condition (FAO 2005). With high genetic uniformity of crop plant species, fatal epidemics are more likely. Genetic diversity of crop plants is especially threatened with the coming up of GM (genetically modified) cotton varieties (FIAN 2002). Poverty The conventional economic approach to poverty focuses on the quantifiable poverty line based on household consumption and expenditure patterns as well as on household income. While the poverty line is an important measure of poverty in a country over time, poverty goes beyond income levels (Narayan 1997). According to the World Bank, “poverty is pronounced deprivation in well-being” (WBI 2005), where wellbeing can be measured by an individual’s possession of income, health, nutrition, education, assets, housing, and certain rights in a society such as freedom of speech. Also, poverty is a lack of opportunities, powerlessness and vulnerability. For example, economic growth is crucial to the creation of opportunities. However, growth is not enough; the poor and the vulnerable may not be able to benefit from growth, because they lack health, or skills, or access to basic infrastructure. An even broader concept for appropriately categorizing the state of poverty in a given country is the so-called livelihood approach. The concept of livelihood assesses all aspects of human live and assets which people have access to or are surrounded by; thus, natural framework conditions such as biodiversity and climatic conditions are also taken into account. Poverty is a relative term, and degrees of poverty are measured against indicators that have been developed by governments of developing countries and by donors. Although these indicators are used to justify interventions and the funding of activities, they do not necessarily reflect the views of the target groups towards whom support is to be oriented, nor are they sufficiently based on analysis of poverty problems (IOB 2004). The study therefore combines the different sources of information on poverty in order to give a comprehensive overview of peoples’ poverty, well-being and livelihood. In addition, a more individual and household-centered perspective, called “Peoples’ Voice” is given, which contains information on peoples’ perception of their individual situation. The information derives either from interviews on the spot or are the results of Participatory Poverty Assessments (PPA).
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The initial desk research helped to identify the major elements to be researched in the field in Tanzania by using an interview guideline and to outline the information required for Benin. For Tanzania, an international consultant was selected, based on his experience with the promotion of organic cotton in Africa and particularly in Tanzania. The initial concept of using local expertise was not pursued, as feed-back from various experts and organizations indicated that it would be difficult to find local experts to carry out the study on such a short notice. Three members of the project team joined the consultant during his field research in Tanzania in January 2005. They jointly organized a local stakeholder workshop in order to discuss the major findings of the research with about 30 participants (farmers, research institutions, ginneries, NGOs and Governmental Organizations). For Benin, international and national experts on cotton production were identified. They commented extensively on a questionnaire similar to Tanzania in order to validate the desk research findings and to assure to some degree the comparability of the research results with those of Tanzania. During a meeting of the Board of Trustees of the “Cotton - Made in Africa” initiative midFebruary in Hamburg, members of the project team had the opportunity to collect feedback on the preliminary findings. The final report and its findings and recommendations will be discussed after the official closing date of the project with the Bundesanstalt für Naturschutz BfN (German Federal Agency for Nature Conservation) in Bonn early March 2005 and also published in the journal “Natur und Landschaft” in 2005.
Structure of the Report The report is structured as follows: -
Chapter 4 provides an overview of the cotton sector in Tanzania, with particular emphasis on the role of cotton in the farming system and the cultivation practices.
-
Chapter 5 describes the linkages between cotton production, biodiversity and poverty in Tanzania.
-
Chapter 6 provides an overview of the cotton sector in Benin and
-
Chapter 7 describes the linkages between cotton production, biodiversity and poverty in Benin
-
Chapter 8 summarises the key findings (8.1) and recommendations (8.2) given for the farm level, off-farm measures and for relevant issues to be considered in any new standard development for sustainable cotton production.
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4. The Cotton Sector in Tanzania Tanzania is a coastal country lying just below the Equator and covering an area of 93.700.000 hectares. The population is estimated at 37.2 million (2002) with a population growth of 2.9 percent (Trier-Somazzi 2003). Most of the country lies on the Great African Plateaux with altitudes between 1000 and 2000 meters above sea level.
4.1 Importance of Cotton for the National and Regional Economy The predominantly not mechanized agricultural sector makes up half of the Tanzanian Gross Domestic Product and generates income for around 80 percent of the population (TrierSomazzi 2003). In years of average production, cotton produces 15 to 20 percent of the foreign exchange earnings, which makes it the second largest export after coffee. Many people depend on cotton production, processing and export (Ratter 2002). Agriculture, the most important economic activity in the cotton growing areas, provides food for the fast growing population, raw materials for the agro-industries, foreign exchange for the country and employment for the majority of the rural population. With the income from agriculture the farmers have to disburse school fees, health care, small household expenses, and local transport. The cotton sector plays an important role in rural development as it is often the most important source of income for the village council and offers at least some temporary off-farm employment during the purchasing season. The village levy for cotton purchase helps the leaders to finance urgently needed investments like new classrooms, roads and dispensaries (Ratter 2002). From 1994 to 1998, the general trend for producer prices was on a steady increase, presumably due to favourable world market prices. World market prices fell in 1999, resulting in a significant reduction of producer prices. Farmers believe that income from cotton growing has declined in recent years. Therefore, many farmers that have had the opportunity to change to alternative cash crops tend to have changed to the production of rice, maize, paddy or vegetables.
4.2 Cotton Growing Areas Cotton cultivation in Tanzania is divided into two main production zones. More than 95 percent of the crop comes from the Western Cotton Growing Areas (WCGA), which are situated around and south of Lake Victoria (TCB 2005). The Eastern Cotton Growing Areas (ECGA) are located along the coast of the Indian Ocean (see Figure 2). The two growing areas vary greatly in terms of weather conditions, soil fertility and also with incidences of pests and disease. Planting, harvesting and marketing also differ. In the Western Area, the planting season is from November to December and harvesting and marketing begins in July. Within the Eastern Area this is postponed for one to two months. The different conditions require the development of different seed varieties for each zone. In both areas cotton is grown by smallholder farmers on a total estimated area of about 300.000 to 400.000 Figure 2: Cotton Growing Areas in Tanzania hectares (TCB 2005).
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The Western Cotton Growing Areas cover about 30.000 hectares and comprises the regions of Mwanza, Shinyanga, Tabora, Kigoma, Singida and Kagera. In 1994, more than 450.000 households and over 50 percent of all rural households were involved in cotton growing in the WCGA. In the Shinyanga Region it is expected to have been higher than 80 percent (Ratter 2002). The dry season can last from May to December. The Shinyanga Region has by far the highest cotton production (63 percent), followed by Mwanza (23 percent). The cotton growing regions have monomodal rainfall and the harvest is gained only once a year from a given field. In some areas of Mwanza and the western part of Shinyanga, a second harvest of a fast growing crop is possible towards the end of the rainy season (TCB 2005). Figure 3 displays the total Tanzanian production for the last 10 years. The strong fluctuation is due to climate changes and variation in producer prices. Table 1 lists the production of seed cotton and cotton lint per region from 1999/00 to 2003/04. For the 2004/05 season the cotton production is estimated at a new record of 500.000 bales of cotton lint, which is 50 percent up from 2003/04 Figure 3: Total Tanzanian Cotton production over the last (USDA 2005). 10 years. (Source: TCB 2005).
Table 1: Seed cotton production in tons per region from 1999/00 to 2003/04 (Source: TCB 2005) WCGA
ECGA
Seed cotton Cotton lint
Region
1999/00
2000/01
2001/02
2002/03
2003/04
Shinyanga
57.466
69.913
80.030
119.107
88.352
Mwanza
31.551
41.376
46.685
43.681
31.296
Mara
2.822
4.286
13.091
11.361
11.296
Kagera
431
2.087
3.117
1.613
3.476
Tabora
4.757
5.725
4.613
11.409
4.332
Kigoma
15
4
18
28
62
Singida Mean Total %
97.042 97
27 123.291 99.8
21 147.575 99.6
8 187.147 99.6
39 138.904 99.3
Manyara
6
6
130
120
224
Morogoro
35
35
242
347
523
Mbeya
2.934
-
-
-
-
Kilimanjaro
4
4
21
20
29
Coast
8
8
9
86
83
Tanga
89
89
15
61
49
Iringa Mean total %
25 167 0.2
29 171 0.2
150 567 0.4
102 736 0.4
17 929 0.7
Total Total
123.558 228.591
123.589 281.132
148.142 283.107
187.883 348.348
139.829 258.843
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Only a small percentage of the Tanzanian cotton production is grown in the Eastern Cotton Growing Areas, which include the regions of Kilimanjaro, Manyara, Tanga, Morogoro, Coast and Iringa. These regions receive far more rainfall which makes the cultivation of a broader variety of cash crops possible. Farmers in these regions tend to grow tea, coffee or bananas as cash crops. Since the majority of cotton is produced within the Western Cotton Growing Areas, those were the regions chosen for the in-depth field study. If not stated otherwise, the information provided concerns the WCGA.
4.3 Institutional Overview Cotton growers are smallholders and are characterised as a low-income group. Next to private actors buying, processing and the selling of seed cotton and lint, other institutions are involved in Research and Extension, putting in place regulations or supporting farmers and ginners. Table 2 provides an overview on the main institutions and stakeholders in the cotton sector. Table 2: Overview on the main institutions active within the cotton sector.
Institute / Body Tanzania Cotton Board (TCB)
Research Institutes
Cotton Research Trust Fund (CRTF)
Tanzania Cotton Association
Extension Services under the Ministry of Regional Administration and Local Governments
Description The TCB is a regulatory board. Its activities are for example: regulation and promotion of the cotton sector, import of pesticides, research, quality control and the advice of the government. The TCB seeks to put in place a legal and regulatory framework to improve and develop the cotton industry by promoting, facilitating and monitoring the functioning of the entire chain of cotton business (production, marketing, processing and export) (TCB 2005). Lake Zone Agricultural Research and Development Institute, Ukiruguru (LZARDI) is the research centre for the Western Cotton Growing Areas and mainly involved in research on the development of different seed varieties. They carried out field trials on organic farms and on station trials with botanical insecticides. The trials where not concluded and it was not therefore possible to obtain data on the research results. The Research centre for the Eastern Cotton Growing Areas is the Ilonga Institute After liberalisation, there was no clear policy on who should take over the funding of research activities on cotton, thus leading into postponement of research in 1995/96 (TCB 2005). Hence, the Cotton Research Trust Fund (CRTF) was formed which is financed by a tax for cotton buyers. The funding has to be paid by all cotton buyers in form of a percentage of their turnover (Ratter 2002). The Association comprises of persons, firms or corporate bodies holding a licence as seed cotton buyers or ginners. It also consists of members who support the objectives of the Association, which is mainly to promote and maintain growth and development of the Tanzanian cotton sector especially regarding ginning and export. The Extension Service is supposed to transfer agricultural technology from experts (including progressive farmers) to farmers, livestock keepers and other stakeholders. However, the services are inefficient and many farmers claim that there is no service at all (Ratter 2002). While the quality of the agricultural Extension Services supplied to producers over the 1970s and 1980s by state-led agencies was far from ideal, at least there was a system; although a system that could have been modified in order to improve
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Primary Societies
quality, efficiency and cost effectiveness. Today, agricultural Extension Service is so understaffed and in serious lack of resources that they can do hardly any fieldwork, even if they manage to visit farmer fields. “Tanzania and Uganda have seen their extension agencies virtually wiped out following privatisation: today their impact on farmer fields is reported to be negligible” (Ton 2002 a). Primary Societies were attached to a parent Cooperative Union to which they sold their cotton. With liberalisation, the farmers are no longer tied to their parent Primary Societies. The strength of management of some of these societies determines the level of farmer loyalty (Rates 2003).
4.4 Cotton Processing Cotton farmers sell their seed cotton to Primary Societies, ginner’s agents and independent traders. Those convey it to the ginneries. Ginneries separate the seed cotton into cotton lint and cotton seed. In value terms, the ration between cotton lint and cotton seed is 80 to 20. Cotton seeds are either used as seed for the next season or further processed in oil mills (cotton seed oil for home consumption or cotton seed cakes as fodder). There are various types of ginners, including (Rates 2003): -
Co-op Union ginners
-
Private ginnery owners
-
Private contract ginners (private individuals leasing ginneries)
-
Textile mill contract ginners
Prior to liberalisation of the cotton sector, Co-operative Unions had the monopoly on buying seed cotton from farmers, processing and selling cotton lint. Since 1994, private companies built new ginneries and are exporting cotton lint. Within the ginning sector there is a strong over-capacity and many companies have difficulties purchasing enough seed cotton from farmers to run their ginnery economically. According to the Tanzania Cotton Board, producer price is now at 60 percent of the FOB (Free on Board) price and farmers should receive prompt payment. However, it has been reported that this is not always the case. After rising prices between 1994 and 1998, a price fall in 1999 resulted in a significant reduction of producer prices. Since 1998, when cotton quality declined and the world market price went down, several private ginneries went out of business (Ratter 2002). Because of stiff competition many farmers neglected the grading of seed cotton and most buyers agreed to purchase upgraded cotton leading to a reduced quality of the cotton lint. Some companies even stopped their buying and ginning activities because of low quality and unjustifiable high producer prices (Ratter 2002). Out of 60 cotton ginneries, only 30 are operating each season. Over 80 percent of cotton produced in Tanzania is exported, 60 percent to Far Eastern countries (TCB 2005). Numerous ginneries have oil-milling components which use cotton seeds as a raw material for the extraction of cooking oil. Those without oil mills sell part of their cotton seeds to external oil millers. The refined cotton oil is marketed locally for human consumption. Cotton seeds remain the main source of raw material for the oil mills in the WCGA. Within Tanzania, there are around 20 oil mills processing cotton seeds. Cotton seed cake, a by-product of oil production, is mainly exported to neighbouring countries as fodder. Their marketing potential
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remains problematic because of limited or no access to reliable markets in East and Southern Africa (Rates 2003).
4.5 Role of Cotton Production within the Farming System 4.5.1 Land Conversion and Grazing Systems The regions of Mwanza and Shinyanga, where more than 90 percent of the cotton in the WCGA is grown, are also known as people Sukumaland, in accordance with the Sukuma Sukuma is the predominant ethnic group (tribe) in prevailing ethnic group called Sukuma. Meatu District; in most wards, 80 percent or more of Within the Sukuma way of life, the the responding households identify themselves as ownership of livestock is a matter of Sukuma. Being agropastoralists with nomadic habits, status, with the size of the herd being an the Sukuma rely very much on their livestock keeping activities. Livestock acts as a ‘bank’ to secure income indicator of wealth (See Box Sukuma from crop production or other sources. Cattle are an people). Livestock also provides draught essential part of the bride price or are sold when power that accounts for over 80 percent money is needed for food purchase, health treatment of the agricultural crop land annually or other expenditures. Although agriculture is cultivated in the district (Mwangulumba inevitable for subsistence and (when it comes to cotton) cash income generation, there appears to be a 2004). However, grazing pressure certain tendency to put the needs for successful resulted in land degradation and livestock keeping first, i.e. the availability of grazing insufficient feeding of livestock by the land decides on if and how long a Sukuma household is staying in one place. The motivation for migration, end of the dry season Uncultivated woodland plots, called Ngitili, form an important part within the agropastoral farming system of the WCGA. Rules governing the ownership, development and utilization of the Ngitili are set by customary institutions and by village by-laws. They are designed people.
however, displays a mixed incentive for moving: For Meatu District, an average of 84 percent of household heads reported that their neighbors had moved away in recent years. The most common reason cited for neighbour migration were hunger, and the possibility of obtaining additional farm land elsewhere (Mwangulumba 2004).
to meet, and be responsive to the needs of local
Towards the end of the dry season, Ngitilis are the last places where cattle can still find food. The extension of arable land takes place at the cost of fallow and grazing areas. This leads to higher grazing density, damage to soils by erosion, and lower performance per animal. Due to the increasing number of cattle and the expansion of farming activities, the remaining woodlands are experiencing an increasing amount of pressure. Remaining land for grazing can often no longer support large herds of cattle which is the reason for temporary or permanent migration of male farmers to uncultivated areas in the south (e.g. Tabora Region) (ICRA 2004, Mwangulumba, 2004).
4.5.2 HASHI Initiative The HASHI initiative (Hifadhi Ardhi Shinyanga, Swahili for soil conservation) – is driven by the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism. The widespread community initiative seeks to reverse the soil degradation that began in the 1970s. Now, through the work of HASHI, the Sukuma people in the Shinyanga region have largely re-established the management of the uncultivated woodlands through extensive tree planting activities and the adherence to grazing regulations. Carried out under customary law by individual households, communities, and schools, the Ngitili management system has restored between 350.000 and 500.000 hectares of land in over 833 villages since 1986. While the Ngitili system traditionally served to meet fodder production needs, it is now helping to restore woodlands and provide ecological
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services in dryland watersheds. Restored areas are providing more food products (including fruits, meat, and milk) as well as medicinal plants. Once known as the ‘Desert of Tanzania’, the Shinyanga Region has undergone a remarkable transformation thanks to HASHI. Gradual restoration of ecosystems has taken place and sites once almost totally degraded are now covered with dozens of tree species that support the populations of birds and butterflies. HASHI is a good example that people can improve the landscape through local-level decision-making (UNDP 2005).
4.5.3 Crops Cultivated The most important crops in the WCGA are maize, rice, cotton and sorghum and - to a lesser extent - groundnuts, chickpeas, sunflowers and sesame. The absolute and relative profitability of cotton varies form year-to-year depending on the world cotton price and climate conditions (Ratter 2002). Consequently, farmers respond strongly to cotton price development Cotton was the main cash crop around 1945 and still remains important, but maize and rice have become the major crops in the region (ICRA 2004). Nevertheless, in many districts in the Shinyanga region there is no choice for the cultivation of rice or maize because of unsuitable fields or insufficient rainfall. Rice cultivation is made possible through trapping runoff water and groundwater from elevated parts in the valleys. Because of soil quality, geographical conditions or a lack of market opportunity, cotton is for many farmers the only feasible cash crop and there are only limited possibilities to vary between cotton and other crops. Figure 4 shows in a simplified way how the availability of water influences the decision of farmers for choosing their cotton fields. Cotton is mainly grown on the plots that lack enough water to grow maize or rice.
Figure 4: Crop cultivation pattern (Source: ICRA 2004)
The lack of market opportunities discourages farmers to grow certain crops beyond their home consumption. Sorghum and millet are more tolerant to drought than maize and can withstand temporary water logging (sorghum) or will give economic yields on less fertile, sandy soils (millet). They are however less profitable than cotton but very important crops regarding food security. Figure 5 displays the Mwanza and Shinyanga Regions where the majority of Tanzanian cotton is grown and the annual rainfall (in mm). In Meatu District with low level of rainfall, maize and sweet potatoes, the major local staples, are produced by an average of 79 and 89 percent of the households, respectively. Millet (67 percent) and cotton (60 percent) are the main cash crops of the region. Rice and cassava are planted by less than 10 percent of farmers because of insufficient rainfall (ICS 2002).
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Figure 5: Mwanza and Shinyanga Regions (Source: ICRA 2004)
4.5.4 Current Crop Rotation Although the Extension Officers promote crop rotation, very few farmers practice it. Agricultural production is mostly based on traditional mono-cropping systems. Farmers choose a crop according to the soil conditions and their preferences. This crop is cultivated continuously on the same plot until the soil is exhausted. Then the land is left under fallow for 10 to 15 years. The fallow periods are however becoming shorter because of the increasing land pressure. The few cotton farmers practising crop rotation usually apply a sorghum - cotton - maize cotton – sorghum rotation. Farmers who still have sufficient land resources, like to introduce fallow periods (sorghum - fallow - cotton - fallow - maize – fallow).
4.6 Cultivation Methods and Yields 4.6.1 Farm Implements Within the WCGA, land preparation is mainly done by oxen. Although only 30 to 40 percent of the households in the villages own cattle, most households have access to oxen for ploughing (Wella and Roeleveld 2000). But the farmers without their own ploughs will have to wait until other farmers owning plough and oxen have finished preparing their land. Therefore many farmers cannot immediately start with land preparation and sowing when the conditions are best (at the beginning of the rainy season). Tractors have been made available by the Tanzania Cotton Board and can be hired, but for most farmers this is not a viable solution, due to farm conditions and accessibility, besides being 50 percent more expensive than using oxen. In Meatu District, over 80 percent of the farmers primary land preparation is done by ox-drawn implements (Meatu District Council 2003). Sowing is mostly done by broadcasting, sowing in rows is still uncommon although oxweeding would become possible afterwards. Consequently, weeding has to be done with hand hoes despite the promotion of ox-weeders by the government, NGO’s and cotton research institutes. Late or no weeding is regarded as the most important reason for lower yields since weeds compete with the cotton plants for nutrients.
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As mentioned, farmers like to extend their cotton plots to increase their income. The large cotton areas, however, require considerable amounts of labour for weeding and harvesting. Without sowing in rows and the use of ox-drawn weeders, the weeding can often no longer be done adequately and yields per acre decrease significantly.
4.6.2 Pesticides and Fertilizers Cotton production in Tanzania is entirely done by smallholder farmers. Lack of capital forces them to a production system that is on a low input and low yield level. Pesticides used are predominantly ULV (oil-based) and EC (water-based) formulations. Farmers apply pesticides with battery driven sprayers, mostly without using protective gear. Until 1993, the TCMB (Tanzania Cotton Marketing Board) imported pesticides and supplied them on credit. This system collapsed in 1994 when the markets were liberalised. Many private ginners and traders as well as the TCB are now responsible for the input supply. An estimated 20 percent of cotton farmers use pesticides, but often in a suboptimal quantity. An estimate in 1997/98 hinted a tenfold decrease of pesticide application. Farmers using pesticides never spray more than the recommended extent of six sprayings per season (Ratter 2002). Table 3 gives an overview of the main insecticides used in conventional cotton production. They are classified as Class II or ‘moderately’ hazardous by the World Health Organization. The FAO recommends that, if possible, Class II pesticides should be avoided (Ton 2003). Table 3: Main insecticides in use in conventional cotton production 2000/01 (Ton 2002 a) Name Bulldog Decis 0.3 ULV Cypercal D
Active ingredient betacyfluthrine deltamethrin cypermethrin
Origin Germany France France
Producer Bayer Roussal-Uclaf Callipe
The amount of chemical fertilizer used in the WCGA is insignificant. Chemical fertilizers are in short supply and - if available - not affordable for the farmers (Tanzania 1997). Soils in some regions (e.g. Meatu District) are still quite fertile and the farmers do not need to apply fertilizers. Because of overgrazing in the area it is however becoming more and more important to protect the soil against erosion (Ratter 2002). High population densities increases land pressure. Soil exhaustion and soil infertility due to overgrazing, erosion and continuous cultivation of the same crops have been reported and farmers are complaining about the decreasing yields. Cattle manure is sometimes used although not as intensively as is necessary as expected given the number of cattle in this region (Meertens et al. 2002).
4.6.3 Irrigation, Water Use Almost all cotton production in Tanzania is rain-fed. In eastern parts of Tanzania, irrigation of rice and vegetables is more common. Around Lake Victoria, very few and only small-scale irrigation schemes exist. However, these are mainly for paddy, vegetables and sugar cane. Farmers tend to switch from cotton vegetables, sugar cane or rice if irrigation is possible. Cotton production can therefore be expected to have no significant influence on water tables or surface water bodies at present.
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4.6.4 Yields The peaks in production in 1992 and 1997, respectively, as well as the estimates for 2004/05 indicate the high production potential for cotton in Tanzania. Annual fluctuations are great and are mainly due to climate circumstances (Ratter 2002). The productivity of small-scale farms using hand hoes remains very low. The average yield is 150 to 200 kilogram of seed cotton per acre (375-500 kilogram/hectare). Only about 10 percent of the farmers achieve 500 kilogram/acre (1250 kilogram/hectare) (Rates 2003). Cotton yields per hectare in Tanzania are among the lowest in Africa. In West Africa and in Zimbabwe, also with no irrigation, yields are 50 to 150 percent higher than in Tanzania (Ratter 2002).
4.7 Landownership Population density in the WCGA is moderately high and average farm sizes are rather modest - often less than two hectares. An average household cultivates, between 1.77 (Mwanza) hectares and 4 hectares (Maswa) of land (ICRA 2004). In 1992, less then 20 farms had more than 50 hectares (Ratter 2002). Cotton growers are smallholders and characterised as a lowincome group. Most of them have no collateral to obtain credit and many of them have very limited literacy. Land is the farmer’s most important asset and a base for crop production and livestock breeding. In the drier parts of the WCGA, there are relatively few alternative income earning opportunities. According to the Tanzanian constitution, all land is publicly owned. Villages can lease land on long-term within their boundaries. Land conflicts are settled by calling in a council of village elders. Owing to the growing population density the occurrences of land conflicts is rising, however not to the extent as is experienced in other parts of Tanzania. Expansion of agricultural production and grazing has also led to a decline in unused land areas. In particular, disputes among family members on account of inheritance are increasing.
4.8 Existing Cotton Projects 4.8.1 IPM Within the framework of a German development cooperation project, strategies for Integrated Pest Management (IPM) were developed and introduced on farmer level in the Shinyanga Region. A new national law concerning IPM was introduced between 1994 and 1997. Following, the project was expanded to the Northern regions by means of research and consulting institutions, NGOs and local governments. Some farmers have started to use IPM measures (e.g. scouting), but in general the adoption of new farming techniques is low.
Introduction of Oxen-drawn weeder A rapid appraisal in the Kwimba District identified labour shortage during weeding as a major constraint. Consequently, oxen-drawn weeders were introduced in three villages in collaboration with the Extension Service. Participating farmers in each village formed a Farmer Research Group. These groups organise field days and events where farmers, Extension Workers and researchers come together (Wella and Roeleveld 2000). However, the use of oxen-drawn weeders is not common; most farmers broadcast seeds and therefore have to use hand hoes for weeding.
4.8.2 Organic Cotton The first organic cotton project in Tanzania was initiated in 1994 by the Swiss Remei Corporation. Remei developed a trademark called bioRe© that fulfils certain ecological and
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social criteria (like processing without heavy metals or other toxic substances, improved working conditions for farmers and textile workers). The organic cotton farms receive financial support from bioRe© in the form of credit for seeds and botanical insecticides. The seeds provided by bioRe© are cotton, sunflower and other cash crops. The organic cotton farmers in Meatu receive a 15 percent premium during conversion and 20 percent for fully certified organic cotton. The company is also providing Extension Services. On-farm biodiversity is improved by integrating trap plants (sunflower and pigeon peas), introducing new crops and by planting trees and hedges (like neem and moringa trees or Jatropha curcas). To combat erosion, farmers are improving soil preparation and constructing barrages in gullies to reduce the speed of running water. Further, they have started to use farmyard manure and to grow legumes before cotton to improve soil fertility. In the cases where farmers followed the technical advice of the Field Officers, yields have even started to increase. However, many farmers continue to apply their extensive methods of crop husbandry.
4.9 Trends in the Cotton Sector of Tanzania The Tanzania Cotton Board would like to promote large-scale faming, particularly in the Eastern Cotton Growing Areas where large tracts of arable land are idle and where several rivers could be used as a source for irrigation. The government as well as organizations such as UNDP see large-scale farming as an important development option for Tanzania. How far this will affect cotton production is difficult to predict. Even under the present circumstances (word market price), large scale irrigation is not to be expected within cotton production as farmers switch to the cultivation of other cash crops as soon as irrigation is possible. The Tanzania Cotton Board has recently put an input and credit supply system in place. Within this Cotton Input Scheme, a tax is subtracted from the seed cotton selling price. In the following season, the money is compensated in form of farm inputs such as seeds, pesticides, sprayers, etc. The basic idea is to help farmers improving their yields per acre particularly by increasing input application. The TCB sees the limited use of pesticides as one of the main reasons why the yields in Tanzania remain comparably low.
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5. Biodiversity and Poverty related to Cotton Production in Tanzania The assessment of biodiversity and poverty issues relies on the one hand on general information about Tanzania. On the other hand, since up to 90 percent of cotton is grown in the Western Cotton Growing Areas, the study focuses on one of the more important regions in terms of cotton growing, Shinyanga Region and within that region on Meatu District. Since Meatu is only one out of a broad range of very different districts (regarding soils, climatic conditions and agricultural activities), information gathered and conclusions drawn mainly target Meatu District in the first place; but reflects on other regions, too.
Meatu District Profile Administration Meatu District is one of the five rural districts of Shinyanga Region. Until 5th July 1987, the present Meatu District was an administrative division of Maswa District. The administrative capital of Meatu is Mwanhuzi. The district is divided into three administrative parts (“divisions”) – Kisesa (North), Kimali (Centre), Nyalanja (South); those divisions are subdivided into 19 wards, each ward having an elected representative in the District Council. The total number of villages in the District is 71. Geography Total surface area of Meatu District is 883.500 hectares; almost half of it is occupied by protected areas (425.300 hectares): Maswa Game Reserve with 209.400 hectares; Makao Open Area with 133.000 hectares; Serengeti National Park with 69.400 hectares and Ngorongoro Conservation Area with approximately 13.500 hectares. All four areas have national economic importance though possessing different management structures; the rest of Meatu District (458.200 hectares) comprises of agricultural land and pastures. Climate Meatu District can be classified as semi-arid, with decrease in rainfall distribution from north to south; the Southern half of the District receives a mean annual rainfall of 400 mm while the northern half receives up to 900 mm per year. The rainfall pattern is bimodal (in November - December and March – April periods). The major constraint for the agricultural sector is the great variance of rainfall pattern; it tends to fall in heavy, localized rainstorms, separated by dry spells – as a result, the rainfall pattern of a given area tremendously fluctuates from one year to another. Economy The economy of the district revolves entirely around agriculture and livestock production. The inhabitants of Meatu District are relatively important livestock owners; dividing the total number of cattle (376.724) by the number of households (29.701) gives an average of 12.7 cows per household, but with variations between 0 and 2.000. Cotton is the major cash crop in the district and Meatu is the largest producer of cotton in Shinyanga Region.
5.1 Biodiversity 5.1.1 Protected and High Conservation Value Areas in Tanzania and the Western Cotton Growing Areas Wildlife in Tanzania has a rich and diverse spectrum of fauna and flora, on the one hand many endemic species and on the other hand populations of species that are threatened but still widespread across Africa. The wildlife is a unique resource of great national und global importance.
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Protection of wildlife areas was recognized by the government to be important for a sustainable development of the country. Therefore, Tanzania has 19 percent of the surface area devoted to wildlife in protected areas where no human settlement is allowed and 9 percent where wildlife co-exists with humans. More than 4 percent of the total country area has been declared as National Parks. The Serengeti National Park supports some of the greatest concentration of large mammals in the world. National Parks are in general well protected and managed. In addition, there are many other protected areas (e.g. Game Reserves, controlled areas and Forest Reserves). The Eastern and Western Arc Mountain ecosystems, compromising montane rainforests and recognised as terrestrial biodiversity hotspots of global importance, are one of the most precious regions in Tanzania regarding their biodiversity. Further, the lakes and river basins in the south of the country (e.g. lake Tanganyika or Kilombero Valley) are of high ecological value. Figure 6 shows the location of Figure 6: Precious Areas in Tanzania. Tanzania’s High Conservation Value and Protected Areas.
5.1.2 Water network More than half of the country receives less than 800 mm of rainfall per year. The central and northern parts of the country, including areas immediate south of Lake Victoria, are dry for an average of seven consecutive months. These semi-arid areas receive less than 700 mm of rain per annum. River flows are therefore intermittent. The dry season lasts from June to October, followed by periodic rains in November and December. From January to March, it can be very hot, heavy rains occur in April and May. The central area of the country is dry with less than 500 mm per annum (MWLD 2004). The most abundant water resources in Tanzania are Lake Victoria, Tanganyika, Nyasa and the trans-boundary rivers Kagera, Mara and Songwe. Figure 7 shows the River Basins of Tanzania. The river basins where cotton cultivation is carried out are in the Lake Figure 7: River basins in Tanzania (Source: MWLD 2004) Victoria catchment and in catchment area number VI, which has an internal drainage system.
Mara River The Mara River Basin, highlighted in yellow in Figure 6, is shared between Kenya and Tanzania and is an important support system for biodiversity and people in East Africa. It supports two important and famous Protected Areas, Masai Mara in Kenya and the Serengeti National Park in Tanzania. The largest part of the Basin is on the Kenyan side, were largescale commercial farming with an increasing use of irrigation is conducted. The Kenyan government has set out an ambitious development programme, identifying irrigated cotton as
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a method for economic growth. The current level of maize crop irrigation is not yet a major threat. However, this is likely to change if the scale of production is increased without proper assessment of its impact on water flow in the river as well as on other users including the local communities and biodiversity in the Mara and Serengeti Protected Areas. WWF is currently implementing a River Basin management project. A set of proactive measures to stop the spread of irrigated agriculture - especially of cotton with its extensive use of toxic chemicals - in the basin have been taken. Agrochemicals end up in the river polluting downstream areas. On the Tanzanian side rain fed cotton production is one of the major sources of pollution into Lake Victoria. Mining activities and pollution from urban areas in the catchment are other sources of pollution.
5.1.3 Threats to Biodiversity Half of the natural areas were destroyed by the cultivation of export crops. Logging and mining are other causes for the destruction of about 25 percent of the nations forests (WRM 2002). Today, mining and the expansion of agriculture still pose a major threat to the natural environment in Tanzania. Whereas National Parks in Tanzania are strictly protected and resources for management and protection are sufficient, this is not always the case for protected areas with a lower status. It has been reported that Forest Reserves sometimes lack funding for management and protection. As a result, some of them are in danger of being converted for livestock or crop cultivation purposes. Migration of livestock keepers and crop farmers from regions with high population densities has intensified the problem.
5.1.4 Threats to Biodiversity through Cotton Cultivation In the past, the vast expansion of farming activities has led to the deforestation of large areas and increased soil erosion. Cotton production was strongly promoted by the government during socialist times from 1967 to 1983. Hence there are few natural forests left around and south of Lake Victoria. After a huge expansion in the 1960ies the relative importance of cotton as a cash crop decreased, especially after collapse of the world market price. The relative importance of rice on the other hand, which can be simultaneously used as a food and cash crop, has grown steadily. Valuable ecosystems and biodiversity hot spots in the Western Cotton Growing Areas are although present - not as pronounced as in other regions in Tanzania. The catchment area where cotton production takes place does not drain into areas with a High Conservation Value. Consequently, the impact of agricultural production on off-farm biodiversity is less dramatic in this region compared to the ECGA. In the following table, the major impacts of cotton production on the biodiversity are described:
Water Use
Impact on biodiversity can happen through quantity (water tables, dynamics) and quality. Cotton production in Tanzania is rain-fed and has consequently no significant impact on water quantities in rivers, groundwater or lakes. If irrigation is possible, farmers change to other cash crops (paddy, vegetables, sugar cane). Some small-scale irrigation projects around Lake Victoria have been started. However, the amount of water used is insignificant. In the eastern part of Tanzania though, there are governmental plans to promote irrigated agriculture. Impact on water quality and therefore on biodiversity arises from pesticides, fertilizers and erosion. These impacts are discussed individually.
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Pesticide Use
A study carried out by the Lake Victoria Environmental Management Project (LVEMP) revealed gross misuse of chemicals, especially pesticides. The pesticides available to farmers are mostly used for horticulture crops in areas close to Lake Victoria due to the fact that people in these areas have shifted from cotton to horticultural crops, which realize higher returns. The study also revealed that many pesticides are put on the market without obeying the governmental regulations on the use of pesticides. Similarly, many people are inexperienced in handling agrochemicals and do not receive sufficient information from the traders. Hence there is a stated misuse of pesticides that threatens the environment as well as humans. With the promotion of cotton production and the generation of capital in the cotton growing areas an increase in pesticide use can be expected.
Fertilizer (Eutrophication, Nutrient Depletion)
Industrial fertilizers are mostly applied in horticulture, not in cotton production. The use of animal manure in the fields is uncommon. Use of chemical manure is increasing, but not to the required standards based on the actual soil fertility level and soil types. In regions with a low population density, soils are still quite fertile. However, even in Meatu District, soils are in the process of losing their natural fertility because of overgrazing, erosion and continuous mono-cropping without fertilisation (Ratter 2002). In regions with higher land-use pressure the degradation of soil fertility is more accentuated.
Erosion
Wind and water erosion as a result of tree felling has been a big problem in the past. Reforestation projects have reduced the impacts. Still, water erosion is a widespread problem and contributes to water pollution (e.g. Lake Victoria). Today, overgrazing is the major cause for erosion. As a result of erosion and the decreasing soil fertility, farmers convert more land for agricultural and grazing purposes. It is becoming more and more important to protect the soil against erosion to preserve its fertility. Agricultural management practices to stop soil erosion are not widespread among farmers. Some farmers are planting hedges and trees and construct barrages in gullies to reduce the speed of running water (Ratter 2002).
Land Reclamation and Land Conversion
Population growth has led to higher pressure on land through livestock keeping and crop production. Missing crop rotation as well as hack and slash practises lead to soil depletion and the conversion of new areas. Insufficient land resources for cattle has led to migration into other areas where consequently pressure is also increasing. The resulting loss of woodlands has impacts on biodiversity.
Cultivating in Monocultures
Crop rotation is not common. Farmers tend to reserve certain plots for a particular crop e.g. cotton and grow it consecutively. This leads to increased pest infestations, erosion and nutrient depletion. Cotton - maize intercropping without burning the maize plants after harvest is widespread and can increase pest pressure since the American bollworm, one of the main pests for cotton, uses maize as alternate host.
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Genetically Modified (GM) Cotton The introduction of GM cotton has up to date been prohibited owing to missing legal regulations. With the introduction of a new biosafety law, the question is presently very controversial. However, it is quite clear, that for the situation in GM cotton Tanzania, the introduction of GM cotton is “As a non-food crop, biotechnology has been unreasonable. Besides the risks coming alongside a much less controversial feature in cotton an introduction of GM cotton (see Box on GM production compared to maize, soy and cotton), small-scale farmers already have oilseed rape, though cottonseed oil is extracted for human consumption, and the considerable problems to afford farm implements residue, cotton seed cake, is an important and inputs. The introduction of GM cotton varieties animal feed. Loading of the oil with Bt toxin, would put a further financial burden on the farmers. and gene transfer to wild relatives may have Moreover, arising dependencies could lead to unanticipated consequences for biodiversity. difficult situations on farmer and governmental Furthermore, the large-scale plantings of Bt cotton are placing a huge selection pressure level. The separation of Genetically Modified on cotton pests and will inevitably lead to the cotton and conventional seeds places an additional development of resistant strains that will difficulty, and it is not quite clear if Tanzania has condemn the technology to the same fate as the organisational structure to handle it. many other non-durable technologies that take Furthermore, GM cotton varieties have been bred a frontal rather than systemic view of crop protection.” (IIED, 2004) for more favourable growing conditions and more intense farming systems with regulated inputs of agrochemicals and water, conditions which do not prevail in Tanzania.
5.2 Poverty 5.2.1 Economy and Poverty Lines Tanzania in General Tanzania, is continuing to face challenges of poverty, poor health, and low agricultural development. Since the mid-1980ies, agriculture - like the entire economy - is in a transition from a command-based economy to a market-based production system. Despite some impressive macroeconomic achievements that were attained through adjustment and structural reform programs, agricultural growth and rural poverty reduction continue to present daunting challenges (CRS 2004). From 1990 to 2002, 19.9 percent of people were estimated to live on less than US $ 1 a day, even 59.7 percent below US $ 2 per day. According to the Tanzanian Household Budget Survey 2000/01, the proportion of the population below the national food poverty line is 18.7 percent (NSGRP 2004). Measured according to the national basic needs poverty line1 even 35.7 percent of all Tanzanians are poor (NSGRP 2004). Compared population percent to population 1
to the Household Budget Survey 1991/92, a small decline in the proportion of below poverty lines can be reported; basic needs poverty decreased from 38.6 35.7 percent, food poverty from 21.6 percent to 18.7 percent. However, as is growing, the absolute number of the poor raises concern: The absolute number
T h e B a s i c N e e d s P o v e r t y Li n e i s s e t a t 7 . 2 5 3 ( T a n z a n i a n S h i l l i n g , T Z S ) p e r 2 8 d a ys p e r a d u l t e q u i v a l e n t unit in 2000/01 prices; households consuming less than this are assumed to b e unable to satisfy th eir basic food and non-food needs.
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of people living in poverty has increased from 9.5 million a decade ago to 11.4 million in 2001 (CRS 2004). 87 percent of the poor population is living in rural areas; the highest poverty rates are recorded among households who depend on agriculture.
Shinyanga Region/Meatu District Results of a recent study for Shinyanga Region (DRDP 2004) show that the regional poverty rate is 30 percent, i.e. three out of ten households live under the Basic Needs Poverty Line. The poverty rate is significantly higher in rural than in peri-urban areas; while 42 percent of rural households live under the basic needs poverty line, in peri-urban areas this proportion is only 2 percent (DRDP 2004). Average annual per capita income in Meatu District in 2001 was 156.651 Tanzanian Shilling (approximately $184 at current exchange rates); this is broadly consistent with existing estimates of income levels in other parts of Shinyanga province computed in the mid-1990ies. In terms of how Meatu District compares to other parts of Tanzania, this figure suggests that the typical resident of Meatu District is considerably poorer than the average Tanzanian (ICS 2002).
Peoples’ Voice In the course of a Tanzania-wide survey on peoples’ perceptions about the causes of poverty (Narayan 1997), a remarkable 47 percent of all responses were related to being able to farm productively. Distant or poorly functioning markets, price fluctuations, “exhausted land”, and drought or floods all received mention. Most frequently cited were high costs or the unavailability of fertilizer, seeds, farming implements and access to modern technology.
5.2.2 Expenditures and Consumption Tanzania in General As in most other African countries, the majority of total household expenditures (79 percent) is spent on food and non-food items such as soap, matches, panadol/aspirin, clothing, school fees, medical expenses, taxes, and household repairs (ICS 2002).
Shinyanga Region/Meatu District
Food eaten outside of the home 3,1% Food eaten at home, market purchases 14,5%
Nonfood items 18,2%
Durables and Livestock Purchases 2,4%
Land Purchases 0,6%
Transfers (in cash or in kind) 0,3%
Food eaten at home, home production 60,9%
Durables comprises items such as bicycles, chairs, corrugated iron sheet roofs. Transfers comprises e.g. remittances to parents or other family and village members
Figure 8: Breakdown Household Expenditures (Source ICS 2002).
of by
2001 Type
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5.2.3 Health, Food Security and Nutrition Tanzania Life expectancy at birth dropped from 50 years in 1990 to only 43 years in 2003 (World Bank 2004 and UNICEF 2005); infant mortality rate remained relatively high at 99 per 1.000 in 2003 (102 in 1990) (World Bank 2004). HIV prevalence (ages 15-49) in 2003 accounted for 8.8 percent. The proportion of undernourished people throughout Tanzania shows a distressing decline in food security and nutrition: While in 1990/92 36 percent of the population had to be categorized as undernourished, the percentage climbed as high as 43 percent for the survey years 1998/00 (HDR Indicators 2003). Field study results from 1991 to 94 reveal that pesticide poisoning was considered a major problem in the community by 63 percent of the health care providers, and one third thought that a number of poisoning cases remained unrecognized. Only every fourth of the Extension Workers perceived pesticides to be a major health threat in the community they served (Ngowi 2002).
Shinyanga Region/Meatu District Survey results from Rural Shinyanga show how often households in the region experience food shortages. The proportions computed reveal again a bias to the disadvantage of rural areas: Food supply in over half of rural households (57 percent) is often or always insufficient; this is the case in less than a third (30 percent) of households located in periurban areas. In fact, one in five peri-urban households never experiences difficulty supplying food, compared to only roughly one in fourteen rural households (7 percent) (DRDP 2004). Approximately 158.000 or 42 percent of children under five years of age in Shinyanga Rural suffer from chronic malnutrition or stunting and 24.000 children (6 percent) are acutely malnourished or wasted, i.e. they are too thin for their height. In addition to physical weaknesses arising out of malnutrition and food insecurity, there are major health problems due to the prevalence of HIV/AIDS and malaria. Concrete figures are hard to obtain at district level, arising out of a high number of unreported and untreated cases of sickness. The reluctance of people to speak about sexually transmitted diseases like HIV/AIDS is expectedly high, due to social stigma. Diseases like malaria and diarrhea are reportedly reducing the human capital in agricultural production, as they have a direct weakening influence on the labor power and productivity of farmers. Especially HIV/AIDS is consuming household savings as a result of long time and high health care costs and causes labor shortage of several people from a concerned household (Meatu District Council 2003).
Peoples’ Voice The hazardous effects of pesticides on human health are widely known. Still, some cases were reported where people used empty pesticide containers for storing food or milk. When using pesticides, people might spray against the wind or fail to use protective gear (since it is often unaffordable or simply unavailable); cases were reported of people feeling dizzy or even fainting after spraying. Long-time adverse health effects directly linked to the use of cotton pesticides could not be detected for this region since data is not collected and recorded on a regular basis.
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5.2.4 Education Tanzania in General Measured in terms of literacy, Tanzania has undergone an amazing development in the past few years: Female literacy increased from 58.9 percent in 1995 to 69.2 percent in 2002; male literacy increased from 85 percent to 90 percent over the same period. (World Bank, 2004) Broken down to age groups, the trend is even more encouraging: While the adult literacy rate had increased from 62.9 percent in 1990 to 77.1 percent in 2002, youth literacy rate (age 1524) had been increasing on a much higher level, from 83.1 percent in 1990 to 91.6 percent in 2002 (HDR Indicators 2004). The overall net enrollment rates for primary education increased from 58.8 percent in 2000 to 88.5 percent in 2003 (World Bank 2004). Combined with the number of children enrolled and reaching grade 5 (which equals graduating from primary school) the picture changes significantly, when relying on administrative data: While 79 percent of children finished primary school in 1990/91, the following decade experienced a fall-back in finishing numbers (78 percent in 2000/01); survey data as displayed in UNICEF statistics again changes the scene: according to UNICEF a finishing rate of 96 percent can be estimated.
Shinyanga Region/Meatu District Overall, the literacy rate in Rural Shinyanga is 59 percent (2003). However, there are substantial differences across gender, poverty status and area of residence. Results of a survey for Shinyanga (DRDP 2004) show that while the literacy rate among individuals from poor households is 56 percent, among members of non-poor households it is significantly higher at 73 percent. Similarly, while 57 percent of females are able to read and write; this proportion is 19 percentage points higher among men at 76 percent. Lastly, while in rural areas the literacy rate is 59 percent, in peri-urban areas it is as high as 85 percent. Breakdown of Gross Enrolment Rates by age shows that some children start school late and, therefore, lag behind at school throughout their schooling career. In Rural Shinyanga, only 34 percent of Standard I children were of the correct age (7 years); more than half of the children were between the ages of 8 and 10 years. This is likely to have adverse effect, as children lagging behind at school rarely complete their education and, therefore, are less likely to participate in higher education (DRDP 2004).
Peoples’ Voice The lack of access to education was frequently mentioned by different people living on the ground. Of special concern were the poor access to schools and shortage of teachers and learning materials (ESRF 2002 and interviews). Findings from a 1997 survey on peoples’ perception of poverty suggest that “the poor recognize the value of education and make much effort to send their children to school, [but do not see] the lack of education […] as an important cause of poverty” (Narayan 1997). The results from the PPA in Meatu District reveal that almost all of the respondents considered the lack of education to be an important factor of their vulnerability, but did not explicitly categorize it as a cause of vulnerability or poverty (ESRF 2002).
Child Labor Children may be involved in cotton growing from the age of about 5 or 6, if and when not attending primary school. The Tanzanian Child Labor Survey 2000/2001 found that children in labor were 1.2 million. The worst forms of child labor had been identified in four major sectors: commercial agriculture, mining and quarrying, domestic service and commercial sex (NSGRP 2004).
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5.2.5 Infrastructure and Access to Goods and Services Tanzania in General The telecommunications and transport infrastructures remain at a relatively low level: -
Internet users per 1.000 people were in 1990: 0 and in 2002: 2.3
-
3.704 kilometres paved highways of 88.200 kilometres total (1999 estimated)
-
11 airports with paved runways out of a total of 123 airports (2003 estimated)
With regard to basic services, advancements could be made, e.g. population with improved access to water increased from 32 percent in 1990 to 58.3 percent in 2003. However, a bias prevailed to the detriment of rural areas (68 percent in urban areas, 48.5 percent in rural areas).
Shinyanga Region/Meatu District Access to basic services usually entails walking considerable distances. In particular, it takes much longer to walk to a health facility than it does to access a local water source, primary school, or shop. Access to Health Services: Access to health facilities is defined as living within 30 minutes travel of a health facility. 30 percent of households in Rural Shinyanga have access to health facilities. The access rate in peri-urban areas is more than three times that in rural areas at 65 percent and 18 percent respectively (DRDP 2004). Access to Schooling: Roughly half of the primary school age children in the region live within 30 minutes of travel from the nearest primary school; only 16 percent of secondary school age children live equally close to the nearest secondary school (DRDP 2004). Extension Services: Apart from the lack of farming implements and inputs, complaints about the lack of Extension services and other institutions for learning about better farming techniques are frequent. Only about one-third of households have spoken to an agricultural Extension Officer in the course of the last year (ICS 2002). Saving and Credits: Households’ ability to save and insure against weather fluctuations is central to understanding the degree of economic well-being in this area. The most important savings mechanism in Meatu District is home food storage, since the formal financial sector is underdeveloped. The most common types of food stores are sweet-potato and maize, but many households also store millet, groundnuts and cowpeas (ICS 2002). Livestock is regarded as an important capital reserve (“mobile banks”) and act as safety valves during years of food deficit (Meatu District Council 2003). With regard to investment in farm inputs such as seeds, fertilizers, pesticides, and farm implements it needs to be mentioned that the so-called Cotton Input Scheme, which was established by the Tanzania Cotton Board, is not giving credits but is deducting money from the farmers to provide for their cotton seeds for the next season. Participation: Household involvement in local government activities is high with regard to village meeting attendance. In all three divisions in Meatu District, approx. 90 percent of households have been present at village meetings (ICS 2002). Decisions with regard to cotton cultivation are dominated by the Tanzania Cotton Board’s activities and are taken strictly top-down with little influence even from regional representatives (Interviews).
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Peoples’ Voice Lack of access was claimed especially with regard to education, health services and markets. Also mentioned was access to farm implements. This restricted access has been almost always due to a combination of lack of monetary means (for regular fees and purchase prices, the bridging of shortages or for bribing, especially in the health sector) and physical nonaccessibility. Knowledge (e.g. in the form of Extension Services) was regarded both as a restricted services area as well as a constraint (e.g. marketing information) (ESRF 2002). People complained about having no influence and no voice on what was going on in the cotton sector. The only possible means of influence that occurred to some interviewees was to refuse cotton growing and to stop production.
5.2.6 Vulnerability Peoples’ Voice Vulnerability, as defined in the process of the Participatory Poverty Assessment in Shinyanga Region, is a state “whereby an individual, household or community has no assurance of good and secured life due to lack of various assets like land and cattle; lack of education; poor access to social services; poor cotton harvests; corruption in health care and courts of law as well as lack of modern farm implements such as the plough” (ESRF 2002). PPA results indicated that people identified the following issues as the main causes for their vulnerability: Soil condition, Lack of markets, drought, land scarcity, medical costs. For instance, soil fertility was seen as an important starting point of a downward spiral: Supplemented by the fact that the government has removed subsidies from fertilizers (which makes them unaffordable to many farmers), the loss in soil fertility was seen as a crucial factor, leading to lower harvests or even no yields. This in turn was translated into a loss of food security and further losses, e.g. the inability to pay for health services, to invest in the education of children or to afford safe housing.
5.2.7 Linkages between Poverty and Cotton Cultivation Information gathered and experience gained in Meatu suggests that there is a significant linkage between poverty (and livelihood in general) and cotton cultivation. On the one hand, each inhabitant seems to grow cotton (regardless of their occupational status; teacher, shopkeeper or farmer), since it is still the major source of cash income. In this respect, cotton has a strong influence on poverty and livelihood, as it offers a strong incentive to everybody to become a farmer. People interviewed on the spot unanimously voiced their conviction that cotton plays the most important role in their lives in terms of a necessary cash income, especially for health care and schooling fees, but also for the purchase of livestock. At the same time, an even stronger link leads from poverty and livelihood to cotton. First, poverty in itself compels people to concentrate on agricultural activities, even though some would like to choose other occupations. This fact, i.e. people being forced into farming by external conditions or constraints, seriously influences the quality of farming activities. As the lack of knowledge is one aspect of poverty, poor farming skills consequently have an impact on cotton farming and farm productivity. An inadequate infrastructure and the lack of access to e.g. agricultural Extension Services, can therefore seriously contribute to the negative effects of poverty and in turn deepen it again (e.g. by low productivity resulting in low yields and low income).
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A positive link of peoples’ livelihood to cotton cultivation could be seen possibly in the fact that people living in Meatu strongly rely on cattle keeping. In general, this would enable people to use ox-drawn farm implements, apply manure and other practices which could lead to an improved and more profitable performance of their cotton cultivation activities. Peoples’ perceptions as sampled in the Region/District reveal the overarching importance which is assigned to subsistence agriculture on the one hand and cotton as the major cash crop on the other. However, the poor did not define the basic causes of poverty in terms of income. They focused rather on their sources of income and the services required to make effective use of those sources: access to and control over land, social insecurity, and deficiencies in production-oriented services (Narayan 1997).
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6. The Cotton Sector in Benin The West African country Benin lies between the Equator and the Tropic of Cancer. Its area is 11.262.200 hectares. Benin borders in the north on Burkina Faso and Niger, in the west on Togo and shares a large border with Nigeria in the east (about 773 kilometers). The political capital is Porto Novo, but Cotonou is the economic center of Benin with an important harbor to the Atlantic Ocean and it is also the seat of government. Benin has about 6.77 million inhabitants from 42 different ethnical groups. About 40 percent of Benin’s GDP (Gross Domestic Product) are obtained from the agricultural sector. In 2000, cotton production alone accounted for 9 percent of the GDP (Goreux 2003) and has increased further since then to 13 percent (Ton 2004).
6.1 Importance for National/Regional Economy The agricultural sector employs about 56 percent of the economically active population. Cotton exports alone account for almost 70 percent of Benin’s total exports and between 25 and 35 percent of fiscal revenues (Minot and Daniels 2002, Ton 2004). The share of cotton lint in Benin’s total agricultural export revenues amounted in 1980 to 21.4 percent. In 2000, their share was 93.8 percent (Fortucci 2002). Since there is no well developed market for alternative cash crops and off-farm employment is scarce, cotton production is in the majority of cases the only possibility for Beninese to satisfy their monetary needs (Ton 1998). Cotton revenues of 70 billion FCFA (about 106.826.040 Euro at the current exchange rate) are distributed among 300.000 farm households, securing indirectly cash income for approximately 3 million people (Ambassade de France 2002). The cash income is needed to pay for health care, clothing and housing as well as the purchase of more nutritious food (like meat, milk, vegetables) (Fortucci 2002).
6.2 Cotton Growing Areas Only 2.300.000 hectares (or 21 percent) of Benin’s land area are used for agricultural purposes. Cotton production covers an estimate of about 369.000 hectares. The main cotton growing areas are in the Northern region (Alibori: 41 percent of the total production, Borgou: 21 percent, Atacora: 18 percent, Donga: 5 percent) (Ton 2004). The average farm size for Northern Benin is 7.66 hectares, the size under cotton production amounts to 3.56 hectares. In Central Benin, which is less important for production, the average farm size is 9.65 hectare, of which 2.88 hectares are cotton growing areas (Agba and Odouifa 2002). About 300.000 farm households are involved in cotton production, most of them smallholders. This represents one third of all farmers in Benin (Ton 2004). Figure 9: Main cotton production areas in Benin. Green: areas with more than 10 percent share on total production, red: Areas with less than 10 percent production
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6.3 Institutional Overview Before 1992, Benin’s cotton sector was highly regulated by the government and through the parastatal cotton company SONAPRA (Société Nationale de Promotion Agricole/National Society for Agricultural Advancement). SONAPRA held the monopoly on every aspect of cotton production and trade (e.g. the purchase, transport and ginning of seed cotton as well as the distribution of cotton inputs like pesticides and fertilizer). Reformation started in 1992 with the gradual opening of the input market for private companies. The process was continued by the establishment of eight private ginneries between 1995 and 1999, which now hold approximately 50 percent of the ginning market (SIDA 2004). SONAPRA still owns another 10 ginneries. In 1998, the management of cotton inputs was transferred to CAGIA (Coopérative d´Approvisionnement et de Gestion des Intrants Agricoles/ Cooperation of Input Providers) (see Figure 10). This organization has to evaluate the input needs and the allocation of licenses to distributors. CAGIA is financed through a tax of 0.5 percent imposed on the total input credits to cotton farmers. SONAPRA remained responsible for cotton input credits until the 2000/01 season, when the autonomous agency CSPR (Centrale de Sécurisation des Paiements et des Recouvrements) took over. CSPR is a clearing-house in charge of all financial aspects concerning the sale of inputs and seed cotton (SIDA 2004). CSPR has to register every input sale by the providers to the producer groups and every credit granted. It must also register the cotton sales of each producer group to the cotton companies (Goreux 2003). Another important organization in Benin’s cotton sector is the Assocication Interprofessionelle du Coton (AIC). AIC represents the cotton farmers as well as the ginneries. Its field of activities is broad (for example to promote cotton research, to solve conflicts between the various stakeholders, to manage the cotton transport sector and to coordinate the work of CSPR and CAGIA) (SIDA 2004). At the beginning of each marketing season, AIC assigns each ginnery with a maximum amount of seed cotton and also determines in which region the seed cotton has to be purchased. Several attempts were made to privatize SONAPRA, but they repeatedly failed. This led to speculations in the West African press about corruption hindering the process (IPS October 2004). Farmer Associations are not only involved indirectly through AIC and CAGIA, but also play an important active role in Extension Services, handling of input orders of the farmers and their distribution and also marketing activities like weighing and grading of seed cotton. The most basic associations are the Village Associations (Groupements Villageois, GV), which are regrouped in regional unions (Union Sous Préfectorale des Producteurs and Union Départementale des Producteurs). At the national level, farmers are represented by FUPRO (Féderation Nationale des Unions Producteurs). FUPRO has also been involved in the bargaining process that determines the price of inputs and seed cotton since 2002 (SIDA 2004). Up until the 2001/02 cotton season, a fixed price for seed cotton was determined solely by SONAPRA for the whole season and for Benin nationally. These prices lay well below the world market prices for cotton lint. Now, the negotiations for the seasonal seed cotton price are coordinated by AIC with the participation of producers, input suppliers, ginners and the government (Ton 2002 a).
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The government provides extension services through CARDER (Centre d´Action Régional pour le Développement Rural). But in the early 1990s services were cut back to about one third of its original amount because of lacking funds (Ton 2002 a). A part of the remaining Extension Officers is paid by AIC, which also provides for transportation (e.g. motor bicycles).
Figure 10: Present organization of Benin’s cotton sector (Source: SIDA 2004)
The national research institute involved in cotton production in Benin is INRAB (Institut National des Recherches Agronomique du Bénin). URCF (Unité de Recherche Coton et Fibres/Cotton and Fibre Research Institute) is a department of INRAB where the technical specifications (like the amount of fertilizer) of cotton production are tested (ATRIP 2002). URCF is also responsible for the breeding and supply of cotton seeds. In cotton seed research, the interests of ginners and cotton exporters are more important than the needs of cotton farmers, which has resulted in an emphasis of the research on improving fibre length and quality. In the cotton season 2000/01, INRAB started a research experiment concerning the impacts of botanical insecticides like neem (Ton 2002 a).
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6.4 Cotton Processing Cotton is the most important cash crop for Benin, as it is the only well organized sub-sector thanks to strong governmental support and influence. West African cotton production costs are among the lowest in the world because the whole family works on the fields without receiving any payment (Oxfam 2004). About two third of the labor in cotton production is performed by family members. Similarly to Tanzania, there is only one cotton variety sown each season to ensure the homogeneity of the fibers. This variety is determined by URCF (Ton 2002 a). Only some two percent of ginned cotton is sold on the domestic market. There is a textile industry branch in Benin, but because of high operational costs and an underdeveloped infrastructure it is unable to compete with the international market. There are 18 ginneries in Benin, eight of them in private hand. Each ginnery is assigned a distinct amount of seed cotton according to their ginning capacity at the beginning of the season. This means that unlike Tanzania, there is no competition between the ginneries for seed cotton. The whole marketing of seed cotton is highly regulated, and there is a national valid price set. But only the three oldest private ginneries and the 10 state-owned companies can run on full capacity with these amounts. The cotton production in Benin stabilized around 350.000 tons during the last years, opposed to 585.000 tons ginning capacity. This leaves Benin with and over-ginning capacity of 40 percent (World Bank 2003). The ginning mills in Benin are quiet modern and efficient. The ginneries usually use saw gins, which are faster and more costeffective but the produced lint quality is lower than seed cotton ginned with roller gins. The ginning ratios in Benin are with 42 percent among the highest in the world (Ton 2002 a). Benin also has two oil mills, SHB (Société des Huileries du Bénin) and FLUDOR. Both produce cotton oil for the domestic market and oil cakes, also for the domestic market or (that is the majority) for export. But ginneries are reluctant to sell their cotton seed to these oil mills, because of the significant lower price they would get compared to the world market (SIDA 2004).
6.5 Cultivation Methods and Yields 6.5.1 Cultivated Crops and Rotation Patterns in Benin The prevailing land use in Benin is food crop cultivation. Cereals are grown on about 1.1 million hectares, with maize accounting for 54 percent of this acreage, followed by millet and sorghum. Maize is grown by about 89 percent of all farmers (in comparison, cotton roughly by one third of the farm households). In value terms, cotton is the second most important crop after maize (Minot and Daniels 2002). In Northern Benin, millet, sorghum, yams and maize are the main food crops and are grown alongside cotton. In Central Benin, cotton is produced together with maize, cassava, yams and sorghum. In the South, maize and cassava are predominantly grown (World Bank 2003). In the main cotton growing areas, cotton is grown on about one third of the land. The rest is used for the production of food crops. Those are generally grown for home consumption, only the surplus is sold on the market (Ton 2001). The traditional rotation system in Benin consists of 10 to 15 years of fallow, followed by white yams and several years of cotton production. Sometimes, cereals or cowpeas are grown
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afterwards. The land is cultivated until the soil is exhausted, then it will lie fallow for another few years. But due to the increasing land scarcity, the fallow periods are becoming shorter, resulting in increasing soil exhaustion. Also, there is an increase of cotton in the cropping system up to 30 to 40 percent. In Southern Benin, cotton is always grown as a second crop and sown in July. This is possible because of the bi-modal rainfall. In Northern Benin, shifting cultivation is still quiet common. An example for a rotation pattern is: cotton – cereals – cotton – cereals – cotton – cowpeas – yams or cassava - … Table 4: Cotton crop periods in Benin (Source: Ton 2002 a) Region Northern Benin Central Benin
Jan
Feb
Mar
Apr
May June
July
Aug Sept
Oct
Nov Dec
Growing time Free period Harvesting time
Cotton is a very labor-intensive crop. Table 4 shows the distribution of the different procedures in cotton growing. It requires 186 person-days per hectare (compared to maize with only 121 person-days) and on average 23 percent more hired labor per hectare than other crops (Minot and Daniels 2002). There are also conflicts of assignment of labor between cotton and food crops. In Benin, cotton harvest coincides with the mounding-up of yams. There is also competition between cotton and sorghum (Williamson 2003). Cotton farmers therefore are often prevented from harvesting their food crops on time. It is common for Beninese farmers to grow food crops around cotton fields and to leave emerging food crop seedlings in the fields (Ton et al. 2000). Because of this lacking division between cotton and food crops, the latter are often – deliberately or accidentally - sprayed with cotton pesticides.
6.5.2 Land Conversion Cotton production in Benin has led to an improvement of agricultural production techniques, triggered by the poor soils. These new techniques also were beneficial for food production. But it also meant that more cropland could be cultivated. Both the acreage of cotton production and of food crops rose considerably, in Benin as well as in West Africa in general (Ton 2001). Cotton farmers, especially in Northern Benin, are becoming increasingly important livestock keepers. This in turn leads to a higher demand for grazing land. The rising demand for arable land in order to secure the food supply of the rising population and the growing number of livestock is met by the shortening of fallow periods and bush clearing. But in some cases, pastoralists are already forced to herd their cattle in protected areas (Ton 2001).
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6.5.3 Farm Implements The level of mechanization in Benin’s cotton production is very low. In the south, farmers use mostly hand hoes for land preparation. In Northern Benin, 75 to 80 percent of the farmers use ox-drawn implements. Only a minority of farmers can afford to hire or even buy a tractor. Cotton harvesting is done manually, so there is no need for defoliants. The handpicking is one reason for the high fiber quality of West African cotton. About two third of the labor required for cotton production is supplied by the family, the rest has to be done by hired laborers. These usually come from the poorer regions of Benin (Southern Benin, Atacora Province) or even from neighboring Niger and Burkina Faso (World Bank 2003).
6.5.4 Inputs (Pesticides, Fertilizer, Herbicides) The main reason for many farmers to grow cotton despite its labor intensity is that it provides access to chemical fertilizer and pesticides on credit. Fertilizers are either NPKSB (standard formula for fertilizer) or Urea. Cotton farmers account for 87 percent of the volume of fertilizer sold in Benin (IFPRI 2001), but not all of this is applied to the cotton fields. The costs for inputs account for about one third of the cotton revenues farmers are paid. Some poorer farmers are forced to sell part of their inputs below value to larger farmers at the end of the dry season to be able to buy food. Those larger farmers use the inputs for example on food crops (Word Bank 2003, Williamson 2003). Over 90 percent of all imported pesticides are used on cotton. The farmers are advised to spray with broad-spectrum pesticides according to a calendar method (that means spraying at two week intervals starting about 45 to 50 days after the cotton seedlings emerge). Per season, six to seven sprays are recommended, but farmers generally spray three to six times, depending on the infestation rate. The cotton pest complex is very broad, hence the farmers have to use broad-spectrum agents. The main cotton bollworm pest in Benin is the American cotton bollworm (Helicoverpa armigera). Because of growing resistance of Helicoverpa against pyrehtroid pesticides, endosulfan-based pesticides were re-introduced in West Africa (Ton et al. 2000). Table 5 shows the main insecticides used in Benin in the cotton season 2000/01: Table 5: Main insecticides used in conventional cotton production (2000/01), Source: Ton 2002 a Name
Active ingredient
Origin
Producer
Phaser
Endosulfan
Ivory Coast
Aventis
Cotalm D 15
Lambdacyhalothrin/Dimethoate
Germany
ALM
Dursban B 18
Cyfluthrin/Chlorpyrifos-ethyl
Germany
ALM
In Benin, an increasing dependency of (cotton) farmers on pesticides can be observed despite the rising costs. Because farmers often lack the knowledge of alternative pest control measures, they are forced to further use chemical pesticides, but they try to reduce the costs by reducing the sprays. This leads to insufficient crop protection and also fosters the development of pesticide resistances (Ton 2002 a). In general, the dependency of farmers on inputs seems to be one of the most critical issues in cotton production in Benin (Ton 2004).
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Since cotton pesticides are the only ones that farmers can obtain on credit, they often use leftovers on food crops because they don’t want to waist the expensive chemicals. There is no governmental support of organic agricultural practices. On the contrary, the use of synthetic fertilizer and pesticides is highly recommended officially as a means of ‘modern’ agriculture. Organic alternatives already used in Benin are tchutchukpo (a mixture of residues resulting from oil palm processing and ashes) in Central Benin or guano in Northern Benin (Ton 2002 a). To reduce the time factor and expenditure farmers have to invest for land preparation, the application of herbicides is currently promoted in Benin. Organisation Béninoise pour la Promotion de l’Agriculture Biologique (OBEPAB) expressed its concerns that this could increase the distribution of invasive weeds like Cogon grass (Imperata cylindrica) (Williamson 2003).
6.5.5 Irrigation Cotton production in Benin is solely rain-fed. Irrigation is technically possible, but in most cases the benefits of higher yields would not cover the costs (Ton 2002 a). Therefore, the cotton yields are heavily dependent on the amount of rainfall. In Northern Benin, the average precipitation varies between 800 and 1.000 mm per year. The rainy season is between June and mid-October. In Central Benin, average annual rainfall lies between 1.000 and 1.200 mm. Southern Benin has a bi-modal rainfall pattern and 1.200 to 1.500 mm of rain on average per year (IFPRI 2001).
6.5.6 Yields Cotton is a perennial crop but commonly grown as an annual one mainly to prevent any rise in pest infestation. Cotton yields depend on a number of factors, for example the climate (amount of sunshine, quantity and distribution of rainfall), soil quality and extend of natural enemies like pests and weeds (Ton 2002 a.). Benin is after Mali the second largest cotton producer in West Africa (Ton 2002 a) and the 12th largest in the world (Minot and Daniels 2002). Average yields in conventional production are between 600 and 900 kilograms of seed cotton per hectare. Organic cotton farmers achieve average yields of 436 kilogram/hectare (Agro Eco 2004). Between 1990 and 1996, cotton production tripled to an amount of 347.000 metric tons. Since then, it stabilized around 350.000 metric tons (see Table 6). This increase was due to the expansion of cotton acreage, not due to increased yields. Table 6: Seed cotton production in Benin
Year 1995/1996 1996/1997 1997/1998 1998/1999 1999/2000 2000/2001 2001/2002 2002/2003 2003/2004
Production [metric tons] 347.000 348.000 359.000 335.000 362.000 337.000 415.000 350.000 320.000
Cotton Area [hectare] 282.000 383.000 380.000 380.000 370.000 336.000 330.000 ? ?
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The decline in yields over the last few years is often attributed to a poor quality of the cotton inputs (World Bank 2002). The high yields in 2001/2002 were the result of favorable weather conditions.
6.6 Land Ownership Farm structures and land tenure vary between Northern and Southern Benin, which is highly populated and arable land therefore very scarce. Official land titles are not common in Benin. The land is usually considered as common property and ownership is regulated according to local rules (Ton 2002 a). In principle, the one who first occupies and opens up the land, “owns” it. Land scarcity is a result of growing population. But farmers also have to compete with livestock keepers for land. The number of land conflicts is increasing, especially in Northern Benin. There, cotton farmers are becoming more and more important cattle keepers as they often spend their cotton revenues for buying cattle. But there is also transhumance, with herds crossing Beninese farmland on their way from or to Niger. This occurs in times when crops are not yet harvested or during the sowing season. To limit the damage, distinct passage routes (couloirs de passage) are defined. Women have traditionally no access to family land (World Bank 2003).
Demographic pressure
Development of a land market and sales to nonfarmers
Traditional land management
LACK OF LAND
Rural migration
Non-farm employment
Search for capital
Child schooling
Intensive farming
Lower yields
Technological innovations
Figure 11: Dynamics of land scarcity (Source: World Bank 2003)
Land scarcity has numerous effects, negative as well as positive (see Figure 11). Land scarcity leads to a decrease of soil fertility caused by intensive farming. The direct consequences are lower yields. But it can also trigger technical innovations to cope with the poor soil conditions. When people are unable to satisfy their monetary needs with farming, they are forced to look for off-farm employment. When they loose access to cotton input credits, they have to look for other microfinance possibilities. On the other hand, land shortage seems to have a positive
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effect on child schooling. Parents realize that children won’t be able to support themselves by farming and foster their education. And because children are not needed to help on the fields, they are free to go to school (World Bank 2003).
6.7 Existing cotton projects Organic Cotton in Benin Since 1996, organic cotton projects are conducted in Benin. One of them is implemented by the Beninese NGO OBEPAB (Organisation Béninoise pour la Promotion de l’Agriculture Biologique) in the Zou province, Central Benin. Aim of this organisation is the promotion of organic agriculture in Benin. At the beginning of 2004, 700 to 800 farmers (one third of them women) participated in that project (AgroEco 2004). Another project facilitating organic agriculture named PADEC-Kandi (Projet d’Appui au Développement de la Circonscription Urbaine de Kandi) also started in 1996. It is carried out by the Netherlands Development Organization SNV in the Kandi area (Department of Bougou). It is a programme for rural development in the Kandi region with a focus on strengthening the social and economic conditions and sustainable management of natural resources. Most farmers are motivated to turn to organic production because of the health problems associated with cotton inputs (mostly pesticides) and stable revenues (Tovignan, Nuppenau 2004) since organic cotton farmers are paid a 20 percent premium additional to the money for their seed cotton. Alternative inputs utilizable in cotton production are the leaves and seeds of the neem tree (Azadirachta indica) or papaya (Carica papaya) as pesticides or guano and tchochokpo (residues from palm oil extraction mixed with wood ashes as organic fertilizer) (WWF 2000).
Timmermans’ Initiative A more economical approach is pursued by the so called Timmermans’ Initiative. This Dutch initiative was started by a consortium of textile and clothing companies (like C&A, Vespo Group and Rentex-Sportex) with the goal to build up an ecological textile chain in cooperation with local textile industries in Benin (AgroEco 2004, Ton, 2002 b).
Targeted Application Management LEC (Lutte Étagée Ciblée) or Targeted Application Management is a long-term research programme aiming to reduce the amount of pesticides used. National cotton companies and the Beninese research institute started LEC in the early 1990ies as a reaction to increasing evidence of the sanitary and environmental risks of synthetic cotton pesticides. It is a variation of the already implemented calendar method. Farmers are encouraged to spray only when the damages caused by pests exceed pre-determined (economic) threshold levels. In Benin, the LEC programme is part of a larger initiative to improve and diversify agriculture (PADSE: Projet d‘Amélioration et de Diversification des Systèmes d’ Exploitation) (GRAIN 2004).
Reform of Benin’s Cotton Sector (Projet d’Appui à la Réforme de la Filière Coton, PARFC) The project, which started in 2003 with financial support of the World Bank, aims at facilitating the transition of the sector towards an open market system by assisting the operators of the private sector and institutional reforms. In particular, the privatisation of the ginneries owned by SONAPRA. An addition, the project aims to support the structures
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involved in ginning and trading (AIC, CSPR, FUPRO) in order to strengthen them and to improve their effectiveness (Ton 2004).
Regional Input Market (Projet Marché d’Intrants Régional) The project has started in 2003 with a duration of three years. It is financed by the Netherlands government and implemented by IFDC (International Center for Soil Fertility and Agricultural Development). The project aims to promote the intensive and sustainable agriculture and to increase the agricultural revenues in West Africa by increasing the amount, efficiency and accessibility to external inputs for the farm households. The first priority of the project is the cotton sector (Ton 2004).
6.8 Trends in Benin’s Cotton Sector The Beninese government has declared a moratorium on the use of GMO until 2007. If it is renewed after that time will certainly depend on the developments in neighboring Burkina Faso. There, the National Institute of the Environment and Agricultural Research started field trials with Bt cotton (Bacillus thurengiensis) in collaboration with Monsanto, the leading developer of GMOs (Lockwood 2003). If those are promising, it is doubtful that Benin will further reject the use of GM cotton. Between 1979 and 1992, the average population growth rate in Benin accounted for 3 percent. On this level, the population would rise to 14.150.000 in 2020 (IFPRI 1998). This would lead to an intensification of the already high land pressure. Regarding the existing land conflicts concerning arable land, Benin will not be able to meet the food demand in the near future with its current agricultural methods. In April 2003, the governments of Benin, Burkina Faso, Chad and Mali (supported by cotton companies, producers and NGOs) submitted a proposal to the World Trade Organization (WTO) to put the subject of cotton subsidies on the agenda for the Ministerial Conference in September in Cancun. They stated that these subsidies (the majority paid to cotton growers in the United States) are against WTO basic principles. As a reaction, WTO established a subcommittee under the Committee on Agriculture in November 2004, which should specifically deal with cotton. The United States strongly oppose this initiative. Their response in Cancun was the suggestion that African countries should diversify their agricultural production away from cotton (Oxfam 2004). But in general, this initiative received broad support, inter alia from several EU member states. If the USA would withdraw their subsidies, cotton prices would raise by an estimated 11 cents or 26 percent of its current price (Oxfam 2002).
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7. Biodiversity and Poverty Related to Cotton Production in Benin 7.1 Biodiversity 7.1.1 Protected Areas and High Conservation Value Areas In 2003, Benin had 61 protected areas according to IUCN (World Conservation Union) standards with a total area of almost 2.670.000 hectares (or 23 percent of Benin’s land area), most of them situated in the north (EarthTrends 2003). The most important ones are the Pendjari and “W” Biosphere Reserves in Northern Benin (Figure 12).
Figure 12: Pendjari and “W” Biosphere Reserves, Northern Benin (Source: UNESCO)
“W” Biosphere Reserve, which extends across the borders of Benin, Burkina Faso and Côte d’Ivoire, is the first transboundary Biosphere Reserve in Africa. Its name comes from the double bend of the Niger River in this area. “W” has a total area of 3.122.300 hectares, 2.048.300 of them in Benin. It hosts the largest populations of ungulates in West Africa. “W” is regarded as a ‘stronghold’ against the advancing desertification from the Sahel. Main management problems in this area are illegal transhumance, fishing and land conversion for agriculture and cotton fields (UNESCO 2004). The Pendjari Biosphere Reserve, which is constituted by the National Park Area and buffer zones, covers in total 880.000 hectares north of the Atacora Cliff and serves as a natural border between Benin and Burkina Faso. There are 30 villages around the Reserve with 30.000 inhabitants. The main activities are animal husbandry and agriculture (cotton, cassava and rice). The dominating vegetation types in the Pendjari Reserve are savannah, savannah woodlands as well as open and gallery forests (UNESCO 2004). Other important areas are the ‘sacred forests’ (forêt sacrées). These are important spiritual places for meetings, initiations or trials. They are usually found in the vicinity of every village (Zoundjihekpon 2002). Traditionally, trees carry an element of sacredness in West Africa and are regarded as a linking element between the living and the deceased. So it is important for West Africans to conserve these sacred forests in order to assure good rainfalls, which are important for a productive agriculture (FAO 1999).
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In addition, 38 Forest Reserves have been declared (Forêt Classée). But they don’t have a high protection status and lack basic resources for their management.
7.1.2 Water Network Benin has two areas designated as Wetlands of International Importance: -
-
Basse Vallée du Couffo, Lagune Côtiere, Chenal Aho, Lac Ahémé. This RAMSAR (Convention on Wetlands) site comprises Lac Ahémé, the Kouffo River and about 10 kilometres of marsh land from the lake to the Atlantic Ocean. It comprises mangroves, swamps and flooded grassland. Economic activities in this area include fishery and the production of salt and palm wine as well as maize and vegetables. Basse Vallée de l’Ouémé, Lagune de Porto-Novo, Lac Nokoué. It is the coastal area between the cities Cotonou and Porto Novo at the mouth of the Ouémé River with swamp forests, flooded prairies and mangrove plantations. Here, agricultural activities mainly concentrate on manioc, maize, sugar cane and market gardening. An important economic branch is also the plantation of palm trees for construction and production of palm wine (RAMSAR 2000).
7.1.3 Main Threats to Biodiversity Due to the population growth in Benin, the need for arable land is increasing continuously. This is achieved mostly by reducing fallow periods. But increasingly also by land and bush clearing and deforestation. The consequences are the endangering or even loss of valuable plant and animal species and the reduction of soil fertility resulting in decreasing yields (Williamson 2003). One method of land clearing is by bushfires in the dry season between December and March, which easily get out of control. In general, environmental degradation in Benin has a considerable impact on the GDP. In average, three to five percent of the GDP are lost due to the following reasons: soil erosion, land conversion, pollution, soil degradation and inundations and the loss of fishery resources (Centre d’Échange d’Information 2001).
7.1.4 Threats to Biodiversity through Cotton Cultivation Water Use
Cotton production was and is solely rain-fed in Benin. Although the technical know-how is available to establish irrigation schemes, realization it is unlikely. On the one hand, the majority of cotton farmers would not be able to finance it. On the other, the additional costs for the technical equipment would not justify the marginal increase in yields (Ton 2002 a).
Pesticides
Although the costs for pesticides increased since 1994, cotton farmers in Benin continue to use them because they are not always aware of alternative methods. The LEC method as a means to reduce pesticide input is up to now not common. The number of farmers implementing LEC decreased strongly in the last years because the needed pesticides were not imported by the private input suppliers. They feared to loose an important market. Thanks to organic cotton projects since 1996, there is a growing number of farmers who abandon the use of synthetic inputs in Benin. But as long as the government does not support organic farming and continues to push chemical inputs, a change is unlikely. In the 1999/00 season, a West African regional programme was initiated to battle rising resistance of the American bollworm against pyrethroid pesticides. So,
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endosulfan was re-introduced after having been voluntarily withdrawn in the early 1980ies. Endosulfan has a reputation of being highly toxic and is banned in many countries. Numerous accidents, many of them even fatal, occurred in that season because the farmers were not adequately trained on using endosulfan and had no protective gears (Ton et al. 2000). Inquiries conducted by OBEPAB showed that the main cause for the fatalities was the use of endosulfan pesticides for vegetables and food storage (Ton et al. 2000). Every cotton farmer seems to experience health problems at least once caused by the mishandling of synthetic pesticides (Tovignan and Nuppenau 2004). The majority stores their pesticides in the bedrooms or in the vicinity of food stores, justifying it with their fear of theft (Tovignon et al. 2001). The number of poisonings by cotton pesticides due to contaminated drinking water or food rises alarmingly (Williamson 2003). Beninese farmers observed the dying of birds, rodents, reptiles, fish and insects after applying pesticides. Cattle is also affected by pesticides when feeding on sprayed cotton stalks (Tovignan et al. 2001). The farmers generally categorize the effectiveness of pesticides with regard to their toxicity: they are potent when they not only kill insects but also other animals (Williamson 2003). In some cases, pesticides are deliberately used for fishing since the number of catch is is far higher than using traditional instruments (Tovignan et a. 2001). Fertilizer
West Africa is among the three regions in the world with the poorest soils. The annual available nitrogen concentration is only 15 to 20 kilogram per hectare. This makes it impossible for Beninese farmers to do without fertilizer. Although some alternative organic methods are known in Benin (guano, tchutchukpo), the majority of farmers rely almost exclusively on chemical inputs. This is also encouraged by the government and therefore by the Extension Services outside of organic cotton projects. The farmers don’t take the organic matter balance of the soil into account, which could lead to overdosing of fertilizer (Ton 2002 a). Studies conducted in Mali stress the risk of soil acidification due to application of synthetic fertilizer. 2
Erosion
The increasing land degradation and soil erosion in Benin is in part caused by unsuitable agricultural practises. But more and more, off-farm activities like charcoal processing, bush fires (land clearing, for hunting) and the number of livestock are responsible for the loss of biodiversity and arable land. But these issues are not yet studied by research or Extension Services (Igue et al. 2000). Beninese farmers usually know about management practices to avoid soil erosion. But they have to balance between keeping the rainwater in the soil and ensure water runoff to protect the crops (as cotton is sensitive to waterlogging). Here, the evacuation of water is favoured over the protection of the soil.
Land Conversion
Farmers prefer newly cleared land for their cotton fields to benefit from the soil fertility. Often, cotton is then grown in rotation with food crops. Since arable land is becoming scarce in Benin, the expansion of cotton production increasingly leads to tree-felling and clearing of natural vegetation (Williamson 2003). Cotton farmers, especially in Northern Benin, are also becoming important cattle keeper. This in turn means that the need for pasture land increases, too. Fallow periods are also declining. If farmers would leave land on fallow, it could happen that they are asked by family members or neighbours to lend this plot to them for cultivation. As it is hard to get back land you lend to others, farmers
Hendrik Bremann (IFDC), p ersona l comm ent
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tend to cultivate continuously despite the decreasing yields (Williamson 2003). “W” National Park is threatened by the expansion of the desert, the concentration of large herds of cattle and in particular by the increasing cotton production. 35 percent of the surface area is in danger of being converted. Potential bio-corridors between protected areas are not considered in regional planning. Expansion of agriculture does not take those corridors into account.
GM cotton The fact that Benin has a moratorium on the use of genetically modified organisms shows the negative attitude of the government on this topic. But if this will be also the case after the moratorium expires in 2007 is not clear. It will depend on the field trials in Burkina Faso with GM cotton. Another reason for concern is the fact that the cotton research institute in Benin is only partly financed by the government. Additional financing originate from foreign sources, like cotton companies as well as chemical corporations.
7.2 Poverty Benin 7.2.1 Economy and Poverty Lines The overall poverty line for Benin, which incorporates the food poverty line and the non-food poverty line, is defined as the minimum annual expenditure needed by an individual or a household to be able to purchase the quantity of goods (both food and non-food) deemed necessary for a balanced and essential diet by the community in which he or she lives. While economic performance over the past five years has helped reduce urban poverty, it has considerably increased in rural areas and remains pronounced. The proportion of people living below the overall poverty line increased in rural areas from 25.2 percent in 1994/95 to 33 percent in 1999/00 (PRSP Benin 2002). Data available on the level of per capita income differs widely: while some sources estimate it to be about US $ 550 for 2003 (HNP 2003), other sources assess it to be as low as US $ 440 (World Bank 2004). A regional assessment of the distribution of poverty showed that in rural areas all departments in the North (Borgou, Alibori, Atacora, Donga) have poverty levels that are considerably above average (PRSP Benin 2002). Lack of urban centres, poor infrastructure and high transport costs make the sale of food products very difficult. According to the analysis of Ton and Vodouhê (1995) this leaves cotton as the main option for earning cash.
7.2.2 Non-monetary Poverty The Human Poverty Index (HPI) which has been developed by UNDP to measure the evolution of non-monetary poverty, covers data on education, health services, access to safe drinking water, nutrition, life expectancy, and the power to make decisions about events affecting an individual’s personal existence. Although the calculation of the HPI for Benin is difficult owing to the lack of updated data and statistics, UNDP’s Human Development Report 2003 ranks Benin at 159 on a scale where 175 is the lowest rank. (For comparison: Tanzania was ranked at 160; HDR Indicators 2003).
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The incidence of non-monetary poverty increased from 43.4 percent in 1996 to 49.0 percent in 2001 (PRSP Benin 2002).
7.2.3 Expenditure and Consumption Few detailed studies are available on the spending patterns of cotton producers. However, it is interesting with regard to the poverty situation of cotton farmers in comparison with other farmers, to look at the expenditure patterns which have been drawn up by the International Food Policy Research Institute Small Farmer Survey (Minot and Daniels 2002). Table 7 gives an overview of how cotton farmers’ poverty situation compares to other farmers’ living conditions. Table 7: Characteristics of cotton growers and other farmers
Cotton growers tend to have farms that are, on average, twice as large as those of non-growers (5.3 hectares compared to 2.3 hectares). Based on this fact alone, one might expect cotton growers to be better off than non-growers. Nonetheless, cotton growers are similar to other farmers in terms of various measures of well-being. The incidence of poverty rate is slightly lower among cotton farmers (37 percent) than among other farmers (42 percent), but the per capita expenditure of cotton growers is about 8 lower than that of others, and the budget share allocated to food is almost identical to that of non-growers. The reason that larger farms do not translate into a higher standard of living is that cotton growers are concentrated in the more arid north, where the agricultural potential is lower and where opportunities for nonfarm employment are scarce (Minot and Daniels 2002).
7.2.4 Health, Food Security and Nutrition, The number of undernourished people recorded in 1998/00 with 13 percent is relatively low in comparison to Tanzania (HDR Indicators 2003). Cotton production does not seem to pose direct threats to food security in terms of quantity of output, but still the enormous growth of cotton production in West Africa may have had negative impacts on the quality of food production and of local diets. More importantly perhaps are the threats that cotton pesticides pose to the quality of food crops on and around farms (Ton 2001).
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Besides the prevalence of infectious diseases like HIV/AIDS (which in the African context remains relatively low at a total rate of 3.6 percent in 2001 (USAID 2003)), the adverse health effects and hazards caused by pesticides are definitely among the major health problems of cotton farmers. In March 2000, Pesticides News reported on an investigation by OBEPAB into deaths and illhealth in the northern cotton growing areas of Benin in the 1999/00 cotton season. The deaths were linked to the use of endosulfan. Radio reports and awareness campaigns helped to reduce the impacts in the 2000/01 season, but in a follow-up study in the regions of Borgou and Alibori, OBEPAB found 241 cases of health problems and 24 deaths in two cotton growing regions. Eleven of the deaths were children. Children and young people turn out to be the most vulnerable (Tovignan et al. 2001). The survey revealed that an overwhelming number of accidents and deaths were caused by the consumption of contaminated food, which accounted for 162 incidents, including 18 deaths. Other major causes resulted from exposure through: working in a storeroom of the village association (48 cases); working in the field (43 cases including two deaths); and accidental ingestion (seven cases including two deaths). Attempted suicides accounted for five cases, two of them fatal (Tovignan et al. 2001).
Education The ability of people over the age of 15 to read and write in one language, i.e. adult literacy was at a rate of 38.6 percent in 2001(HDR Indicators 2003), which is considerably poorer than in Tanzania. The primary completion rate in 2002 accounted for 48.6 percent (Edstats 2002) which again is a remarkably poorer performance than in Tanzania.
7.2.5 Vulnerability Poorly adapted economic and social policies resulted in the inadequate distribution of the benefits of growth and the consequent weakness of incomes in rural areas in a context marked by rising prices of food and non-food products. In addition, especially the price decline in the global cotton market affects rural income levels seriously (Minot and Daniels 2002). In the course of the PRSP drafting in Benin, PPAs have been conducted, consulting civil society organizations, local governments, NGOs, the private sector and development partners. Those participatory mechanisms resulted in a list of items, which the participants identified as the main causes and determinants of poverty.
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The following topics were mentioned among others (PRSP Benin 2002): -
lack of financial resources and difficult access to micro-finance
-
limited number of income-generating activities
-
land tenure problems (more pronounced in the departments in the south)
-
lack of market access
-
inappropriate agricultural and fishery tools and techniques
-
difficult access to safe drinking water and primary health care
-
illiteracy and school drop-out
-
poor organization and equipment of rural populations
-
environmental deterioration (drought, decline in soil fertility, overgrazing, floods, coastal erosion)
7.2.6 Linkages between Cotton and Poverty Minot and Daniels (2002) report that the economic reforms carried out in the 1990ies and the growth in cotton production during this period resulted in concrete benefits for rural households. According to their sources, the 1994/95 Enquête sur les Conditions de Vie en Milieu Rural (Survey of Rural Living Conditions) estimated the poverty rate at 33 percent. In 1998, the poverty rate (adopted according to the 1994/95 measures) had fallen to only 21 percent. Given differences in methods and data sets available, not too much weight should be put on these figures. However, additional qualitative data which have been sampled and compiled in the course of Minot’s and Daniels’ survey, support this trend: 52 percent of the households interviewed in one of the studies reported that they were better off at the time of the survey (1998) than in 1992 and only 28 percent reported being worse off (see Table 8). Furthermore, those reporting an improvement tended to attribute these gains to economic factors such as crop prices and off-farm income opportunities, while those reporting worsening conditions tended to cite health and weather factors (see Table 9). Cotton farmers, those in the north of the country, and poor households were more likely to report improved conditions than others.
Table 8: Perceived change in overall living conditions since 1992 by expenditure category
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Table 9: Main Reason for the improvement in conditions
There are reports about delayed payments to the farmers for their seed cotton, which is linked to debts accumulated by the supply of input credits. This leads to frustration of farmers who have paid back their credits in time and puts further social pressure on those who were not able to pay back their credits, in most of the cases the poorest of the poor. This “debt trap” has serious implications on both the cotton producer and the institutions supplying inputs and buying seed cotton.
7.2.7 Comparison of Poverty Issues between Benin and Tanzania Gender aspects, especially of rural poverty, were generally more frequently pronounced in Benin. This, however, does not exclude it from the list of important issues for Tanzania, but should be kept in mind as an overall target of strategies. Food poverty issues such as food insecurity and malnutrition are not that pressing in Benin as they are for Tanzania. Cash income might be a more prominent issue for Benin cotton farmers than for Tanzanians; this could mainly be a result of different input structures in cotton farming, especially the high costs for pesticides. The problem of increasing indebtedness is less crucial for Tanzania, as the use of pesticides ranges at a relatively low level – which last but not least is due to an earlier cut-back of monopolized input schemes in Tanzania during privatization. The most striking difference between Tanzanian and Beninese cotton farmers is the extent to which they are exposed to health problems from pesticides poisonings. The incidence of fatal poisonings is much more severe in Benin than it is in Tanzania. Besides, the causes and perceptions of these causes for rural poverty are quite similar in both countries. Thus, we conclude that a list of key findings and starting points for possible strategies should be supplemented by a more pronounced emphasis put on health impacts of pesticides.
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8. Conclusions and Recommendations 8.1 Summary of the Key Findings and Potential Strategies The mutual dependencies identified in the course of the study between cotton production, biodiversity and livelihood are illustrated in Figure 13. Given the findings and observations for both biodiversity and poverty from the Western Cotton Growing Areas in Tanzania, it becomes clear that an isolated consideration of one of the three issues is artificial and therefore more or less inefficient with regard to possible improvement strategies.
System limits
Agriculture
Output
Cotton Mono-cropping Soil exhaustion/degradation
Livelihood Approach
“Cattle first“ Yields
Poverty
knowledge Time-horizons
Land conversion
Rainfall
Soil erosion
Income
Pesticides
Single cash-crop
No irrigation Poverty
“Cattle first“
Poverty
Biodiversity Food Security
Income
Health
Water
Natural & on-farm Biodiversity Figure 13: Existing links between cotton cultivation, poverty and biodiversity.
Each linkage has to be divided into different spheres. In the case of cotton cultivation, this would be: bio-physical conditions (e.g. climate, type of soils, rainfall), on-farm activities (e.g. use of farm inputs, adoption of new techniques, use of pesticides) and off-farm activities (e.g. infrastructure, health sector, market developments) –forming the framework of the system “cotton farm”. Some might have immediate impact on the output of the system (such as falling prices for cotton; techniques to increase productivity or the use of a less harmful pesticide), some might develop their impact over time (such as soil erosion or the abolishment of subsidizing structures in the Extension Services).
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The key findings within cotton farming systems in Tanzania and Benin are listed in Table 10. Table 10: Key findings within the cotton farming system in Tanzania and Benin
Biodiversity
Land Conversion
Soil Erosion
Water Use
High Pesticide Risks
Income, Basic Needs and Food Poverty
-
In Tanzania, there is no direct overlap of areas of protected areas or more general critical natural habitats with the main cotton producing areas. In Northern Benin, however, cotton growing leads to conversion of natural forest areas directly adjacent to Protected Areas.
-
In Tanzania, cotton presently has no major quantitative impact on freshwater resources, but maybe other crops; future threats are possible because of the promotion of irrigated agriculture in the Eastern part of Tanzania. In Northern Benin, residues of pesticides have been found in the Pendjari River.
-
Not all National Parks and Reserves are sufficiently protected and managed
-
Small plots provide a diverse pattern of agricultural use
-
GM cotton is not yet introduced in both countries, but GM field trials have been initiated in neighbouring Burkina Faso, and the biosafety law in Tanzania provides the legal basis for GM introduction.
-
Land pressure due to population growth and soil degradation
-
Insufficient land/food resources for cattle lead to migration to other areas where pressure is increasing
-
Land conflicts increase
-
No or very low use of manure or synthetic fertilizers (Tanzania)
-
Fertility of soils depleting or already low
-
No crop rotation, same plot for same crop every year
-
Cotton-maize intercropping is forbidden but common practice (Tanzania)
-
No overuse of water due to irrigation of cotton
-
Cotton is rain-fed in both countries
-
If irrigation opportunity occurs, farmers switch to other crops such as paddy rice, vegetables (Tanzania)
-
Water pollution is permanent threat because of pesticide misuse and soil erosion
-
Illegal pesticides available
-
Cotton pesticides are used on other crops
-
Handling of pesticides unsafe
-
Expenditures mainly spent on food
-
Low investment in education, health and services
-
Prevalence of malnutrition
-
Loss of labor power
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Lack of Inputs, Implements and Credits
Lack of Access to (Farming) Knowledge
-
Lack of market access
-
No micro-credit schemes in place
-
Non-affordability of implements
-
Availability of pesticides and fertilizers dependent on risky credits and/or are expensive
-
Abolishment of governmental funding for Extension Services
-
Poor quality of Extension Services
-
Poor agricultural performance and poor knowledge about farming techniques
-
Poor transportation infrastructure reduces access to Extension Services
Based on the key findings given above, the most promising strategies have been selected for changing cotton production in order to achieve positive impacts on biodiversity and poverty. They are listed in table 11.
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KEY PROBLEM
OBJECTIVES -
Prevent conversion of land with high biodiversity
-
Prevent migration and land conversion caused by loss of soil fertility Maintain and enhance soil fertility Increase productivity of farming without the need for expensive inputs
Land conversion
Loss of soil fertility Low productivity of farming
-
Pesticides: pollution of freshwater resources, health risks and indebtedness
-
Prevent pollution Safe storage, handling and use of pesticides Reduction of overall toxicity of pesticides No debts caused by purchase of pesticides
Lack of access to (farming) knowledge and extension services
-
Increase access to farming knowledge
Food Poverty
-
Reduce food poverty Combat malnutrition and food insecurity
-
Increase income Diversify sources of income
Income Poverty
STRATEGY -
Establishing No-Go-areas and buffer zones Regulating cultivation and grazing in buffer zones
-
Increasing productivity (by skills, not inputs) Improving knowledge on farming techniques
-
Improving knowledge on farming techniques
-
Blacklist of pesticides Education about pesticide risks and alternative plant protection methods Reduce use of pesticides; use of less toxic pesticides Buffer zones at freshwater resources Enhance Extension Services Establish participatory learning methods (Farmer Field Schools, Demonstration) Support capacity building (turning farmers into Extensionists, Farmers’ Exchange Visits) Promote diversification of cultivated crops, e.g. through elaborate systems of crop rotation Promote balance of food and cash crops Enhance productivity by skills, not inputs Market creation for rotation crops Promote new sources of income (e.g. working as an Extensionist; selling of by-products; diversification of production) Generate access to micro-credits
-
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8.2 Recommendations The strategies can be regrouped into three main categories: -
Education and extension programmes to improve farming knowledge and raise awareness with regard to environmental and health risks
-
Definition of No-Go-areas and buffer zones
-
Promotion of market activities, e.g. through alternative income opportunities or microcredit schemes In addition, recommendations are given with regard to off-farm measures (see Chapter 8.3) and the development of standards (see Chapter 8.4).
8.2.1 Recommendations to Improve Cotton Production One of the main entry points for changes is the cotton farming system. The proposed recommendations are derived from the question how changes in cotton production can lead to improved livelihood and environment and how these changes can be initiated and promoted.
Education and extension programme One of the key problems identified in this study is the lack of farming knowledge and insufficient Extension and Education Services. Farming is a complex issue, where decisionmaking depends on many diverse factors such as crops, weather, prices, water, labour force, equipment, pests and chemicals. Having accurate information about all these factors gives the possibility for informed decision-making and hence a competitive advantage. Once farmers have realized that knowledge gives them the possibility to save money and to generate more income, they are more than happy to change their production practices. Furthermore, building the capacity to acquire knowledge and using it has positive impacts on the livelihood, not only of one farmer but the whole family and community. Changes in production practices are being observed by other farmers, and the failures and successes discussed. Capacity building is a proven method for sustainable development. Once knowledge is gained, it cannot be taken away. And it may be assumed that the knowledge might spread to other members of the community. Therefore, the development of effective Education and Extension Services is a key lever for change. In Tanzania and Benin, Extension Services are provided by governmental or parastatal agencies. It is therefore crucial to involve them in any future project development. However, it is also important to identify interested and educated farmers for promoting improved cotton production. Demonstration field plots, where changes in production methods can be tested, are an effective tool for education. Farmers can get together, discuss and learn how to observe the crops and take decisions on agricultural measures. They can come up with their traditional knowledge and exchange experiences. They can apply new methods in their own fields and discuss them back home. Supporting an effective extension programme provides the opportunity to put key problems, identified by this study, on the agenda.
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The following strategies are proposed for an extension programme: -
Establish participatory learning methods (Farmer Field Schools, Demonstration)
-
Support capacity building (turning farmers into Extensionists, Farmers’ Exchange Visits)
The Extension Programme shall contribute to the following objectives: -
Improve knowledge on farming techniques
-
Increase productivity (by skills, not inputs)
-
Inform about pesticide risks and alternative plant protection methods
-
Blacklist pesticides
-
Reduce use of pesticides
-
Promote diversification of cultivated crops
-
Promote balance of food and cash crops
No-Go-areas and buffer zones Within West and East African countries, the protection and management of Protected Areas and more so of critical natural habitats cannot always be guaranteed. Furthermore, cotton production usually uses agricultural chemicals with high health risks for humans and the environment. To preserve biodiversity, it is essential that No-Go areas are defined and implemented. Further, buffer zones along Protected Areas, critical natural habitats and aquatic ecosystems must be introduced. Again, this is a measure that needs to be planned and implemented with the respective authorities. As accompanying measures, increasing productivity of existing fields can prevent further land conversion. Higher yields and more stable food security can keep farmers on their plots rather than make them invade in new uncultivated areas. However, productivity shall not be achieved by increasing inputs of pesticides, fertilizers or even irrigation water use. Therefore again, education about better farming practices, sustaining or increasing soil fertility and improving yields, and about environmental impacts is essential.
Promotion of market activities Poverty can either be addressed by raising income from existing sources, e.g. by raising productivity, or by creating new income opportunities. Within the cotton farming system, the improvement of farming methods offers also new market opportunities e.g. by selling rotation crops. Cost savings should neither be neglected. By reducing pesticide and fertilizer inputs, a better cost-benefit ratio can be obtained for the farmers. There are many other options, which can be addressed within the Education and Extension Programmes. Furthermore, access to micro-credits offers the possibility for farmer households to make small investments, which may give a high return. This again can be an issue for the Education and Extension Programme or may be tackled separately by private initiatives.
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8.2.2 Supplementary Off-Farm Measures The typical approach to improve on-farm cotton production is by promoting Better Management Practices. However, supplementary measures need to be developed to improve the overall framework conditions for agricultural production, in particular: -
Investments in transportation infrastructure
-
Supportive action for improved market access (physically through contributions to improved market infrastructure and better transportation infrastructure; globally through support for lobbying activities of African cotton producers)
-
Invest in better access to quality health care
8.2.3 Issues to be Considered for any new Standard Development Ecolabelling is a widely used approach to promote ecofriendly products. The main advantage of ecolabelling is that it is based on private initiatives, a voluntary market instrument and independent of any governmental regulations. There are, however, also some forms of statal ecolabels or some framework conditions, which need to be considered, such as the labelling of food. But in general, any company or cooperative can put an ecolabel, or sometimes it’s a brand name, on their product. The difficult part is in the marketing of the labelled products. Consumers are very concerned about product prices. Ecolabelled products, which are higher in price, are therefore regarded suspiciously by consumers and consumer organisations. Credibility of ecolabels is therefore crucial for market success. This requires independent certification of the ecolabelled product and its Chain of Custody, a process, which is time consuming and expensive. The difficulty in the cotton textile sector is the establishment of a fully separated, vertically integrated textile chain, to achieve final products made of the certified cotton. In the case of cotton, there are efforts by retailers and producers to promote organic cotton. However the global market share of certified organic cotton is less than 0.1 percent of the world cotton market. In Tanzania and Benin, the production of organic cotton takes place on a very small scale within limited projects and production areas. With regard to biodiversity, the organic standard for cotton offers only partial solutions for the key problems identified in this study. In organic cotton production synthetic pesticides, fertilizers and GM cotton are banned. Soil fertility improvement is a central issue in organic farming and so is crop rotation. However, although it is recognized, that organic farming can have positive effects on biodiversity, especially on-farm agro-biodiversity, there is no prescription about land conversion, No-Go-areas or on water use. In addition, poverty is not covered at all by the organic standard. The issues listed below need to be thoroughly discussed and considered if any new standard development takes place: a) Biodiversity, land conversion and freshwater resources: No-Go-areas and buffer zones The protection and sustainable use of natural resources is a prerequisite for sustainable farming. Agriculture and the rural communities rely heavily on the natural environment. Therefore a standard should include a management plan for the sustainable use and protection of natural resources at least on farm level, but preferably on community and even better on regional level. These management plans should zone out critical natural habitats from any land conversion and reduce to a minimum water use or disposal to those areas.
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b) Application of sustainable water management practices (In case irrigation becomes an issue): In addition to the above mentioned management plan, water saving farming techniques are essential to achieve high yields while maintaining the freshwater resources on a sustainable level. c) Pesticide risk reduction: health, environmental and financial risks Ignorance about the high pesticide risks is widespread among smallholders. An awareness raising programme and alternative plant protection methods (such as integrated pest management IPM) can help farmer families to escape the pesticide trap. Furthermore, there are illegal and obsolete pesticides on the market. For a standard it would be appropriate to establish a blacklist of pesticides not to be used. d) Productivity, efficiency Increase in productivity can have positive effects on income and reduce the pressure on land resources. However, there is a high risk of backlash if the other issues mentioned are not taken into account, e.g. if higher income is used to purchase more pesticide and apply them in the field. e) Participatory project development: establish dialogue with and among farmers to address poverty, farming knowledge and biodiversity For the sustainability of any project a strong involvement of the stakeholders is crucial. f) Alternative income generation, cost savings, micro-credits Improvement of the financial situation and of the capacity to actively take part in the market processes can promote the self-perception of the farmer family members as entrepreneurs. g) GM cotton The use of GM cotton implies high risks on a smallholder farming system. Large scale production of BT cotton puts a huge pressure on cotton pests and will inevitably lead to the development of resistant pests. GM cotton breeders have adapted the GM varieties for intensive, irrigated, high input agriculture. In Tanzania or Benin the productivity is too low to reach marginal revenue with GM cotton and farmers can’t afford to buy the GM seeds. There is a high risk of failure of the whole cotton sector in these countries. Therefore the introduction of GM cotton in the respective countries should be prevented. As soon GM cotton is introduced, it is very difficult to control the origin of seeds, contamination with conventional cotton is likely to occur. It is important to note, that there is a strong interdependency between these issues. Therefore it is challenging to find accurate criteria for a standard and objectively verifiable indicators to assess the compliance with the standard.
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