NEW AGE

On Other Pages 1

August 2-8, 2015

Weekly

Vol. 63

New Delhi

Central Organ of the Communist Party of India

No. 31

(Total Pages 16)

Right to Access Basics Still Denied to Tribals................5

August 2-8, 2015

Price: Rs.5

Implications of Art 356on Centre-State Relations..........8-9

Conference of Tribals on Aug 5 at Delhi

Tribals Demand Right to Jal, Jungle, Zameen By C R Bakshi

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n a joint meeting of four tribal organisations namely Akhil Bharatiya Adivasi Mahasabha, Adivasi Adhikar Rashtriya Manch, Bharat Jan Andolan and Campaign for Survival and Dignity, it was decided to hold all India Adivasi Adhikar Sanghar Sammelan at Mavalankar Auditorium, Rafi Marg, New Delhi on August 5, 2015 by inviting various tribal organisations in the country with a view of building collective resistance of the tribal people against concerted attack by the NDA government at the centre on tribal rights over their resources and the violations

FILE PHOTO resolutions passed by the conference over tribal demands. After deliberations and reports of activities from the leaders of the tribal organisations from different states, intellectuals

will include undiluted opposition to the land acquisition ordinance 2015, on adverse implications of the newly passed mining and mineral (regulation and development) amendment act 1915, on

demand for application of 6 th schedule of the constitution in all tribal areas where their population is around 50 percent and also for early decision over the pending applications of several communities claiming their categorization. Adivasi Mahasabha, along with a large number

of representatives of the tribal organisations from Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, and also from Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Telangana, Kerala and even from Tripura will be coming to Delhi to attend this joint conference.

CPI Condemns Terrorist Attacks in Punjab The National Secretariat of the Communist Party of India has issued the following statement on July 27, 2015, condemning the terrorist attacks at Gurdaspur in Punjab:

of the pro-tribal laws enacted by the Parliament during 1990s and in the first 10 years of 21st century. It has been decided to meet the prime minister and the central tribal minister after the conference is over to hand over memorandum of

conversant with tribal problems have been invited to deliberate in the conference and the future cause of joint actions by the tribal organisations will be charted out for a declaration. The resolutions to be passed by the conference

discrimination in policies regarding TPS, education and health services, against dilution of forest right act 2006, for reservations in employment to tribal youth in private sector, resolutions protesting construction of dams affecting life and habitations of tribal people,

The National Secretariat notes with grave concern the terrorist attacks in Gurdaspur killing the local Superintendent of Police and a few policemen, and also a few civilians. Several were injured also. The party sends its heartfelt condolences to the families of the brave uniformed men who sacrificed their lives in fighting the terrorists. Punjab which was free of terrorism since long is suddenly falling a prey to the designs of terrorists, basically because of the policies followed by AkaliBJP government in the state. The party urges both the central and state governments to order a thorough probe into the whole incident and take immediate appropriate measures to ensure that Punjab does not once again slip into the hands of terrorists. New Age Weekly

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The Hanging of Yaqub Memon The continuation of the judicial process in the order of death sentence for Yaqub Memon till two hours before the actually hanging shows the viability of our judicial system. The Supreme Court continued the hearing of the last appeal till early hours of July 30 and confirmed the order that has now been implemented. Despite that, the hanging of Yaqub Memon has raised many questions that will continue to be in the realm of public debate for much longer time. It is true the TADA court and other judicial authorities including the apex court have passed their orders on the basis of case presented before them by the investigating agencies, particularly the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI). The case prepared by the CBI has not only many holes but has created lot of confusion about the so-called arrest or surrender of the accused with his family. One cannot claim with certainty whether he was arrested in Kathmandu or at Old Delhi station. Similarly, there are questions about CBI and RAW “cultivating” the accused with a promise of making him an “approver”. It may be recalled here that a similar promise was made by our authorities to a similar accused Abu Salem and it has been kept. In such a situation, there are many who believe that Yaqub Memon has been punished for the crime of his brother Tiger Memon and our agencies have betrayed him. He was not the master mind of Mumbai Blast. As far as Supreme Court verdict is concerned, it is not for the first time that it

is being criticized. The apex c ourt has awarded death sentence in the past as well, not on the basis of the facts but to satisfy the “collective consciousness of the nation.” It had earlier also used religious text like Manu Smriti and Quran to deliver verdict. At one or the other stage the court has to have a second look on such precedence. Besides, court should have not overlooked the fact that Mumbai bomb blast in which 257 people lost their lives was a reaction to the post Babari Masjid demolition

Editorial communal violence in which about thousand were killed in Mumbai alone. Why there should be no action against the perpetrators and planners of the action that triggered the reaction in the form of bomb blast? Apart from this, the hanging has revived the debate on the very concept of death sentence. Large number of jurists, intellectuals and activists used the occasion to demand the removal of the concept of death sentence from the statute book. This debate is going to get a boost. CPI stands for abolition of the very concept of death sentence. Much more important aspect of the entire episode is the undue haste shown by the BJP government of Maharashtra in securing and approving the hanging order from the TADA court. Its timing creats doubts about the real intention. The controversy was sparked at a time when the entire nation was in the midst

of a heated debate on the corruption and cases of misappropriation of power involving number of BJP ministers, chief ministers and top leaders. Parliament was facing disruption on the demand of resignation of Modigate accused foreign minister Sushma Swaraj and Rajasthan chief minister Vasundhara Raje and Vyapam king pin Madhya Pradesh chief minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan. By its action of hastening the process of hanging of Yaqub Memon, the BJP had tried to use a master stroke to side track the real issue of corruption and other misdeeds of the Narendra Modi government. This government has proved to be worse than its predecessor and people have started showing their disenchantment. BJP and its Sangh Parivar patron thought it may be a good instrument to ward off the looming threat. As usual, the Sangh Parivar not only used its minority community counterparts to give a communal colour to the whole judicial and ethical debate but also attempted to create doubts about the patriotic and nationalist credentials of all those who were protesting against the death penalty on one or the other count. It may intensify its “patriotic and nationalist crusade” by using the recent unfortunate attack on a police station in Gurdaspur of Punjab. But all the people cannot be fooled for all times. By now they have come to realize that for the Sangh Parivar, even misuse of ministerial authority to help an absconder is also a “patriotic and nationalistic act”.

Telangana Municipal Workers to Intensify Struggle Municipal workers of Telangana have taken the decision to intensify their strike as the government is adamant not to pay any attention to their agitation or to solve their problems. They were on strike since last one month demanding minimum monthly wages of Rs 15000, regularization of services of contract and casual workers and employees, and above all, pakka houses for municipal workers. Village panchayat workers were also on strike whose salaries are from 300 to 3000. There is no fixed amount. Strike is led by joint action committee consisting of all unions. Surprisingly union led by home minister and labour minister Nayini Narsimha Reddy is also participating in the strike. New Age Weekly

K Chandrashekar Rao, chief minister of Telangana has been issuing threatening statements stating that he would bring military if necessary to crush the strike. On one occasion, during the festival season, he had asked police personnel to clean the roads. Chief minister is adopting all British methods to divide striking workers in many ways. He has settled down the issues of workers of Greater Hyderabad, but left unresolved the issues of municipal workers in rural side. This has led to continuation of the strike in which the workers from Greater Hyderabad as well as the rural workers are taking active part. Now Arogyasri workers have also joined the strike.

From Ram Narsimha Rao Left leaders have organised bus yatra starting from Nalgonda to Hyderabad covering 10 districts of Telangana. Prior to that, leaders of left parties had organised the relay hunger strike at Indira Park in Hyderabad which is known as dharna chowk. Police arrested all the leaders on the same night. The action was unprecedented since no government has arrested hunger strikers when they are sitting on strike in the history of both the states or in the history of united Andhra Pradesh. Public meetings were organized in all district centers during the bus yatra and were attended by huge

masses. Among those who addressed these meetings were Chada Venkat Reddy (CPI), Tammineni Veerabhadram (CPM), Banda Surender Reddy (AIFB), Janaki Ramulu (RSP), Murahari (SUCI(C)), Ghouse MCPI (U), Bhootham Veeraiah (CPI(ML), Govardhan, New D e m o c r a c y , Venkatramaiah (New Democracy). Left leaders in the meetings alleged that prior to the elections the same Chandrashekar Rao had said that municipal workers are gods to him but they have become ghosts to him after coming to power. He is allotting crores of rupees to temples and for festivals of different religions and buildings of different communities but not once for municipal workers.

Left parties have decided to organize dharna, rasta roko, picketing in mandal centers during July 28, 29, 30. Picketing are to be held at collectorates, in which legislators of left parties are to take part. Signatures are to be collected from intellectuals and eminent personalities from different walks of life and signatures will be submitted to governor. If this issue is not resolved there is no other go except to organize “Chalo Hyderabad “ in the first week of August. Prior to bus yatra, joint action committee of unions have given a bandh call which was successful. The wages in the KCR government in Hyderabad are being enhanced, though several employees had been kept out as part of victimisation. These suffering employees are also on war path.

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Municipal Workers in AP Struggle for 16 Days

Glorious Strike Ends in Success From V V S Murthy AITUC, CITU, INTUC, BMS and independent unions which represent municipal workers formed joint action committee (JAC) on June 12, 2015 and issued notice on June 16, with 45 demands that include minimum wages of Rs.15,432 (minimum wage as per 10th PRC Rs.13,172 + D.A) skilled and semi skilled wages to workers in engineering wing, regularization of NMR, contract, outsourcing workers, GPF accounts, health cards, payment of salaries as being paid to government employees. The municipal and urban development minister, Dr P Narayana, invited JAC leadership for negotiations on June 29, but postponed to June 30 as he wanted to negotiate with another minister. On June 30, the discussions were held with officers only and in stead of the main demand of minimum wages, they discussed some other issues. Ministers and officers requested the JAC not to Andhra Pradesh AITUC council met at Gurajada Kalakshethram of Visakhapatnam Steel plant on July 12-13, 2015 with great fanfare. The entire steel plant area was decorated with AITUC flags and festoons. National vice president V V Ramarao and national secretary and MLC in AP,

resort to strike on July 6, 2015 as scheduled since minister was going abroad and was to be back only on July 8. On July 4, the minister went to Japan and returned on July 8. As no discussion took place on July 8 and 9, indefinite strike started from July 10, 2015.

The struggle of municipal workers and employees has reached its peak when there is no response from the government to their eight -day long struggle. The striking workers planned to

from different districts of Andhra Pradesh. While

arguments and scuffle took place between the

picket CM camp office at Vijayawada on July 17. The workers assembled at Kalakshetram were not only from Vijayawada but

they proceeded towards CM’s camp office the police who assembled in hundreds stopped them at old Bus Station. Shoutings,

protesters and police. The situation became tense and Karl Marx Road and Mahatma Gandhi Road got jam packed and traffic

AP Toilers Keep Struggle Going P J Chandrasekhara Rao attended the meeting and greeted the council. The hard won rights and privileges are under attack from central as well as state governments and the workers are to prepare for a long drawn militant

From V V S Murthy struggle, said the leaders. Ramarao attacked the antiworker, anti- people policies of the BJP led NDA government. He pointed out that the amendments

made in the labour laws are detrimental to working class and the corporate houses are welcoming these changes. He called upon the workers to stand unitedly and defeat the machinations of the NDA government led by

became stand still. The police started arresting the workers and leaders. Each of them was taken by four police personnel and were thrown into the police vans. In this scuffle many women workers bangles were broken and their hands were oozing blood. AITUC president and general secretary Ch V Ramarao and G Obulesu, municipal JAC leaders, A Ranganayakulu, V Uma Maheswara Rao, Muzaffar Ahmad, N Durgarao, P Prakash, Ramanamma and others were arrested and taken to Vijayawada town police station. On Page 12 Narendra Modi. While greeting the session, Chandrasekhara Rao said that the government at the centre is out to destroy the history and secular fabric of the country. The government is tryng to make changes in the education and culture by infusing communal On Page 12

New Age Weekly

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Left Not to Support Nitish-Lalu Alliance PATNA: Left parties have decided not to support the Nitish Kumarled alliance in the upcoming state assembly elections and said their common manifesto would be released on September 7, 2015. “Our alliance of six Left parties will contest the elections separately,” Communist Party of India (CPI), deputy general secretary Gurudas Dasgupta said in Patna on July 28, 2015. The ruling party Janata Dal(United), Rashtriya Janata Dal, Congress party and National Congress Party have formed an

alliance to contest the Bihar poll, scheduled to be held in October-November, under the leadership of chief minister Nitish Kumar. Dasgupta was here to attend the two-day state council meet of CPI that ended on July 28. The state council meet discussed the coming elections in Bihar and initiated the process of chalking out its strategy for the same. Dasgupta declared the CPI would not associate itself with the Janata Parivar for contesting the state assembly election. “The issue of seat sharing among the six Left parties will be

decided at a meeting in Patna on August 7,” he said and added the joint election manifesto of the Left parties would be unveiled at a national convention-cumdialogue session, to be held at S K Memorial Hall in Patna on September 7. Dasgupta also released the slogan proposed to be used by the CPI in the state assembly election. “Sampradayvad jativad se mukt Bihar, Vaam morche ki hai darkar’ (Left front is needed to purge Bihar of communalism and casteism),” reads the slogan. The party has also planned to observe ‘aam hartal’ across the country

What the Others Say… Give the RBI its independence A new era in monetary policy formulation is set to start with the Union Finance Ministry releasing the revised draft of the Indian Financial Code (IFC). It provides for the setting up of a Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) to debate on monetary affairs and decide the policy rate. This move is in line with practices in many of the developing countries where the central banks have pursued the committee approach to address monetary policy issues. Currently, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI), the monetary policy regulator, goes by the views of a Technical Advisory Committee (TAC) on such issues. The TAC comprises officials from the RBI besides a few external experts. It advises the central banker on the monetary policy stance based on macro-economic and monetary developments. However, the RBI Governor has the last word, and the right to veto any decision of the TAC. The draft IFC, submitted by the Financial Sector Legislative Reforms Commission (FSLRC) headed by former Supreme Court judge B.N. Srikrishna, has suggested that the MPC members be appointed after due consultations between the government and the RBI. It has also recommended that the government have three nominees in the seven-member MPC. The FSLRC, however, has recommended veto power for the RBI Governor. The revised draft circulated for public discussion by the Finance Ministry, however, seeks to vest in the government the power to nominate four members to the MPC. It proposes that no veto power be given to the Governor, and that at best he be allowed a casting vote to use in the event of a tie. In the context of the continuing uneasy relationship between the fiscal and monetary bosses and in light of the changing dynamics of the domestic economy owing to assorted factors falling outside policy controls, the importance of a cohesive action plan should not be underestimated. Given this, it is not incorrect to allow the government a say in matters of monetary policy. The revised draft, however, seems to be trying to push too much of government into monetary matters. Seen in tandem with its earlier bid to remove from the RBI the public debt management function, this move only appears intended to undermine the RBI’s autonomy, which had actually succeeded in insuring the Indian economy against the profligate policies of successive governments, and the financial shenanigans in other New Age Weekly

on September 2. While addressing the press conference, Gurudas Dasgupta slammed prime minister Narendra Modi and described the NDA government as “incompetent”. “Our PM boasts of his 56- inch chest, yet terrorists infiltrate into the Indian territory,” he said sarcastically while reacting to the terror attack in Punjab on July 27. Dasgupta also flayed the Modi government for its failure to check corruption. Dasgupta accused the Nitish-Lalu combine of misleading the people of Bihar. “Nitish Babu has

been a failure. He has done nothing else except duping people in the name of development and making tall claims which are absolutely meaningless,” he said. “As for Lalu Prasad, the less I say the better,” he added.

economies. If the government is to have majority control in the MPC, what is the point of giving the RBI Governor the right to a casting vote? Fiscal bosses have fixed tenures, unlike institutions such as the RBI that are not subject to electoral cycles. Prudence suggests that RBI and like institutions must be allowed to function independently. Courtesy: The Hindu

Towards unfreedom Court order on the hijab in the examination hall risks overruling a fundamental freedom. Who is afraid of a headscarf? Most recently, that fear has struck the invigilators of the All India Pre-Medical Test, who believe that women in hijab and nuns in their habits pose a security risk in examination halls. That logic now has the sanction of the Supreme Court, which last week dismissed a plea that challenged the CBSE’s directions barring students from wearing certain garments and accessories to discourage cheating in tests. Even if faith impels a few candidates to cover their heads or their arms, relaxing their beliefs “for one day” harms no one, the court held. With due respect, the honourable court is wrong. It harms, first of all, the large number of women affected by the order. The choice of wearing the hijab or the dupatta is often a complicated transaction between the individual and the community. In some cases, it is worn out of belief in a religion or respect for the culture one has grown up in. In others, it is the concession women in conservative societies need to make, when they step out into the world to study or work. By marking out examination halls as spaces where such negotiations do not hold, by asking a Muslim woman to choose between the hijab and her chance at education, the court is coming down on the side of unfreedom. The court order, at its heart, encroaches on the right to practice one’s customs and beliefs. Unlike countries such as France, where the suspicion of the hijab and the turban borders on racism, India revels in the plural nature of social identity. The demands of “pragmatism” cannot overrule the fundamental freedoms the Constitution guarantees all Indians. And that includes the freedom to wear any kind of headgear. Courtesy: The Indian Express

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Constitution May Provide Protection of Interests

Right to Access Basics Still Denied to Tribals A little used provision in the Constitution may hold the key to protecting the interests of Scheduled Tribes as they fight to hold on to their traditional lands. Even 67 years after Independence, the problems of Adivasi communities are about access to basic needs. These include, but are not restricted to, elementary education, community healthcare, sustainable livelihood support, the public distribution system, food security, drinking water and sanitation, debt, and infrastructure. For them, equality of opportunity remains largely unfulfilled. In this context, it is important to stress that the values of tribal culture are transmitted in a manner that protects the right of the bearers of knowledge to determine the terms of the transmission without exploitation or commodification. Nor can the Adivasis’ unhindered access to land and forests, including full access to the commons, especially in scheduled areas, be understated. Tribal communities have, over the decades, witnessed the fragmentation of their habitats and homelands and the disruption of their cultures through predatory tourism. All this has left them shattered and impoverished. Entire communities across States have been dispossessed systematically through state action, and have been reduced from owners of resources and well-knit, largely self-sufficient communities to wage earners in agriculture and urban agglomerates with uncertain futures. Yet, we can scarcely forget that the rights of tribal communities in India are protected by the Constitution and special legislations. While most of these protections are available to groups named in The Constitution (Schedule Tribes) Order 1950, there are some tribal communities that fall within the categories of Scheduled Castes (SC) and Other Backward Classes

(OBC) and some that don’t fall into any of these categories. Within the category of Scheduled Tribes (ST), there are over 500 groups listed of whom roughly 70 are part of the sub-classification Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups, a small cluster of groups that include the Jarawas of the Andaman Islands, the Chenchus of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, and the Baigas of Chhattisgarh. These groups face an acute crisis of survival, evident in their rapidly dwindling numbers. Therefore, they are in need of special protection even within the larger ST category, protections in relation to non-tribal communities as well as in relation to other tribal c o m m u n i t i e s . Notwithstanding these complex intersections and overlaps (and exclusions in some instances), tribal communities, especially the STs, are the subject of special constitutional attention. The right of tribal peoples to development through pathways that affirm their autonomy and dignity, as set out in Article 21 and under Schedules V and VI of the Indian Constitution, is often seen as the core of Adivasi rights. And indeed, they are. The oft-quoted Samata judgment of 1997, rich in its defence of the rights of Adivasi communities to their homelands, posits an interreading of Articles 14 (equality), 15 (nondiscrimination), 16 (equality of opportunity), 17 (abolition of untouchability), 21 (life and liberty), 23 (right against exploitation) from the Fundamental Rights chapter of the Constitution and Articles 38 (securing a just social order), 39 (guiding principles of policy) and 46 (promotion of educational and economic interests of SCs, STs, and other weaker sections) from the Directive Principles of State Policy. The constitutional arguments in the high court of Andhra Pradesh resisting the Polavaram dam centred on whether the state could alter (diminish) the

By Kalpana Kannabiran boundaries of a scheduled area without presidential assent. Submergence, in fact, alters boundaries, causes disappearance of villages and village institutions, and renders people from these communities vulnerable through dispossession by displacement — all of which are the subject of special protections for the STs. The largest volume of litigation in scheduled areas has to do with non-tribal occupation of tribal land and the blatant derogation of land transfer regulation laws. Financial inclusion poses the third major problem: despite policy commitments to financial inclusion of vulnerable communities as a measure to lift them out of debt bondage and predatory money lending and usury, moneylenders continue to thrive in tribal areas. It is in this overall context that one flags an unused constitutional provision as perhaps holding a key to the justiciable, mandatory protection of the interests of the STs as distinct from other marginalised groups. Article 19 of the Constitution is commonly understood, through text and case law, as a provision that protects freedom of speech, expression, assembly, association, movement, residence and calling. The first clause of Article 19 reads as follows: 19(1) All citizens shall have the right (a) To freedom of speech and expression; (b) To assemble peaceably and without arms; (c) To form associations or unions; (d) To move freely throughout the territory of India; (e) To reside and settle in any part of the territory of India; and (f) omitted (g) To practice any profession, or to carry on any occupation, trade or business. Clauses 19 (2) to (4) set out the reasonable restrictions to speech, assembly and association in the interests of public morality, decency and integrity and sovereignty of the state — these aspects and

their restrictions are what figure most often in animated fashion in debates around Article 19. Clause 5 of Article 19 reads as follows: 19 (5) Nothing in sub clauses (d) and (e) of the said clause shall affect the operation of any existing law in so far as it imposes, or prevent the State from making any law imposing, reasonable restrictions on the exercise of any of the rights conferred by the said sub clauses either in the interests of the general public or for the protection of the interests of any Scheduled Tribe (emphasis added). In other words, an important part of Article 19 protections have to do specifically with protection of interests of STs (Clause 5) as distinct from other marginalised groups through limitations on right to freedom of movement [sub-cause 1(d)] and right to freedom of residence [subclause 1(d)]. This, one would argue, when read with existing protections (for instance as set out in Samata or similar cases) offers a core and express fundamental right protection to Adivasis

(as distinct from legal/ statutory protection) from a range of state and nonstate intrusions in scheduled areas as well as from the perennial threat of eviction of Adivasis from their homelands. It is the interests of STs that are paramount in this fundamental right provision, which is presented importantly as a restriction on an enumerated right that is clear and specific — not a restriction of a general nature, namely, the “sovereignty and integrity of India” or “public order,” “decency” or “morality,” as is the case with the other constituent freedoms in Article 19. Understanding the situation of tribal communities is key to understanding the Constitution, its framework and its possibilities in the fullest sense. Perhaps it is time to reinvigorate our reading of the Constitution in the troubled times we live in. We may find answers to other questions as well around an idea of justice that we grapple with every day. (Author is Professor and Director, Council for Social

CPI Condoles Demise of APJ Abdul Kalam The National Secretariat of the Communist Party of India issued the following statement on July 28, 2015 condoling the demise of former President of India APJ Abdul Kalam: The National Secretariat of the Communist Party of India expresses its profound grief at the passing away of A P J Abdul Kalam, former President of India and a great scientist who rose from humble origins and became the eleventh head of state in 2002. Avul Pakir Jainulabdeen Abdul Kalam, an aeronautics engineer from Indian Institute of Technology, Madras, was considered the brain behind the missile programme in India. He was an internationally acclaimed space scientist. He breathed his last on July 27, 2015 while delivering a lecture at Shillong to students of IIM there. The life, spirit and commitment of the former President will inspire generations to come and instill in them a hope for the future. The National Secretariat sends its heart-felt condolences to the grief-striken family of former President. New Age Weekly

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Cursor The Indian state is turning increasingly illiberal under the present government. The evil that men do lives on after them, the good is oft interred with their bones -so said Mark Antony. Of course, this was before the advent of the mass media and professional spin. Now, it is the other way around. The bad is banished from sight and memory. The good dances in front of you in 3D, backed up by surround sound. Mass media can alter reality. Right now, authoritarianism is on the rise and liberal democracy on the retreat. But this is barely noticeable in the breathless coverage of news and barrage of opinion aimed at the citizen.

Censorship By Coercion Consider the hounding of Teesta Setalvad. She is accused of financial impropriety and the CBI is chasing her with warrants for search and arrest. The harassment must be an ordeal for this crusader for justice. But by targeting her, the government also targets all those who dare to speak against the government and its leader, Narendra Modi. This is censorship by intimidation.

Creeping Authoritarianism Teesta Setalvad and her non-government organisations are responsible for 254 people being convicted for the communal riots in Gujarat in 2002. The experience in India of communal riots is that culprits go scot-free. Witnesses are intimidated, the cases drag on and the resolve to persist with prosecution crumbles from sheer exhaustion, lack of resources and perceived futility . Setalvad’s efforts broke the pattern, in the 2002 riots. Retrials took place outside Gujarat. CBI probes took place under the Supreme Court’s watchful eye. People got convicted. By making the criminal justice system work the way it is supposed to, Setalvad has done more than most to fortify the integrity of the Indian state and prevent disaffection and resentment from taking routes outside the legal-democratic framework. She deserves laurels and our respect, not the gross intimidation she is being subjected to. Consider the dilution of security provided to the judge, now retired, who convicted Maya Kodnani, a minister in Modi’s

By T K Arun government in Gujarat, for the riots, even as the judge continues to receive threats. Consider the ongoing move to shut down the Sun group’s television and radio operations, in the name of national security . What threat these pose to national security is so arbitrarily decided by the ministry of home that the ministry of information and broadcasting is baffled, as is the Attorney General. Yet, as the word spreads that the prime minister’s office is in favour of shutting Sun down, the rest of the government falls meekly in line. The courts are the only recourse for Sun. Consider the crackdown on volunteer organisations and foreign funding agencies. The might of the state will be used to silence any dissent. Consider the turn of events in the terror cases where the accused are Hindu extremists. In case after case, witnesses turn hostile, the prosecu tion loses interest and the cases be gin to crumble. When the champion of Hindutva sits in the prime minis ter’s chair, can Hindus be

allowed to be prosecuted for terror?

Hindutva Imperatives Consider the 24 percent increase in the number of incidents of communal violence in the country in the first five months of the current year, as compared to the first five months of 2014. The number of incidents rose from 232 to 287, according to home ministry figures. The provocative statements by members of the Sangh Parivar, some also members of the ruling party and the council of ministers, fit in with the project of creating a Hindu Rashtra, a Hindu state in which other religious identities are less than equal and democracy has to be curtailed, to allow such discrimination to prevail. Consider Vyapam. There is little that is shocking about the corrupt practice of suborning a selection examination by illegal means. But what is truly shocking is the unnatural propensity for those who could testify in the scam investigation to fall dead. A conservative estimate puts 14 out of the 45 Vyapam-related deaths

to be truly suspicious. What kind of a state system allows such systematic killing of witnesses, if not an authoritarian one. Consider the Asaram Bapu witness killings. A godman is accused of raping several prepubescent girls, his equally charming son goes around intimidating witnesses and those who refuse to be chastened into submission get killed. Congress leader Salman Khurshid degraded himself and his party by accepting the godman’s brief. But the ruling dispensation’s subliminal support for the godman, simply because he is a holy man in the Hindu scheme of things, does far greater damage to the democratic framework in which all are equal before the law. Consider the foisting of Hindutva ideologues on academic and other institutions. Consider the eagerness at several levels of the judiciary to curry favour with the powers that be. Consider the Indian trait remarked by L K Advani, the readiness to crawl when asked to bend. Consider ending the pretence that we do not see authoritarianism creeping upon us. Courtesy: The Economic Times

CPI West Delhi Meet

Reporting on Party Congress Decisions The decisions of the XXII Congress of the Communist Party of India (CPI) were explained to the members of the Sultanpuri and Mangolpuri party branches of West Delhi district at Sultanpuri on July 26, 2015. More than 100 party members of whom 80 were women were present at the meeting. The Party Congress decisions were explained in detail by CPI Delhi state assistant New Age Weekly

secretary and national council member Prof. Dinesh Varshney. While reporting on the Party Congress Prof Varshney lauded the efforts of the Puduchery Party state council whicg resulted in the successful holding of the Congress with a massive rally on the last day. Talking on the political resolution adopted at the Congress, he explained that the country is passing

through a very dangerous situation when with only 31.02 per votes the RSS-BJP led right reactionary and communal NDA government is making allout efforts to push the country towards the right. The government is not only aggressively pursing the neo-liberal economic policies and favoring the capitalists and cronycapitalists but also is patronising and spreading

communalism in every aspect of life of the people of India .Educational institutions and bodies are being filled with RSS ideologues who are not only trying to push the agenda of privatisation and commercialisation of education but also are sinisterly trying to replace the curriculum with communal contents. Prof Varshney further explained how the Modi

government is changing the well accepted non-aligned foreign policy in favour of the American imperialism. He also spoke on the political review and organisational reports adopted in the Party Congress. The meeting was presided over by S L Kashyap. Ramdeo, secretary, West Delhi district CPI and Shyamkali were also present.

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August 2-8, 2015

Protest Rallies on July 20

Thousands Join Protest Against Corruption West Bengal It was gathering of thousands that turned out to be a march of fifty thousand on the streets from College Square to Rani Rashmoni Road on July 20 to protest against cases of corruption unveiled against TMC government in West Bengal and also those against BJP government at centre. The rally was a record in recent years. The gathering, the procession and massive participation proved that left parties and their movement to change the world of exploitation of man by man would never die. The four km stretch of the road was covered with red flags, festoons and placards demanding resignation of corrupt ministers and arrest of the culprits who are involved in Sardha scam. Participants demanded punishment of the goons who have killed workers of left parties, grabbed and destroyed party offices in districts across the state. People protested against the inaction and lack of initiative on part of the TMC government to expedite enquiry to punish rapists and murders of girls and women. So called student leaders of TMC are humiliating and beating professors and principals and the vice chancellor too. The rally culminated into a meeting that was held at Rani Rashmoni Road. CPI state secretary Prabodh Panda said, both state and central governments have failed to comply with their promise for honest administration. A number of ministers of Modi and Mamata governments are involved in taking bribe and other corrupt practices. Prabodh Panda said that

BJP government of Madhya Pradesh has failed to arrest the ministers involved in Vyapam scam. But the said government is successful so far as killing of witnesses under custody is concerned besides murdering brutally the media person. He said 12 central ministers are involved in corruption and scam of some crores of rupees. The state secretary said that number of leaders and ministers of TMC have become synonym for Saradha scam.

No money has reached India from banks in Switzerland, Germany and from other foreign countries. But black money stashed in foreign banks are getting converted into white money us to enter India as white money. He said, TMC has been painted as the party of musclemen as well as those indulging in scams. CPI(M) state secretary Suryakanta Mishra called TMC government as anti people and supporter of merchants. He demanded confiscation of all

(CPV), Mihir Byne (RCPI), Samar Bardhan (Bolshevic Party), Subhas Basu (PDS), Nirmal Mondal (Forward Bloc, Marxist) and Sibnath Sinha (Workers Party). Besides them there were the activists of the above parties, workers and leaders of Biplabi Bangla Congres and CPI (ML) that had also participated in the rally to protest which shook Kolkata on July 20, 2015.

Andhra Pradesh As a part of the call issued by the six left parties to observe protests against

Satyanarayana Murthy took part in the massive rally as well as the public meeting in Visakhapatnam. M Nageswara Rao, also state assistant secretary, took part in Guntur protest rally and the public meeting. Central control commission chairman E.Nageswara Rao took part in the protest programmes held at MangalagiriGuntur district. J Wilson, also member of state secretariat of the Andhra Pradesh unit of the CPI, took part in NuzvidKrishna protest, while G Obelusu was in Cuddapah, P.J.Chanrasekhar Rao (MLC) along with CPI national council secretary Dr K Narayana took part in Hyderabad programmes.

Maharashtra

It was a rally that was joined by people from all walks of life including those prominent in the society of West Bengal to protest against TMC’s immoral and anti social activities. The TMC leaders and ministers have been facing the brunt of people’s hate and protest. He gave a clarion call to root out TMC which is under the scanner of CBI for Sardha scam. Left Front chairman Biman Basu said that both governments at centre and state have miserably failed to propel their government towards honest governance. Narendra Modi before becoming prime minister promised to bring back black money stashed in foreign banks.

properties of Saradha Chit Fund and to refund money to the people who lost their earnings in the scam. CPI secretariat members Manju Kumar Mazumdar, Ranajit Guha, Dhiren Dasgupta, Swapan Banerjee, Debasish Dutta, Prabir Deb had taken part in the programme along with Tarun Naskar of SUCI (C), Partha Ghosh of CPI (ML) Liberation and Manoj Bhattacharya of RSP. CRLI leader Ashim Chatterjee also spoke.

corrupt practices of Central and state governments, massive rallies were held on July 20 in 13 districts of Andhra Pradesh. Seminars, conventions, picketing, dharnas and public meetings were conducted all over AP. The activists of left parties held placards and raised slogans against the governments at Centre and states. They condemned the antipeople, pro-corporate policies pursued by state and central governements.

They all had called to overthrow the state government which has established lumpen raj in the state. Among others who spoke were Probodh Sinha (DSP), Ranjit Manna (SP), Barnali Mukherjee

CPI and CPI (M) state secretaries K Ramakrishna and P Madhu took part in Vijayawada seminar. CPI(M) politbureau member B V Raaghavulu and CPI state assistant secretary J V

A h m e d n a g a r : Demonstrations were organized on July 20, 2015 here at the collectrate demanding resignation of Sushama Swaraj and chief minister of Rajasthan Vasundhara Raje in Lalit Modi gate issue, chief minister of Madhya Pradesh Shivraj Sing Chouhan in Vyapam scam, chief minister of Chhattisgarh, Dr Raman Singh for PDS scam, Chikki scam of Pankaja Munde from Maharashtra, bogus degree issue of education minister Vinod Tawade from Maharashtra, false information by minister Babanrao Lonikar about education and about his marriage. Memorendums were submitted to RDC of Ahmednagr. Nanasaheb Kadam, Subhash Lande, Ramesh Nagawade, Santosh Khodade, Sahankar Nyalpelli, Sandip Sakat, Avinash Sathe, Anant Lokhande Anand Waykar, Sudhir Tokekar also participated in demonstrations. New Age Weekly

8 “The Draft Constitution is, Federal Constitution in as much as it establishes what may be called a Dual Polity. This Dual Polity under the proposed Constitution will consist of the Union at the Centre and the States at the periphery each endowed with sovereign powers to be exercised in the field assigned to them respectively by the Constitution.......... The Draft Constitution can be both unitary as well as federal according to the requirements of time and circumstances. In normal times, it is framed to work as a federal system. But in times of war it is so designed as to make it work as though it was a unitary system.” Dr B R Ambedkar Article 356 of the Constitution of India deals with the failure of the constitutional machinery of an Indian state. In the event that government in a state is not able to function as per the Constitution, the state comes under the direct control of the central government, with executive authority exercised through the Governor instead of a council of ministers headed by an elected chief minister accountable to the state legislature. Article 356 is one among the nine Articles, beginning from Art. 352 and ending with Art. 360, known as Emergency Provisions, enumerated in Chapter XVIII of the Constitution of India. Art. 356 was introduced as Draft Article 278, on August 3, 1949 by the then Union Law Minister, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, in the Constituent Assembly, and was cleared by it the subsequent day. There was the landmark judgement in 1994, in the Bommai case, the Supreme Court of India clamped down on arbitrary impositions of President’s rule by central governments. During a New Age Weekly

August 2-8, 2015

Implications of Art 356 state of emergency, the President is vested with tremendous discretionary powers. Any legislation or constitutional provision that abrogates any of the basic principles of democratic freedom is anathema to most people and the more so to the people of the largest democracy in the world. If the members of the drafting committee of the Constitution included a provision that permits a Government to dismiss a duly elected representative body of the people and suspend those freedoms in violation of even the crudest interpretation of a ‘separation of powers,’ then common sense suggests that it is only to deal with the direst of circumstances and nothing less. But it seems that the remedial nature of the Article has been perverted to impose the domination of the Central government upon a state government that does not subscribe to its views. Central control over regional governments is essential for the integrity of nations that have federal systems of government, and Article 356 was designed to preserve this integrity, but what remains to be seen is whether it is being used at the cost of sacrificing the interests of democratic freedom.

Grounds for imposing President’s rule A President’s rule could be imposed in any state in India as per the Indian Constitution on the following grounds or circumstances: State Legislature is unable to elect a leader as Chief Minister; Breakdown coalition;

of

a

Elections postponed for unavoidable reasons; However most often, until the mid-1990s, it was

imposed in states through abuse of the authority of governors in collusion with the federal government.

Drafting Committee of the Constituent Assembly On August 29, 1947, a drafting committee was set up by the Constituent Assembly. Under the chairmanship of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, it was to prepare a draft Constitution for India. When it was suggested in the drafting committee to confer similar powers of emergency as had been held by the GovernorGeneral under the Government of India Act, 1935, upon the President, many members of that eminent committee vociferously opposed that idea. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar then pacified the members stating: ‘In fact I share the sentiments expressed by my Hon’ble friend Mr. Gupte yesterday that the proper thing we ought to expect is that such articles will never be called into operation and that they would remain a dead letter. If at all they are brought into operation, I hope the President, who is endowed with these powers, will take proper precautions before actually suspending the administration of the provinces.’ He added: ‘I hope the first thing he will do would be to issue a clear warning to a province that has erred, that things were not happening in the way in which they were intended to happen in the Constitution.’ By virtue of this earnest advice given by the prime architect of the Indian Constitution, we can safely conclude that this is the very last resort to be used only in the rarest of rare events. A good

Constitution must provide for all conceivable exigencies. Therefore this Article is like a safety valve to counter disruption of political machinery in a state.

The Sarkaria Commission Report, 1987 In spite of the precautions laid down in Article 356, the Article was invoked on several occasions by the Centre due to ambiguities in its wording. It was only in 1987 when the Sarkaria Commission submitted its report that part of the obscurity surrounding Article 356 was cleared. The Commission, headed by Justice R.S. Sarkaria, was appointed in 1983 and spent four years researching reforms to improve center-state relations.

Rare use of Art. 356 According to the Commission, Article 356 provides remedies for a situation in which there has been an actual breakdown of the constitutional machinery in a state. Any abuse or misuse of this drastic power would damage the democratic fabric of the Constitution. The Commission, after reviewing suggestions placed before it by several parties, individuals and organizations, decided that Article 356 should be used sparingly, as a last measure, when all available alternatives had failed to prevent or rectify a breakdown of constitutional machinery in a state.

Avoiding Disastrous Consequences According to the Commission’s report, these alternatives may be dispensed with only in cases of extreme emergency, where failure on the part of the Union

M. Aravind Kumar to take immediate action under Article 356 would lead to disastrous consequences. The report further recommended that a warning be issued to the errant State, in specific terms that it is not carrying on the government of the State in accordance with the Constitution. Before taking action under Article 356, any explanation received from the state should be taken into account.

The Duty to explore alternatives In a situation of political breakdown, the governor should explore all possibilities of having a government enjoying majority support in the assembly. If it is not possible for such a government to be installed and if fresh elections can be held without delay, the report recommends that the governor request the outgoing ministry to continue as a caretaker government, provided the ministry was defeated solely on a major policy issue, unconnected with any allegations of maladministration or corruption and agrees to continue. The governor should then dissolve the legislative assembly, leaving the resolution of the constitutional crisis to the electorate. During the interim period, the caretaker government should merely carry on the day-to-day government and should desist from taking any major policy decision.

The Proclamation of Emergency and the Governor’s Report The governor’s report, which moves the President to action under Article 356, should be a ‘speaking

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on Centre-State Relations document, containing a precise and clear statement of all material facts and grounds on the basis of which the President may satisfy himself as to the existence or otherwise of the situation contemplated in Article 356. The commission’s report also recommends giving wide publicity in all media to the governor’s report. It will be seen from this peremptory examination of the important passages of the Sarkaria Commission Report that its recommendations are extensive and define the applicability and justification of Article 356 in full. The views of P.V. Rajamannar, former chief justice of the Madras (Chennai) high court, who headed the inquiry commission by the state of Tamil Nadu to report on center-state relations, concur broadly with the views of the Sarkaria Commission. But it is unfortunate that the principles and recommendations given by them are disregarded in the present day and that actions have been taken that are prima facie against the letter and spirit of the Constitution of India.

A Landmark Judgement S R. Bommai v. Union of India was a landmark case in the history of the Indian Constitution. It was in this case that the Supreme Court boldly marked out the paradigm and limitations within which Article 356 was to function. In the words of Soli Sorabjee, eminent jurist and former SolicitorGeneral of India, ‘After the Supreme Court’s judgment in the S. R. Bommai case, it is well settled that Article 356 is an extreme power and is to be used as a last resort in cases where it is

manifest that there is an impasse and the constitutional machinery in a State has collapsed.’1 The views expressed by the various judges of the Supreme Court in this case concur mostly with the recommendations of the Sarkaria Commission and hence need not be set out in extenso. Thus it can be seen from the conclusions of this Bench of the Supreme Court that the President’s power under Article 356 is not absolute or arbitrary. The President cannot impose Central rule on a state at his whim, without reasonable cause.

President’ rule in 39 times in different states. Similarly Janata Party which came to power after the emergency had issued President’s rule in 9 states which were ruled by Congress. It is only after the landmark judgement in 1994 in the S. R. Bommai v. Union of India2 case that the misuse of Article 356 was curtailed. In this case, the Supreme Court established strict guidelines for imposing President’s rule. Hence since the early 2000, the number of cases of imposition of President’s rule has come down

the Government of Narendra Modi in Gujarat - to invoke Article 356 during the carnage following the Godhra train incident on February 27, 2002, in the state of Gujarat. Vital statistics tells us that there were more than 100000 persons in refugee camps and more than 30,000 people had been chargesheeted. These figures are more than enough to compel the government to take action under articles 355 and 356. The Constitution may not have envisaged a situation where an emergency has arisen in a state where the ruling party is of the same

Article 356 has been lodged in the Constitution as a bulwark, a giant protection and a remedy of the last resort. The invocation of article 356 is a constitutional device, the operation of which is vested in the executive domain. In invocation, it is therefore essential to preserve its stature in the constitutional scheme. If the exercise of this power is perceived to yield to political expediency, it will greatly damage the majesty of the executive power and the federal balance. The Current Situation in India Since the adoption of Indian Constitution in 1950, the central government has used this article several times to dissolve elected state governments and impose President’s rule. The article was used for the first time in up 1954. It has also been used in the state of Patiala and East Punjab States Union (PEPSU) and then during ‘Vimochana Samaram’ to dismiss the democratically elected Communist state government of Kerala on July31, 1959. In the 1970s and 1980s it almost became common practice for the central government to dismiss state governments led by opposition parties. For Example, Indira Gandhi’s government between 1966 and 1977 is known to have imposed

drastically. Article 356 has always been the focal point of a wider debate of the federal structure of government in Indian polity. The National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution (NCRWC), which was established on February 22, 2000, on the basis of a joint resolution of the Government of India, Ministry of Law, Justice and Company Affairs (Department of Legal Affairs), submitted its extensive report in March 2002. In its analysis, the NCRWC stated that in at least twenty out of the more than one hundred instances, the invocation of Article 356 might be termed as a misuse. One other extreme of misuse of Article 356 was the failure of the Union Executive - which was of the same political belief as

political persuasion as the one at the Center and, hence, the Center might be biased against dissolving that government by invoking Article 356. It is evident that there is a lack of effective safeguards against the abuse of Article 356 of the Indian Constitution. However, the repeal of Article 356 is not advisable because the Indian polity is rife with crises and there has to be some contingency against a constitutional deadlock in a state. The national commission to review the working of the Constitution [NCRCW] also advised against the repeal of Article 356, stating that this would create an imbalance in Union-state relations in upholding constitutional governance throughout India and that in many more instances than not the use of Article 356 was inevitable. In

considering the issues raised regarding article 356 it could be noted that a great part of the remedy to prevent its misuse lies in the domain of creating safeguards and constitutional conventions governing its use. The ultimate protection against the misuse of article 356 lies in the character of the political process itself. Article 356 has been lodged in the Constitution as a bulwark, a giant protection and a remedy of the last resort. The invocation of article 356 is a constitutional device, the operation of which is vested in the executive domain. In invocation, it is therefore essential to preserve its stature in the constitutional scheme. If the exercise of this power is perceived to yield to political expediency, it will greatly damage the majesty of the executive power and the federal balance. In a large number of cases where article 356 has been used, the situation could be handled under article 355, that is without imposing President’s rule under article 356. However it is most unfortunate that article 355 has hardly been used. Similarly in case of political breakdown, before issuing a proclamation under article 356 the concerned state should be given an opportunity to explain its position and redress the situation, unless the situation is such, that following the above course would not be in the interest of security of state, or defense of the country, or for other reasons necessitating urgent action. Therefore the only practical course left before us is to ensure that Art.256 of our Indian Constitution is used sparingly and as a last resort as the Father of our Constitution Dr B R Ambedkar had stated. It is the only way to pay homage to that ardent fighter for social justice and the prime architect of our constitution. New Age Weekly

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46th Anniversary of Bank Nationalisation

No to Privatisation of Public Sector Banking Looking at banking in yester years going down the memory lane, it may be discovered that the modern banks, as are seen today, came into being in the beginning of the 19th century and they were all in private hands. Alongside the freedom struggle, some Swadeshi type banks were started but they were also in private hands. When India became independent in 1947, at that time also, all the Banks were privately owned. In 1950s, when the process of planned economic development was initiated, it was observed that development needed resources. Though the Banks had with them huge resources by mobilising the savings of the people, they refused to make the same available for development as they were more interested in making profits than helping the country’s progress. Hence the government decided to convert Imperial Bank of India as State Bank of India under public sector in 1955. This was a good beginning and some rural branches were opened and credit was extended to the agriculture sector. AIBEA – the crusader for nationalisation of Banks: But this was found to be inadequate compared to the huge requirement. SBI could open branches in rural areas only to some extent. The major banks were still in private hands and refused to be part of the government’s process of economic development. Hence AIBEA demanded that all the private banks in the country should be nationalised. There were people who ridiculed AIBEA for this demand and wondered as to how the banks which were owned by powerful capitalists and business houses can be nationalised. But AIBEA was not deterred by these criticisms. AIBEA unleashed a bitter struggle on this patriotic demand. Bank employees under the banner New Age Weekly

of AIBEA fought a tough battle in the streets through powerful demonstrations, rallies, processions, campaigns, strike actions, etc. AIBEA’s demand became a political issue. It became a serious demand from the political parties led by CPI. The issue rocked the Parliament. Thus, it became a national issue. July 19, 1969, a watershed: In this background, political compulsions arose and in a bold step, 14 major private

banks were nationalised by Indira Gandhi through an Ordinance. The capitalists challenged the Ordinance and when it was struck down by Supreme Court on February 10, 1970, AIBEA instantly went on protest strike action throughout the country and the government again brought another Ordinance on February 14, 1970 re-nationalising the banks. This Ordinance was replaced by a Bill and on March 24, 1970 and the Bill was passed by the Lok Sabha sitting late upto 1030 PM. The decade-long struggles by AIBEA to achieve nationalisation of banks are a golden part of our glorious history. Major banks were freed from the clutches of the powerful capitalists who were the owners of these banks. Total deposits and advances crosses today Rs. 150 lac crore (Rs. 15457871,00,00,000). Today when we celebrate the 46th

anniversary of bank nationalisation, we can proudly recall the impressive contributions of public sector banks. To a great extent, banking has been transformed from class banking to mass banking. Banking services are today available to larger number of common people. Banking credit has been made available to agriculture and other priority sectors which were neglected earlier. Bank nationalisation also resulted in the entry of

more than one million young and educated persons as employees of the banks. While the achievements and performances of the nationalised banks are no doubt laudable, impressive, commendable and appreciable, there is still a long way to go. More than 50 crores of people still do not have a bank account. More than five lacs of villages still do not have bank branches. Large part of savings of the people is still to be tapped and mobilised into the banking system. Bank credit is still not easily available to many common and needy people. Bulk of the bank credit is still cornered by the corporates and industries. Priority segments are still not getting their due share in bank credit. Bank credit-GDP ratio is still low in our country. Non-performing loans have assumed alarming proportions. Corporates are able to loot

public money by deliberately not repaying the loans. In short, there is a long way to go to realise and achieve the objectives for which banks were nationalized. Banking reforms - Cure is worse than the disease: In the name of remedy and improving the banking system, the successive governments have been trying to pursue banking reforms measures. All of us know what they want in the name of banking reforms. They want to privatise the

Banks and hand them over back to the private sector. They want to merge the Banks in the name of global competition. They are eager to grant banking license to big corporates and business houses. They want to give banking license to start small private banks and private payment banks. They want to phase out the priority sector lending and dilute the social banking orientation. They want to make the banks more urban and elite oriented and profit-based. They are willing to writeoff huge loans of the corporates from the hardearned profits of the banks but want to improve profitability by outsourcing banking jobs on contract basis. In short, they want to reverse the clock back to the pre-1969 days. What is to be done: Instead of these retrograde banking reforms, what is needed is to adopt propeople banking policies.

People’s money should be utilised for people’s welfare. National savings should be made available for national development and not allowed for private corporate loot. Banking credit should be for empowerment of the people and not for embezzlement by private corporates. Right to banking should be made a fundamental right of the people. Public sector banks should be further strengthened and expanded to become vibrant engines for equitable economic growth and broad-based development. More and more branches should be opened in the unbanked rural villages. Associate banks should be freed from SBI and made independent banks. More and more credit should be given to agriculture and other priority sectors to help self-reliance, employment generation, poverty alleviation, rural development, women empowerment, better infrastructure development, etc. Stringent measures should be taken to recover the huge bad loans in the banks. Wilful default should be termed as criminal offense and stern action taken on such deliberate defaulters. Public sector banks are nation-building institutions and they must remain so. We want vibrant banking for a vibrant India. To defend public sector banking, the privatisation moves have to be defeated, banking sector reforms have to be denounced, their offensive has to be repulsed, velvet treatment to wilful defaulters has to be decried, and finally a demand has to be made for stringent measures to recover bad loans. Let us make public sector banks more vibrant. Let us improve customer service. Let us win the confidence of the masses. Let us fight against retrograde banking reforms. Let us pledge to carry forward our campaign and struggle

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RBI Autonomy Under Attack The Narendra Modi government which has lost in record time of merely over a year its enchantment with even those who voted for it is fully engaged in raking up controversies with the sole intention of diverting the attention of the masses from their real problems. The worst attempt is to bring in a new land bill taking away the inalienable right of the farming community over the land. The land question and related issues which were almost settled and accepted in the earlier bill wetted and approved by all political parties including the BJP which was in opposition then are being once again raked up. Now the government is said to be in roll-back mood saying that let the states decide on the land question. Thus it is very clear that the government is keen only to push through its communal and neo-liberal agenda. The latest is the attack on the autonomy of the Reserve Bank of India. The revised draft of the Indian Financial Code of the Financial Sector Legislative Reforms Commission (FSLRC) released recently has recommended alterations in the composition of the monetary policy committee or MPC. Of serious concern is its recommendation that a seven-member committee should decide on interest rates and four of its members should be appointed by the government, and that the governor will no longer have the veto power on RBI decisions. Decisions will be by a majority vote and binding, and in case of a tie, the governor will have a second vote. In an earlier draft report the commission had retained the governor’s veto power. The two recommendations have given the government an edge in decision-making. It means the government’s view will prevail on monetary policy and the autonomy of the RBI and its governor will get diluted. The RBI and the government have often taken contradictory stands on whether to lower interest rates to spur growth or hike them to control inflation. In fact, finance ministers have often publicly tried to influence the RBI governor to toe their line on interest rates. Governments and the RBI are often under pressure from corporates to lower their borrowing costs by reducing interest rates. The RBI governor though appointed by the government usually acts independently and professionally and does not let the finance minister of the day dictate terms to him. The RBI Act ensures sufficient autonomy to the governor and it will be unwise to make it toothless. Currently, while deciding on the monetary policy stance, the RBI governor consults a technical advisory committee, but does not necessarily go by the majority view. A former central banker said if the RBI governor was to be responsible for meeting inflation targets, he should have veto power. The FSLRC’s suggestion that four members of the committee be chosen by the government is contrary to the recommendation of a panel led by RBI deputy governor Urjit Patel. The Patel panel had recommended the MPC have five members, three from the central bank. It had also suggested the RBI governor be made the chairman of the MPC, the deputy governor

in charge of monetary policy be made the vicechairman, and the executive director in charge of monetary policy be a member. Two external members were to be decided by the chairman and vice-chairman on the basis of expertise in monetary economics, macroeconomics, central banking, financial markets, public finance and related areas. The RBI is likely and is also rightly so to tell the central government that the structure of the MPC proposed by the latest version of Indian Financial Code may not be the right one, said a person familiar with its thinking. The central bank, which is in agreement with the government on inflation targeting and setting up of a policy committee to set benchmark rates, will aim to persuade the government that the governor should be the final authority on monetary policy, said the person who did not want to be identified. Although the new code appeared on the website of the finance ministry, the North Block was subsequently quick to distance itself from the controversial proposals which are seen to be diluting the central bank’s independence and autonomy. “The draft IFC is a proposal put forth by FSLRC that has been submitted to the government,’’ said Jayant Sinha, minister of state for finance. “We are considering it. It is only an input into the government’s deliberations.”

the case with the recommendations under review.” The standing committee concluded that the government’s panel headed by former cabinet secretary T S R Subramanian had hurried through its deliberations in the short time of three months it was given while it was reviewing multiple laws that make the foundation of environmental governance in India. The environment ministry in its replies to the standing committee on most issues raised during the review had a stock reply: “The recommendations of the high-level committee are under consideration. The suggestions provided in the memoranda will be kept in view while taking a final decision in the matter.” The environment ministry also defended the capability of the high-level panel members. The standing committee had received recommendations and views from over 50 organisations and experts from the civil society as well. Almost all the representations received by the parliamentary standing committee were critical of the Subramanian committee report for one or several reasons including a challenge to the legal validity of the committee itself which had been formed by the environment ministry when a high-level panel needs approval of the prime minister. The standing committee concluded, “Considering the various objections as MPs Panel Rejects Move aforesaid and comments of the ministry, the to Dilute Environ Laws committee finds that objections raised by The report of the Subramanian committee members of civil society/NGOs/experts are to revise environment laws should be scrapped prima facie valid and require serious and the issue looked at afresh, Parliament’s reflection.” standing committee on the sector has PSU Sell-Off Now recommended. The committee gave its report Via Holding Company on July 21, 2015. The report the committee said The government may set up a holding should be scrapped came from a committee chaired by T S R Subramanian, former cabinet company for loss-making state-run enterprises secretary and also an former chief secretary of as part of its plan to exit such ventures. The Uttar Pradesh. It had asked for a complete move may follow winding up of the Board for Reconstruction of Public Sector Enterprises (BRPSE) set up in 2004 to prepare plans to revive sick state0owned companies, a report in The Economic Times (July 27, 2015) says. overhaul of six environmental laws. The report “There have been some initial discussions. had been criticised by many environmental and The government can transfer its shares to the tribal rights groups, for recommending dilution holding company, which in turn will look at of some existing safeguards. The Modi possible options of revival or sale of assets,” government’s commitment to corporate houses said the official, requesting not to be named. to ease norms to boost their profits is behind “Such a structure could be managed by independent experts from private sector.” such moves. Of the Rs 69,500-crore disinvestment target The standing committee said: “Some of the essential recommendations would result in an for this financial year, the government plans unacceptable dilution of the existing legal and to raise Rs 28,500 crore through strategic policy architecture established to protect our disinvestments. environment. Further, an impression should Earlier this year, heavy industries and not be created that a committee whose public enterprises ministry has floated a cabinet constitution and jurisdiction are itself in doubt note for closure of five central public sector has been used to tinker with the established enterprises — HMT Bearings, HMT Watches, law and policy.” HMT Chinar Watches, Tungabhadra Steel Adding, “Should the government wish to Products and Hindustan Cables. consider specific areas of environmental policy It has proposed that the movable assets of afresh, it may consider appointing another these firms will be either auctioned or committee by following established procedures transferred to the holding or associate central and comprising of acclaimed experts in the field, public sector enterprise or government who should be given enough time for controlled body. In addition, the tourism comprehensive consultation with all ministry is looking to sell eight loss-making stakeholders so that the recommendations are hotels of India Tourism Development creditworthy and well considered, which is not Corporation. New Age Weekly

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Development Aid: Its Real Face

The idea of development aid goes back to the era of western colonialism. The British colonial policy was based on the ‘laissez-faire’ economic policy, with the free market for capital an goods dictating the economic role that its colonies played in the British Empire. The changes in attitudes towards the moral purpose of the Empire, and the role that government could play in the promotion of welfare slowly led to a more proactive policy of economic and development assistance towards poor colonies. The process culminated in the passage of th Colonial Development Act, 1929. Its initial annual

budget of one million pounds was spent on schemes to develop the infrastructure of transport, electrical power and water supply in colonies for the furtherance of imperial trade. Amidst increasing criticism of British colonial policies, a commission was set up to showcase Britain’s “benevolent” attitude towards its colonial subjects. It urged health and education initiatives along with increases in sugar subsides to stave off a complete and total economic meltdown. To prevent any instability while Britain was at war, it began channeling massive sums of money into the region.

Under the post-war development period the colonial government launched the Marshall Plan or the European Recovery Programme, the first large scale development programme. It was designed to primarily boost European economies shattered by war and prevent the rise of communism. Thus the period saw the beginning of modern development aid that had its root in the Post World War II and the Cold War with the goal of also strengthening the ties to West Europe and also to contain the growing influence of the Soviet Union. The Marshall Plan also expanded its financial

Glorious Strike Ends... From Page 3 At the police station, both CPI and CPI(M) state secretaries K Rama Krishna and P Madhu visited the arrested workers and leaders and assured that they fully supported the workers demands and said they are with them. Outside the police station there were demonstrations demanding the release of the arrested workers. The road was blocked for several hours and the traffic was diverted. The arrested were released in the evening. Having no response, at the initiative of AITUC, all trade unions meeting was held in which it was decided to intensity the agitation. The JAC gave a call for picketing collectorates on July 24, 2015. It became actually a battle field between protestors and police. The police acted as goons with lathies in their hands beating men and women

indiscriminately. Many leaders including state AITUC general secretary G Obulesu, deputy general secretory R Ravindranath, president Ch V Ramarao, CPI(M) state secretory P Madhu, another leader Ch Baburao had joined in. YSR TU leader P Goutham Reddy fainted in the scuffle when tried to enter the collectorate and police stopped all of them. The entire collectorate premises turned into a battle field. All the above mentioned leaders and CPI state secretary K Ramakrishna, JAC leader A Ranganayakulu were arrested and kept in different police stations. Similarly at all district head quarters. Amidst merciless police excesses, thousands of workers and leaders were arrested and released in the evening. The workers started indefinite fast on July 25 and JAC leaders and TU

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leaders attended the camp and extended their solidarity and support. AITUC and CITU leaders G Obulesu and M A Gaffor inaugurated the camp and castigated the unhelpful and adamant attitude of the government of AP. The CPI, CPI(M) and YSR parties threatened with state bundh if there is no settlement with in four days. Having seen these developments, the government called for a meeting with the JAC leaders and came to a settlement. Government accepted to raise the minimum wage from Rs. 8300 to Rs 11,000 and agreed to pay wages for the period of strike. Other issues are to be discussed in the state cabinet and suitable decisions would be taken then, said state revenue minister Yanamala Ramakrishnudu. JAC leader, AITUC state deputy general secretary R Ravindranath, state municipal workers federation general secretary A. Ranganayakulu, CITU state leader V Uma Maheswara Rao demanded that the items in the demands agreed by government be implemented immediately.

strategy the rationale behind which was US President Harry Truman’ speech calling for an anticommunist stand for US development aid and which also announced the founding of NATO. Development Aid was aimed at offering technical solutions to social problems without altering basic social structure. The US was often fiercely opposed to even slight changes in social structures like that of land reforms. In 1956, the US senate held a study of foreign aid that led to an amendment in 1959 to the Mutual Security Act that declared that development in low-income regions was its goal along with and

additional to other foreign policy interests, thus clarifying development aid’s relationship with the effort to contain communism. Subsequently, the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 was approved with President Kennedy’s support which also set up a new Agency for International Development, USAID. From the 60S onwards Western Aid to the Global South rose dramatically with also significant contribution from the Soviet Union in exchange for overseas political influence in the context of the rising global conflicts from the Cold War. Courtesy: Facts Against Myths

AP Toilers Keep Struggle... From Page 3 ideology. This will hamper the efforts of the working class who are fighting to protect their rights. The minimum wage, working hours, which they have won after years of struggle are sought to be taken away. Under these circumstances the central trade unions clarion call for general strike on September 2, 2015 has acquired greater importance. The general council which met at Patiala (Punjab) reiterated the call and appealed to the cadres to work day in and day out for the success of the strike G. Obulesu introduced a brief report on the activities of the AP unit council of AITUC. He elaborated on how struggles of the municipal workers as well as of Anganwadi workers have been suppressed by the state government. Having promised to regularise the services of contract workers and Anganiwadi workers in its election manifesto, nothing is done in that direction, he lamented. The chief minister of AP is not having time to meet the representatives of trade unions but having time to discus issues with foreign investors and industrialists. The government is wasting crores of rupees on publicity but claims that there is no money for raising the wages of workers. The council is presided over by president Chalasani Venkata Ramarao. Other vice presidents too occupied the dais. In the discussion on the report, 28 council members took part and finally it was accepted unanimously. The meeting resolved to appeal to all workers irrespective of their political affiliation to make the strike on September 2 a resounding success. The council’s appeal to Anganwadi workers to join in big numbers in the ‘Chalo Camp Office of AP Chief Minister’ on July 27 was reciprocated and it turned out to be a great success.

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August 2-8, 2015

In the Neighbouring Countries In our neighbourhood, in Bangladesh, after 19 years of strife opposition, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) has dropped its demand for the formation of a caretaker government under which parliamentary elections would be held. The positive decision has provided a fresh opportunity to find solution to end the prolonging political deadlock. Since the re-election of Sheikh Hasina of Awami League government in January 2014, Bangladesh was in political turmoil. Just after the election results were declared, Khaleda Zia’s party BNP and other militant opposition parties demanded that elections should be held under a neutral caretaker body, which ruling party rejected. The rejection has raised many doubts against the ruling party’s democratic credentials. The BNP and its hardline partner Jamaat-e-Islami were found in the midst of street violence putting the country into chaotic conditions, which created tension of political instability for the Sheikh Hasina. Political instability, election and parliament boycotts, violence and incessant agitations have been too common between the two rival political groupings, since the days of the authoritarian H M Ershad’s one-upmanship rule. Zia has compromised now realizing that the non-parliamentary opposition politics particularly street politics of violence. She finally realized that her party has weakened following these pressure tactics. Violence, mistrust and animosity between the two main rivals have cost the country dear. The ruling government stiffly and strongly crushed and resisted the violent movements of both BNP and the Jamaat. This is led to the spurt in the political violence and turmoil in Bangladesh. Pro-Hasina elements blamed the Zia groups for the worst kind of violence in the country and antiHasina group put blame on the ruling government. It is very clear from the beginning that Hasina believed in democracy and secularism and she practiced this by sending those involved in 1971 war crimes. The situation was volatile for many years, as there were forces opposed to the democratic and secular principles. The element that wanted to grab any opportunity of getting power in their hands tried to utilize the volatile situation so to push their open and hidden agenda. Jamaat is one such a force to capitalize the situation from the political mess. The Islamist group got provoked when Hasina government hanged its leaders for “crime against humanity” committed during the 1971 liberation war. It was rightly under control, if the situation continued some more days, the army would have got a chance to enter into the politically fluid conditions on the pretext of worsening law and order in the country. The compromise between Hasina and Zia had prevented this precipitating situation for the time being. Rightly BNP has softened its stand of resistance. Hasina must seize this good opportunity and break the impasse, by simply adopting a more conciliatory approach before the

forthcoming elections in the country. Meanwhile BNP must rethink to have alliance with Jamaat and shed its politics of violence. To strengthen the country, Zia and Hasina must jointly reinforce secular and democratic norms and principles, on similar fashion as Sheikh Mujibur Rahman led Bangladesh to freedom. This will lead the country forward. It is necessary for democracy to have an effective ruling government and a strong opposition for taking the country forward. Let us hope peace in Bangladesh will prevail.

Nepal may remove secularism from its new Constitution In the last few days, a campaign to remove the word “secularism” has been gaining momentum in Nepal. Nepal is toeing the line India, it seems. India, Narendra Modi as the PM recently created so much of fuss in removing the two valuable words – secularism and socialism, which are enshrined in the Indian Constitution. Similarly, Nepal, which is a majority Hindu country, is willing to remove the word secularism from its proposed new Nepal Constitution. The word now is inappropriate for a few in that country. It must be taken note of that even UCPN (Maoist) Chairman Prachanda advocated for the

replacement of the word with a suitable term in the new constitution. Followed by him CPNUML chairman too, demanded for removing the word from the constitution. In the midst of continuing caste violence and full of superstitions, Nepal wants to do away with the word secularism. Human sacrifice is still continued as sacrilege in that country. People think that human sacrifice would remove evil spirits. Animal sacrifice is also common in Nepal. It hosts a festival to indulge in the largest ritual slaughter of animals in the world.

Sri Lanka for a new Constitution? Soon, it seems, the outdated 1978 Sri Lankan constitution may be replaced through 13 th Constitutional Amendment or for a totally a new package of constitution, which minority groups in that country have regarded it to be discriminatory. It has to be seen, whether it just an election gimmick or a reality in Sri Lanka. After war of ethnic cleansing of Tamil speaking people. The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) is a coalition of Tamil political parties in Sri Lanka has put forward the proposal of framing a new constitution, which according to them would address a host of issues that Sri Lanka is grappling through for decades, including that of Tamil question. Now all of a sudden everybody wants a new constitution. It must be taken note of that Rajiv Gandhi and Jayawardene Accord of 1987, created Provincial Council in that country. This amendment is nothing, but concentration

of power on the Central government and the governor. Sovereignty must lie with the people and not with the state. The fate of forthcoming amendment would be determined on the basis of an agreement to be arrived upon later. The proposal for a new Constitution has brought mixed feelings among the displaced Tamil people in that country. The youths and many others are more concerned about unemployment. Many people are still living in camps, for whom politics is like bitter pills. They say that the political parties only promise during elections and then they forget what they had promised to the people. The people either live on open, in shelters like cattle in tin-sheet roofs all these years. The government has stopped even giving subsistence allowance since 2009, immediately the Ealam war crushed. Life is hard for them. Will the new constitution be a reality?

Millionaires leaving India for safe haven to protect their millions Astoundingly, more 61,000 millionaires had already left India in the 14 years. Why the rich people fleeing the country. India has the second highest millionaire outflow in the world. A new report by global wealth sector information consulting services firm New World Wealth reveals that India has seen its high net worth individuals leave the country shifting base over high taxes and security concerns as well as better education opportunities for their children. India is second only to China, which witnessed 91,000 millionaires move out in the same period. Earlier this year, another wealth report by Knight Frank revealed that one out every four millionaires is bidding goodbye to India. In the last 10 years, 27 percent, or 43,400 millionaires among the 160,600 high net worth individuals (HNWIs) in India, have left the country for better employment opportunities in the US, UK and Australia,” noted the report, revealing a serious problem of ‘wealth flight’. The rise of the Indian millionaires has been impressive with the number of rich Indians rising 27 percent in the last year from 196,000 to 250,000. As it turns out, however, that kind of wealth creation has not been sufficient to stem the exodus. The top five destinations for Indian millionaires are the UK, US, Australia, UAE and Singapore, according to Andrew Amoils, head of research, New World Wealth. The most important reason is a sense of security, safety in life, wealth, food, air, education and rights. Despite the proliferation of malls, bars and high-end restaurants, the quality of life in India remains poor. A close to 100 million Indians don’t have access to safe sources of water, which is not surprising because our waterways are filled with filth. The fact of the matter is that urban India is rotting and is sinking in its own filth. New Age Weekly

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August 2-8, 2015

Call to Stop Commercialisation... From Last Page

with cafeterias of modern times where expensive of cost but low in nutrition food is served. Prof Narain said that the government has been conspiring to curtail teachers’ rights and their role in education by passing Common University Act leading to cutting across the democratic norms. It would be exclusively in the hands of the government to decide who to be taught and what to be taught. AISF general secretery Vishwajit Kumar attacked the Choice Based Credit System (CBCS), RUSA and Common University Act in his address. Vishwajit pointed out that the moment has come when students have to reach every nook and corner of the society and among the masses to protest against the attacks on democracy, freedom and education. SFI joint secretery Vikram Singh said left students’ should remain active both in the society and in their campus. Actually, they should consider campus as battle field, to fight for betterment. AISF representative Rahila Perveen said that Lyngdoh Commssion Recommendations were conspiracy to suppress students’ voice. Among the other speakers were Ashok Mishra (AIDSO), Amaresh (AIFB), V Sivadasan (SFI), Ankush Dubey, and Abdullah Azam. There were several resolutions adopted by the convention opposing CBSC, RUSA, raising demand to increase public expenditure in education to six percent of GDP, 10 percent of Central budget and 30 percent of state budget.

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August 2-8, 2015

AIKS to Launch Agitation in UP

Farmers Must be Given Their Due LUCKNOW: Uttar Pradesh Kisan Sabha has decided to launch on September 1, 2015, statewide agitation and create public awareness programme to press for demands related to farmers suffering due to apathy of Akhilesh Yadav government. General secretary of All India Kisan Sabha and national council secretary of the Communist Party of India Atul Kumar Anjaan said that instructions would be issued to members of the UP unit of the AIKS all over the state that as part of agitation programme they should take up “rasta

roko” and “rail roko”. The AIKS leader said that due to apathy of Narendra Modi government, at the centre and Akhilesh Yadav government in the state, a large number of farmers were committing suicides and migrating to cities. Anjaan said that during last March and April, crop was affected due to unscheduled rains which resulted in huge loss and a large number farmers committed suicide due to lack of proper compensation from central and state governments. Talking about sugarcane farmers, Anjaan

said that private sugar mill owner’s owed Rs 8,000 crores to farmers in the state. Despite several orders from Supreme Court and high court the government could not ensure the payment of dues to farmers which exposed the connivance with the private sugar mill owners, Anjaan charged. Instead of giving relief to farmers, the central government gave interestfree loan to the tune of Rs 6,000 crores to private sugar mill owners. The procapitalist policies of the governments resulted in the rise in the prices of power,

ethanol and liquor due to which private sugar mill owners earned profit to the tune of Rs 20,000 crores, but even then they are not willing to part with the dues for the farmers. Now the stage has come to such a pass that farmers are losing interest in sugar cane farming, said the AIKS leader. About the demands, the UP Kisan Sabha would press for implementation of Swaminathan Commission on farmers report, guarantee of 50 per cent profit on the cost of production on agriculture, provision of pension of Rs 3,000 per month to farmers

and agricultural labourers over the age of 60, farmers’ land should be protected from land mafia, all land acquired for SEZ but lying vacant should be returned back to farmers, government should ensure minimum work of 200 days in MGNREGA at the rate of Rs 300 per day and compensation of Rs 10 lakhs to the family of all those farmers who committed suicide. Atul Anjan said that as a part of programme on September 1 memorandum would be given to district magistrate all over the state to be later on handed over to prime minister and the chief minister.

On Record... Whistleblower bureaucrat Sanjiv Chaturvedi, who has been selected for the prestigious Ramon Magsaysay award, on Wednesday expressed disappoinment over functioning of the PMO and said he was able to “survive” only because of an “independent judiciary.” “There should be a zero tolerance against corruption not against honest officers. I am disappointed with the functioning of PMO as I worked with policy of zero tolerance as espoused by the Prime Minister. I took this message to heart and took considerable personal risks to break corruption in AIIMS,” he said. – The Hindu, July 29. *** Thirteen years after the burning of the S6 coach of Sabarmati Express, which killed 59 karsevaks returning from Ayodhya, Gujarat anti-terrorist squad (ATS) nabbed one absconding accused, Kasam Bhemdi, from Dahod railway station. This is the third arrest in quick succession of a Sabarmati Express carnage accused. The first two were made by Panchmahal local crime branch on July 16 and July 22 when they arrested Kadir Abdulgani Pataliya and Hussain Suleiman Mohan respectively. Pataliya was arrested from a hotel in Godhra, while Mohan was arrested from Jhabua in Madhya Pradesh. Both men were handed over to the special investigation team (SIT), which is investigating the Godhra carnage case. – The Times of India, July 28. *** A Union government-backed survey has revealed a disturbing trend: in the six years since the Right to Education Act, around 60 lakh children between ages six and 13 years remain unschooled in the country.

While children from Scheduled Castes and Tribes form 49% (29.73 lakh) of the deprived kids, those from Other Backward Classes constitute 36%, which shows RTE has brought little change in the lives of marginal groups. At 77%, a majority of out-of-school (OOS) children are in rural areas. Besides, 15.57 lakh Muslim children too are out of school, comprising 25% of unschooled children. In all, around 3 per cent of the total 20.4 crore schoolgoing children in the country are deprived of their tight to education. – The Times of India, July 27. *** Students of Qaumi Senior Secondary School are still attending lectures in classrooms built by knocking together corrugated iron sheets over a metal frame. The five-storey building with 23 rooms that originally housed this boys’ school in central Delhi’s Quresh Nagar was knocked down in June 1976 to make way for flats. School authorities—and the community— had been promised a new building. But, nearly four decades and countless requests for intervention later, they are still waiting. Qaumi school, an Urdu aided school, has been running from the paved yard of the

Eidgah since the demolition. These open-air classes have produced several academic prize winners and even the odd artist. – The Times of India, July 27. *** Various ministries — led by health, agriculture and human resource development — have released close to Rs 44,000 crore over the past few years without getting utilization certificates or accounts of grants given to statutory bodies and organizations, resulting in spending without any evidence of gains flowing to the beneficiaries. The concern has been flagged by the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) in a new report which pointed to over 43,000 utilization certificates adding up to Rs 44,000 crore which were due at the end of March 2013 being pending even 12 months later. The numbers would be much higher as at least 13 ministries including power, panchayati raj, rural development, petroleum, public enterprises and commerce and industry did not share information with the federal auditor. – The Times of India, July 27. — Compiled by C Adhikesavan New Age Weekly

Delhi Postal Regd. No.DL(C)-01/1274/2015-17 Licenced to Post without Pre-payment No.U-(C)-47/2015-2017 (R.N.I.No.539/57)Posted in NDPSO, Friday & Saturday August 2-8, 2015 Date of Publication: 31/07/2015

Page No. 16

16 New Age, August 2-8, 2015

Convention of Left Students Organisations

Call to Stop Commercialisation of Education

AISF General Secretary Vishwajit Kumar addressing the convention A national level convention against commercialization and privatization of education system was held jointly by five left students’ organizations, namely All India Students’ Federation (AISF), All India Democratic Students’ Organization (AIDSO), All India Students’ Block (AISB), Progressive Democratic Students’ Union (PDSU) and Students’ Federation of

India (SFI), on July 28, 2015, at Aiwan e Ghalib hall, New Delhi. In the deliberations, there was lively participation by students from states such as Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Delhi. On the dais were present the student leaders of AIDSO, AISB, AISF, PDSU, SFI, apart from Prof Nandita Narain (President, DUTA) and Prof Anil

By Gangotri Sikdar Sadgopal. Prof Sadgopal expressed his concern at the interventionism of the WTO especially in the education sector. He criticized the educational institutions in the private sector and expressed doubts about the quality of education imparted by them. Neo liberalism has been

influencing every sphere of education, taking away the rights of the teachers and students both. It has its negative effects on the knowledge level also of the students. Prof Anil Sadgopal gave a call for unity of the teachers and students. Keeping in mind the movement to be launched in August, the eminent educationist raised slogans against WTO asking them

to leave education, leave India. Nandita Narain attacked the semester system introduced lately in colleges. Since there are examinations at short intervals, at the end of every semester, students are made to concentrate on exams. They have no time left for gaining knowledge. She compared the private educational institutions On Page 14

Man ki Baat Has Lost Its Shine A person dies in a road accident in every four minute and about one third of them are aged between 15 to 25 years of age. This is an alarming figure for any nation, which cares for its citizens, but in the largest democracy in the world — India — it is not worthy of the attention of the politicians who run the country. No curative measures, no debates and no discussions. While our parliamentarians spent hundreds of hours in the House taking up other issues or making Parliament non-functional, they give little care for the citizens. Last week, the prime minister touched the issue in his Mann ki Baat over the death of a 20-year BBA student, who bled to death on meeting an accident on a city road. Nobody helped the victim. This is not an isolated incident, hundreds die unattended on the roads. Young lives are lost, sole earners of the family die, hundreds are maimed, but there is no concrete step to eliminate this curse on Indian roads. The roads are broken with big and large potholes not worthy of traffic, but thousands

By S. K. Mittal of big and small cars and trucks pass on them. The important highways are not worthy of use or the roads are not motorable. The NDA promised a slew of good motorable roads, but it remained in the papers. Fourteen months have passed since it came to power, but good roads are a distant dream. The Man ki Baat is a toothless exercise. The nation has heard many promises from its leadership, but nothing has till date translated into reality. In the national capital, the roads are in a pathetic condition. The good area comes under the jurisdiction of the three civic bodies under the BJP rule and an elected assembly under the AAP government. Chief minister is more concerned about power. Four to five people die in the Capital daily in road accidents and many get injured and die before reaching the hospitals. Even if they reach the hospitals, there are so many formalities and the injured die before even getting first aid.

The police are more interested in completing the formalities of the case instead of proper treatment. Many instructions have been issued to the police, but all remain on paper. If the people help an accident victm, he is harassed and therefore people avoid to get themselves involved in accidental cases. The buses, the trucks and even cars do not follow the traffic rules. The drivers are given driving licences without proper training. It’s a city of perfect chaos and the two wheelers suffer the most. The auto rikshaws are a law unto themselves. Besides breaking the rules, they pick up more passengers than permitted. The Gramin Sewa is one of the most defaulting one and follows no rules. Man ki Baat or the Bari- Bari talks of the chief minister are simply elusive and have no substance in them. Nobody seems to be genuine or sincere in solving the basics of civic life but the people are being denied their fundamental right to life.

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