Regis 1 Jesse Regis Lauren Sallinger UW20:54 December 12, 2007 Located in Washington D.C., The George Washington University is an institution that inevitably intersects with the political current. From its roots in George Washington’s last will and testament, to President Lincoln’s order to erect barracks on campus during the Civil War, to students watching smoke plume from the Pentagon on September 11, 2001, the university is inevitably linked to history (Anderson 1 “Columbian”; Capp; “GW Inauguration” 10). Based largely on its location four blocks from the White House and within walking distance from many cabinet level agencies and departments, GW has been involved in a number of movements designed to challenge the status quo. In 1969, with the Vietnam War claiming the lives of American servicemen, moratoriums were organized with the goal of ending the conflict. Blocks away at GW students supported the peace movement, which motivated them to challenge both the Nixon presidency and campus authority throughout the year. By October, tensions were running high, and by November, students openly defied GW’s administration as they fought for the end of a conflict they deemed unjust. Roots of the movement To understand the student activism in October and November, 1969 it is crucial to place the events in context. In 1965 the university inaugurated President Lloyd Hartman Elliot. He entered office facing a division between the administration, alumni, faculty, and student body following two interregnums and the sudden death of GW’s thirteenth President Dr. Thomas Henry Carroll (Anderson “Elliot” 1, “Presidents” 5). Elliot created positive momentum at the university with a number of his initiatives that increased faculty and student involvement across the board. Throughout his time in office, Elliot created new positions, centralized the administration’s influence, and opened channels of communication. Students and faculty were encouraged to participate in the Academic Senate where Elliot reportedly listened to concerns more than he spoke, an indication that he would find unity at GW (Kayser 308). Elliot also reaffirmed the institution’s association with the federal government by calling for a survey that evaluated the relationship (Kayser 307). As early as 1965 it was apparent that Elliot would be involved with the resident at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, though he claimed the university was “apolitical.” However, given the proximity in Washington, the presence of FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover and Agricultural Secretary David M. Kennedy on the board of trustees, the university would be anything but politically inactive (Slovick 1). By the late 1960s the student activism that had been brewing since the end of WWI had become hostile and students jumped on the opportunity the counterculture offered to provoke change in their university and community (Keyser 308). Unfortunately for the administration, GW’s community was Washington D.C., the political forefront of the world. It was also a place where the university was loosely defined as a place where social change began. A former GW student turned oral historian named Elmer Louis Kayser suggested:

Regis 2 They were adults. In the mind of the new breed, the walls of the college were down. It was but a war or a precinct in the local political unit, and they were involved in all the city’s problems – in fact, all society’s problems. It followed logically that they particularly must be involved in the governance of the University, a task for which the position of student gave them especial aptitude. Such was their rationale, if they stopped to figure it out. Events and situations had led students in large numbers into a militant expression of what they assumed their position in society to be. The civil rights struggle, the unpopular war in Vietnam, the alleged evidences of incipient fascism, the failure of Resurrection City, the assassination of popular leaders, liberal disappointments, cataclysms of destruction and violence – these were goads to action by the forces of unrest (Kayser 309-10). Thus the landscape that helped shape the rationale of GW students was grounded in the desire to tackle societal problems from the nation’s capital. Planning the march Of the 58,193 American troops who died in Vietnam, 36,615 of them were dead by the end of 1969. A vast number of them were under age twenty and if not for the conflict may have been studying in classrooms beside those who would eventually protest America’s involvement in Southeast Asia (Hull 7). At GW, students were enrolled from all fifty states and from eighty foreign countries, which ensured a wide demographic on campus and outrage from every part of the country (Keyser 311). In fact, by now many Americans were frustrated with their leadership, which resulted in President Nixon’s approval ratings of fifty-seven percent, a relatively low number (Gallup 1). College students, as well as the general public, were delirious of war and created a campus atmosphere where recruiters had difficulty attracting students, and where faculty were fearful of their life’s work being destroyed, published before completion, or vandalized during a building takeover (Robb 10; Levey 1). The frustration needed an outlet. It was time for the nation to hit the streets along with the Vietnam Moratorium Committee (VMC), an antiwar organization that would help organize a series of Moratoriums to increase public pressure to end the war by encouraging Americans to work against it (“Moratorium” 1). Among the goals of the VMC was to educate the masses of people who still supported the Vietnam War, and to mobilize the disgust that was already visible in others. As the VMC’s leader Sam Brown Jr. said, “We can make it damn hard for Nixon to continue this war” (Hurwitz 19). Large rallies were planned in major cities including Washington D.C., and smaller demonstrations were slated throughout the country. It was to be a nationwide effort meant to reflect America’s discontent with the Vietnam War. Organizers sought a complete work stoppage throughout the country to demonstrate the discontent amongst the population, who would go so far as to sacrifice a day of wages in exchange for an immediate withdraw of American troops from Vietnam. The work stoppage was designed to occur every month, and was to be extended by one day with each successive month. The October march would last one day, the November

Regis 3 march would last two days, et cetera, until the war ended. December 1970 would have fifteen days of protest. By February 1972 there would be a constant work stoppage (Marder 1). Goals of the Moratorium Before a work stoppage could occur, the VMC had to centralize those who opposed the war. The committee’s primary targets were college campuses, where they assumed support would be the highest because of the perceived liberal tendencies of youth. The committee contacted hundreds of student body Presidents by reading the “Student Call” to interested leaders, which read in part, “Ending the Vietnam War is the most important task facing the American nation. Over the last few years, millions of Americans have campaigned, protested, and demonstrated against the war. Few now defend the war, and yet it continues” (Hurwitz 25). By signing the call, students agreed to support the moratorium. Nearly five-hundred college student body presidents and newspaper editors signed on and a separate pledge was written for university faculty members as well as businessmen and other professionals whose work stoppage would send a strong message to the Nixon White House (“Student Call” 1). Neil Portnow was the Student Association President at GW in 1969, and while he cannot specifically remember receiving a call from the VMC he was sympathetic to the Moratorium (Portnow 1). In addition, David Hawk, who worked for the VMC as well as the National Student Association, influenced 253 of the student body Presidents to refuse service should they be drafted and invited the President to meet with the group (Reeves 128). Nixon ignored the invitation, but on September 20, 1969 the President did invite 225 student council presidents, and some of their university presidents, to Washington from conservative colleges throughout the country. There, they attended a lecture called “Evolution Not Revolution: A Time for Constructive Activism,” and also heard the President present a speech. The New Republic summed up the speech as, “the way to be affective is to be quiet” (Reeves 129). Nixon later called the meetings “useless” and immediately left Washington to play a round of golf at the Burning Tree Country Club, a historically white-only venue where GW President Lloyd Elliot was also a member (Reeves 129; Slovick 1). It seemed that both men were agitated that those they represented challenged their authority, and turned to activities far from the public eye for rest and relaxation. Campus Discontent Judging by the outcome of the meeting, it was impossible for Nixon to indoctrinate even the most conservative student body presidents. While these students may not have supported demonstrating against the war, planning by the VMC continued for the October Moratorium with the support of those who did. Targeting college campuses may have been the most informed decision the committee made when organizing the October 15 demonstration, as discontent among students was high. On April 23, 1969, just miles from GW, at American University (AU) in Tenleytown, twenty-five members of an unclear faction of Students for a Democratic Society took over a building demanding an end to AU’s police administration courses and connections with the Department of Defense. A week removed from a violent building takeover at

Regis 4 Harvard University, the SDS rebellion failed as thirty fraternity brothers ousted the members after deciding that SDS did not represent their views. At 10 p.m., the GW chapter of SDS marched to the Sino-Soviet building at 19th and G Street where they planned a take-over under the claim that the department teaches classes with an anticommunist bias. They also demanded the school disassociate itself with the Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) program that prepares college students for the military and invaded the building (“SDS Routed” 1). Meanwhile, the details of a Howard University boycott over unfavorable policies were spreading across campus (“Boycott Widens” 7).

Open Communication At GW, the issue of student demonstrations was a concern for “all members of the educational community – students, faculty, administration, and trustees – and to many members of society at large,” according to GW President Elliot. In a statement, he condemned the use of violence, but promised students “open channels of communication,” through petition, the Student Assembly, articles in The Hatchet, and even rallies (Elliot “Statement” 1). The idea of violence was also condemned earlier that year in a speech by David Fishback at the 148th annual commencement ceremony. Citing “disgust, anger, and oppression,” the graduating senior acknowledged the student body’s frustration in eliminating injustice. After all, President Lyndon B. Johnson’s Great Society was supposed to correct many of the unjust issues still in the limelight, including healthcare, poverty, and racial inequality. Meanwhile, all were aggravated by the war in Vietnam that ravaged human rights in South East Asia and distracted the administration’s focus from the domestic front. Channeling his frustration, Fishback seemed to guide students towards the October Moratorium that would occur four months later stating: Youth is always proclaimed to be the wave of the future. Well, we’re it. In the final analysis it will be us and people like us who will determine whether this nation descends into more chaos and more repression or whether it develops into a truly just and truly free society. It is our responsibility (Fishback 3).

GW did, in fact, carry the burden of society and reflected its desire for change at the ceremony. Seated on stage with Fishback was The Honorable Edmund Sixtus Muskie, Democratic Senator from Maine and opponent to the Vietnam War (Meyerson 1; Anderson “Commencement” 1). Whether GW intended to fill the stage with anti-war speakers is unclear, but the university presented Muskie with an honorary degree at that event. At commencement 1970, GW would present another honorary degree to Walter E. Washington, the mayor of Washington D.C. and the man who lobbied the Nixon Administration for march permits during the November Moratorium (“Selected” 1). In 1968 the university bestowed Yale President and anti-war advocate Kingman Brewster Jr. with an honorary degree (Anderson “Commencement” 1). Months later, both Brewster and Muskie would be making news at the October 15 Moratorium for their antiwar positions. It seemed that while not everyone at GW supported anti-war activities outright,

Regis 5 there was an underlying distaste for conflict that motivated honorary degrees to these advocates, and prompted Fishback’s anti-war speech. As seen through these events an antiwar sentiment filled the Foggy Bottom community. October Moratorium

Students demonstrate against U.S. President Nixon, and GW President Elliot outside the administration building at 2121 Eye Street (Cherry Tree 70).

By late summer, VMC organizing efforts were in full force, and students were getting closer to sharing their antiwar views on the national stage. The organization had just realized the Federal Bureau of Investigation was wiretapping their phone lines, but remained staunchly committed to the effort nonetheless (Hurwitz 40). The first nine months of 1969 had been quiet on the anti-war front with no mass mobilizations, and the time was right for action (Hunt 215). Previously, Nixon stated his foreign policy would remain consistent despite the demonstrations, but on the eve of the march hinted that the war may be over within three years, thereby establishing a time frame for the first time (Roberts 1). Down the street on Capitol Hill, members of the U.S. House of Representatives attempted to keep the body in session throughout the night in a display of solidarity with the moratorium. At 9 p.m. the spectator galleries were filled and hundreds more stood in line outside waiting for entrance. Congressmen debated the war until 11:17 p.m. when a motion to adjourn narrowly passed by a majority vote of 112-110. However, the spectators who had packed the gallery stood on the Capitol steps, many of them throughout the night, singing protest songs and chanting slogans in a “gathering [that] soon took on the atmosphere of a college rally” (Schieffer 20-21). Candlelight vigils were held across the country throughout the night in anticipation of demonstrations expected to occur at about eight hundred colleges. Hundreds of towns were also expecting demonstrations (Benti 24, 34). The next morning, a local university was among those colleges when eight hundred Georgetown students held a candlelight march and religious service in remembrance of those who died in Vietnam (Hart 5). Later that day thousands of people poured onto the streets in Washington D.C., but events throughout the nation occurred on an unprecedented scale. The Boston Common saw the largest peace demonstration on record, and a “sea of humanity” jammed Wall Street in New York City (Dean 6, Pappas 6). Between thirty and fifty-thousand came together in New Haven, five-thousand in Chicago, more than ten-thousand people rallied in Los Angeles, and hundreds marched across the Golden Gate Bridge in San Francisco. Dozens marched in Sydney, and seventy

Regis 6 more gathered in Paris where American students sung antiwar songs outside the U.S. embassy. In London, VMC organizer, Oxford University student and future President Bill Clinton helped organize a march outside the American embassy in London. Detriot, San Antonio, Atlanta, Des Moines, Akron, Milwaukee and hundreds of other cities and towns called for peace as well (Kissinger 98; Stout 8; Cronkite 4, 15; Jones 7; Fromson 9; Morton 11; “Antiwar Marches” 1; Clinton 1). Rallies were held at schools throughout the country. Many colleges canceled classes including Whittier College in Whitter, California, where four-hundred of the school’s twenty-one hundred students protested the war. The protest at Whittier took on added importance as President Nixon graduated from this conservative Quaker school. In 1934 he was the student body president, and thirty-five years later in a testimonial to the unpopularity of the war, the current student president led the Moratorium Day movement on campus (Drinkwater 8). In Foggy Bottom, two thousand students, many from GW, marched to the Selective Service Headquarters at 1724 F Street NW. Six GW students carried a black coffin during the march to represent those who died in Vietnam. Upon returning to campus, the students prepared for the “Professionals for Peace” rally, an event on Farragut Square in which protestors and at least two lawmakers attempted to convince business executives that ending the war may financially benefit them (Strawser 1; Valentine 11). From there, more than six hundred area law students marched to the Justice Department and presented a petition to end the draft. Outside the building, GW law professor Monroe H. Freedman proclaimed, “I incite you to resist the draft in any way that is dictated by your conscience” (Valentine 11). Later that day, prominent pediatrician and co-chairman of the mobilization committee Dr. Benjamin Spock stood on the quadrangle behind the GW library and told four thousand students, faculty members, area residents and out of town protesters that President Nixon was unable to end the war because of “limitations on his personality” (Cherry Tree 82; Kissinger 98; Valentine 11; Walker 4). Demonstrations at nearby Johns Hopkins, Howard, and Catholic University lasted through the afternoon, and back in Washington, Coretta Scott King, widow of Martin Luther King Jr., led a candlelight procession two hours in length past the White House (Valentine 11). The movement was even visible in Vietnam as fifteen American soldiers wore black armbands on combat patrol in support of the movement at home (Benti 7). It was a worldwide effort that appeared to be unstoppable. Losing Momentum While the October 15 Moratorium was among the largest in U.S. history, organizers were uncertain of the next step. Logistics, time constraints, and a vast swath of the population that actually supported the war made planning future Moratoriums more difficult. The future of the movement remained uncertain. However, planning for the November demonstration was already well underway, and organizers were too time committed to cancel the proceedings. While the November march would definitely occur, the December demonstration remained in question. Selfdoubt and uncertainty filled the Vietnam Moratorium Committee’s office at 1029 Virginia Avenue (Hurwitz 21, 150). When organizer David Hurwitz contacted campus coordinators, he found they were flunking out of school as a result of the time spent planning the Moratorium instead of studying (Hurwitz 150). Thus, there was a constant

Regis 7 search for coordinator replacements that occupied much of the post-October moratorium. It seemed that the momentum would continue until the November 15 march, and then falter. The Great Silent Majority Exacerbating the problem of dwindling activism was Nixon’s “Great Silent Majority” speech on November 3, 1969, a date strategically set between the October 15 and November 15 demonstrations, and also a day before municipal elections in many areas (Marder 1). Broadcast on television, Nixon asked the country to support the war because “the more support I can have from the American people, the sooner that pledge can be redeemed; for the more divided we are at home, the less likely the enemy is to negotiate…”(Nixon 1). The next day, a Gallup phone poll revealed that seventy-seven percent of those who watched Nixon’s speech supported Nixon’s Vietnam policy, a figure that devastated the VMC (Hurwitz 158). It would now be a constant struggle between Nixon and the shrinking anti-war crowd just to get attention. In direct response to Nixon’s speech, fifteen-thousand people joined a Freedom Rally in Washington. Conceived by Charles Moser, Russian professor and faculty adviser to GW’s chapter of the Young Americans for Freedom, the group supported Nixon’s goal of trumping communism and not simply coexisting with it (“Nixon’s Unsilent” 25). Others like Senator Eugene McCarthy saw the Silent Majority speech as a challenge that must be answered (McCarthy 19). November Campus Preparations In a move that would please Nixon, GW vowed to remain open during the November demonstrations in a policy recommended by GW President Elliot and the Executive Committee of the University Senate. The report outlined plans to offer temporary facilities on 1901, 1903, 1905, and 1907 F Street, and made the dining facilities in Mitchell Hall available to demonstrators. The November 10 report also denied the request to use non-residential buildings on November 14 and 15 to house protesters in need of shelter because “the University is not licensed to use non-residential buildings for this purpose…and cannot therefore assume the risks arising from considerations of fire-prevention, health, sanitation, safety, and personal security...” Furthermore, Elliot and the Executive Committee refused to alter the guest policy for residence hall housing due to restrictions of the DC occupancy code and also because “the University has the obligation to ensure a living situation as normal as possible for regular residents” (Elliot “The Monday Report” 2). Of course, there is a distinction between regulation and reality – a concept that became apparent just days later. Defying the law Meanwhile, students at GW spent some of their time provoking the administration over the policy. A few days before the march, students confronted President Elliot over the housing rule that limited guests in residence halls. Under this policy it would be impossible to house the hundreds of demonstrators coming to march on Washington. In response, over one hundred students staged a sit-in at Rice Hall, the administrative building at 2121 Eye Street, and demanded to speak with Elliot. President Elliot appeared within the hour and stood firmly by the policy saying there were “dangers,” and “risks”

Regis 8 and that it would disrupt the flow of activities at the university, despite the fact that classes would not be in session during the Saturday march. Students even presented Elliot with a petition signed by twelve-hundred people demanding a reversal of the housing policy. Refusing a compromise, Elliot left amidst a storm of heckling (Valliere 1). Days later, despite the District of Columbia housing code and a promise by President Elliot and the Executive Senate to enforce it, hundreds of people descended on GW’s campus in search of food and shelter. On Thursday, November 13, in Mitchell Hall, the Dorm Council voted to increase the number of visitors permitted in the building from two visitors per person to three, which afforded shelter to an additional four hundred demonstrators. That night many guests packed Madison Hall, Adams Hall (now Lafayette Hall), and a number of fraternity houses where they reported little or no resistance from policy enforcers (Higman 1). Friday night anti-war activists Jerry Rubin and Abbie Hoffman spoke behind the GW library to a crowd of one thousand people (Beer 1). Earlier that evening, Lisner Auditorium was opened for emergency housing for protesters, as were a number of other areas throughout campus. Seven hundred students slept in Lisner and thousands more bunked in a building at 19th and F Street. Escaping the brutal cold and harsh winds the demonstrators hung posters, wrote messages on blackboards, and cooked on radiators. Hundreds more flooded the lobby, lounges, and cafeteria across the street at Thurston Hall. Regulations prohibited sleeping in Thurston; however, demonstrators sung and discussed the war throughout the night. As the Cleveland Chairman of the National Welfare Rights Organization said, “We know now how it is sleepin’ on floors, but it’s worth it to stop the war (Higman 1).” The March Excitement ran high when demonstrators woke up on November 15, but overall expectations were low for the march. National Review predicted the possibility that the counter-demonstration may “overwhelm” the November anti-war protests (“Editorials” 1). President Nixon’s speech and news that showed more than three-fourths of the country supported Nixon’s Vietnam policy led to low morale among the organizing bodies of the march, that now included The New Mobilization Committee (The Mobe), an umbrella organization more radical than the VMC (Rosenbaum “Two” 1). Reports showed that the march would attract far less than the originally anticipated 250,000 to 500,000 people. However, those who predicted low turnout overlooked the hundreds of thousands who were still furious with the war. These students, businesspeople, and housewives descended on Washington to demand the United States stop killing in their name. In fact, the events of November 15 created the largest demonstrations on record in many cities throughout the country (Harwood 1; Herbers 1). Daylight Breaks At 7:30 a.m., upwards of forty-thousand demonstrators concluded a forty-hour “March Against Death” where one-by-one each person walked four and one half miles in silence from Arlington Cemetery past the White House to the Capitol bearing a card with the name of a U.S. soldier who died in Vietnam or a village allegedly destroyed by American troops. Participants would scream out the name in front of the Executive Mansion and place it into a coffin upon reaching the Capitol. The coffins would be delivered to the White House later that day. By 10:23 a.m., many of them were prepared

Regis 9 to join the main demonstration, and the “climax to three days of anti-war demonstrations” (Rosenbaum “Thousands” 2; Herbers 2; Walker 4, 21). The Route

Demonstrators would march along the route outlined by the solid black line. The dashed line represents the march route for which a permit was denied (“War Foes” 1).

Demonstrators seeking to join the main protest were to assemble west of Third Street on the National Mall in front of Capitol Hill. The route would take the expected crowd of two hundred thousand people around the south side of Pennsylvania Avenue to 15th Street, only one block from the White House. The homestretch took marchers south on 15th Street to the Washington Monument. The route was symbolic, taking hundreds of thousands as close as permits would allow to the White House, which represented the power of President Nixon and his decisions regarding Vietnam. The location adjacent to the Washington Monument was meant to remind the public of the August 28, 1968 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, which was arguably the most successful march in history up to that point (Lydon 1). The march stepped off with temperatures in the mid-30s in what seemed like “a merging of the college campuses across the nation.” Hundreds of thousands of people, including Coretta Scott King, followed seven drummers and eleven wooden coffins filled with the placards deposited during the “March Against Death (Walker 4; Herbers 60).” Many joined hands in a show of solidarity while chanting “Peace now!” Counter demonstrators along the route attempted to provoke arguments, but according to reports, there were no major confrontations. By 2 p.m., most of the demonstrators had reached the Washington Monument and had begun making bonfires with their posters to keep warm and were now listening to performances from Mary Travers of the group Peter, Paul and Mary, Arlo Guthrie, John Denver, Pete Seeger, Mitch Miller, and Leonard Bernstein the former conductor of the New York Philharmonic (Herbers 60; Hunt 215). Questionable Success The exact number of demonstrators who turned out on that cold November day remains in question. Washington D.C.’s chief of police said a modest estimate was 250,000 people and the chief demonstration marshal estimated over 300,000. As Bruce Morton reported on the six-o’clock broadcast of the CBS Evening News, “No crowd figure is accurate, but it may have been the biggest turnout this city has ever seen.” By

Regis 10 many accounts it remains the largest march in the history of Washington, D.C. (Morton 2; Serafin 1). The success of the Moratoriums in October and November 1969 is still a matter of debate. While millions were involved in some aspect of civil disobedience, the Vietnam War ravaged on for five more years, thousands more American servicemen died and Students for a Democratic Society fell apart. Even the short term impact was limited as the Senate Armed Services Committee unanimously approved the creation of a draft lottery on November 14, 1969, in the middle of the moratorium (Reasoner 10). Through this hardship the struggle continued, but soon faltered. A few additional moratoriums continued into the next year, but largely fell apart after April when radical sects overwhelmed the nonviolent moderate factions (Hurtwirz 204). Demonstrations on college campuses continued well in to the 1970s at D.C. Teachers College, University of Maryland, American and Georgetown Universities over many of the same issues addressed in 1969 such as ROTC programs and student representation. In 1970, the bombing of Cambodia and tragedy at Kent State University led to a number of anti-war demonstrations at schools throughout the country (“Further Growth” 1). At GW, the radical movement was hampered with the graduation of its leaders and a wise administration keen on dealing with student disciplinary issues (Kalb 1). In fact, it seemed that the same weariness that led to antiwar activities is the same feeling that led students away from the movement. Instead, as one newspaper reporter observed, students may have accepted many of the changes instituted by their universities saying, “disruptive student protests seem to have yielded this year to more ‘sophisticated’ within-the-system political tactics” (Delaney 1). By April 1971, GW President Elliot strove to provide more degree programs to part-time students. Howard University planned to open a Center for Urban Studies and a School of Communications, which would boost the career prospects of its predominately African-American enrollment. Georgetown planned to expand enrollment for their medical school and the D.C. college consortium took steps making it easier for Ph.D. candidates to complete work with professors at other schools. These new initiatives would increase student involvement and representation. Students thus found it difficult to protest when their administrations continued to provide new opportunities (Delaney 1). The public, which largely followed the anti-war sentiment of students, became more complacent as the mood on college campuses changed. While things were quiet, “Elliot said he would be ‘less than candid’ if he didn’t admit to some queasiness over the national anti-war demonstrations planned for Washington in late April and early May, since GW is ‘within a stone’s throw of the White House.’” At Howard University, things remained calm but President James Cheek summed up the presumed feelings of college presidents throughout the country saying, “that’s subject to change at anytime” (Delaney 1).

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Cronkite, Walter. CBS Evening News with Walter Cronkite. CBS, WCBS, New York. 15 Oct. 1969. Transcript, 2; 15. Clinton, Bill. “Bill Clinton’s Draft Letter.” PBS. 3 Dec. 1969. 1 Dec 2007. . Dean, Morton. CBS Evening News with Walter Cronkite. CBS. WCBS, New York. 15 Oct. 1969. Transcript, 6; 11. Delaney, William. “Sophistication Taking Over? New Treands on Campus.” Washington Star Apr. 1971. Drinkwater, Terry. CBS Evening News with Walter Cronkite. CBS. WCBS, New York. 15 Oct. 1969. Transcript, 8. “Editorials.” National Review 18 Nov. 1969. Elliot, Lloyd H. “The Monday Report,” 10 November 1969. The George Washington University Office of Public Relations. Student Protest Collection, GWU, Washington D.C. Elliot, Lloyd H. “Statement from the President,” 22 September 1969. Student Protest Collection, George Washington University, Washington D.C. Fishback, David. Address delivered at 148th Annual Commencement, The George Washington University, Washington D.C., 8 June 1969. Student Protest Collection, GWU, Washington D.C. “Further Growth and a New Stability.” The University of Delaware, a History, Chapter 12. 27 Nov 2007. < http://www.udel.edu/PR/munroe/chapter12.html>. Fromson, Murray. CBS Evening News with Walter Cronkite. CBS. WCBS, New York. 15 Oct. 1969. Transcript, 9. Gallup, George. “Nixon’s Popularity Drops to 57 Percent.” Washington Post 16 Oct. 1969. GW Presidential Inauguration, The Inauguration of Steven Knapp as the Sixteenth President of the George Washington University. Program Guide. Washington D.C.: GW University, 2007. Hart, John. CBS Morning News with Joseph Benti. CBS. WCBS, New York. 6 Oct. 1969. Transcript, 6. Harwood, Richard. “Largest Rally in Washington History.” Washington Post 16 Nov.

Regis 13 1969, 1+ Herbers, John. “250,000 War Protesters Stage Peaceful Rally In Washington.” New York Times 16 Nov. 1969: 1+. ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851-2004). George Washington University. Gelman Lib., 1 Dec 2007. Higman, Jon. “’Wall-to-Wall Bodies’ Housing Provided at GW.” Hatchet 17 Nov. 1969, 1+. Hull, Theodore J., Statistical information about casualties of the Vietnam Conflict. National Archives. Feb. 2007. 21 Nov. 2007.. Hunt, Andrew E. David Dellinger: The Life and Times of a Nonviolent Revolutionary. New York: New York University Press, 2006. Hurwitz, Ken. Marching Nowhere. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1971. Jones, Bob. CBS Evening News with Walter Cronkite. CBS. WCBS, New York. 15 Oct. 1969. Transcript, 7. Kalb, Barry. “The Scenes Are Changing, Hot Issues Abound at Area Colleges.” Washington Star 20 Apr. 1970. Kayser, Elmer Louis. Bricks Without Straw: The Evolution of George Washington University. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1970. Kissinger, Henry A. Ending the Vietnam War: A History of America’s Involvement in and Extrication from the Vietnam War. New York: Simon and Schuster, 2003. Leavy, Robert F. “Radicals Explain to AU.” Washington Post 27 Apr. 1969, A10. Lydon, Christopher. “Administration Authorizes Peace March Along Penn. Avenue” New York Times 12 Nov. 1969, 1+. Marder, Murey. Nixon Seen Aiming at Nov. 15 Rally. Washington Post 15 Oct. 1969, A10. Meyerson, Harold. “A New Hampshire Ghost: Can Hillary Clinton Avoid What Ed Muskie Couldn’t?” Washington Post 14 Feb. 2007, A19. . McCarthy, Eugene. CBS Morning News with Joseph Benti. CBS, WCBS, New York. 12 Nov. 1969. Transcript, 19.

Regis 14 “Moratorium Strategy.” Vietnam Moratorium Committee. Special Collections, The George Washington University, Washington D.C. Morton, Bruce. CBS Evening News with Walter Cronkite. CBS. WCBS, New York. 14 Oct. 1969. Transcript, 7+. Morton, Bruce. CBS Evening News with Roger Mudd. CBS, WCBS, New York. 15 Nov. 1969. Transcript, 1+. Nixon, Richard. “The Great Silent Majority.” 3 Nov. 1969. . “Nixon’s Unsilent Supporters.” Time 21 Nov. 1969, 25. Pappas, Ike. CBS Evening News with Walter Cronkite. CBS. WCBS, New York. 15 Oct. 1969. Transcript, 6. Portnow, Neil. “On Behalf of Neil Portnow.” Email to Jesse Regis. 11 Dec. 2007. Presidents of the University. “Dr. Thomas Henry Carroll.” GW Historical Almanac – Special Collections and University Archives. 7 Dec. 2007. . Reasoner, Harry. CBS Evening News with Walter Cronkie. CBS. WCBS, New York. 14 Nov. 1969. Transcript, 10. Reeves, Richard. President Nixon: Alone in the White House. New York: Simon and Schuster, 2001. Robb, Charles. CBS Morning News with Joseph Benti. CBS, WCBS, New York. 12 Nov. 1969. Transcript, 10. Roberts, Chalmers. U.S. Affirms Viet Stand as Protest Opens: Millions Set to Join in Moratorium. Washington Post 15 Oct. 1969, A1+. Rosenbaum, David E. “Agnew Scores War Foes; Rally to Hear 2 Senators.” New York Times 11 Nov. 1969: 1+. ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851-2004). George Washington University. Gelman Lib., 1 Dec 2007. Rosenbaum, David E. “Thousands Due in Capital In War Protest This Week”. New York Times 9 Nov. 1969: 1+. ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851-2004). George Washington University. Gelman Lib., 1 Dec 2007. Rosenbaum, David E. “Two Antiwar Groups Strive for Unity.” New York Times 22 Oct. 1969: 1+. ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times

Regis 15 (1851-2004). George Washington University. Gelman Lib., 1 Dec 2007. Selected Prior Recipients of Honorary Degrees. GW News Center Office of University Relations. 2002. 7 Dec. 2007. . Serafin, Barry. CBS Sunday News with Harry Reasoner. CBS, WCBS, New York. 16 Nov. 1969, Transcript, 1. Schieffer, Bob. CBS Morning news with Joseph Benti. CBS, WCBS, New York. 15 Oct. 1969. Transcript, 20+. “SDS, Routed at AU, Seizes GW Building.” Washington Post 24 Apr. 1969, A1+. Slovick, Lyle. “Radical Student Union.” The GW and Foggy Bottom Historical Encyclopedia. 2 Feb 2007. 7 Dec. 2007. < http://encyclopedia.gwu.edu/gwencyclopedia/index.php/Radical_Student_Union,_ 1970>. Stout, Bill. CBS Evening News with Walter Cronkite. CBS. WCBS, New York. 15 Oct. 1969. Transcript, 8. “Student Call For a Vietnam Moratorium.” Vietnam Moratorium Committee. Special Collections, The George Washington University, Washington D.C. Strawser, Neil. CBS Midday News with Douglas Edwards. CBS, WCBS, New York. 15 Oct. 1969. Transcript 1. Valentine, Paul W. “Candlelight Walk Caps Day in City.” Washington Post 16 Oct. 1969, A1+. Valliere, Greg. “Elliot Faces Dissenters During Rice Hall Protest.” Hatchet 13 Nov. 1969, A1+. “War Foes Reject Offer of Capitol Route.” New York Times 8 Nov. 1969: 11. ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851-2004). George Washington University. Gelman Lib., 1 Dec 2007. Walker, Hal. CBS Morning News with Joseph Benti. CBS. WCBS, New York. 15 Oct. 1969. Transcript, 5. Walker, Hal. CBS Morning News With Joseph Benti. CBS. WCBS, New York. 14 Nov. 1969. Transcript, 4.

Regis 16

Works Consulted “4th Arrested in Takeover of GW Hall.” Washington Star 6 May 1969. Carter, Phillip D. “D.C. Policeman Rues Rioting.” Washington Post 16 Nov. 1969, A14. Carter, Phillip D. “For Some it Meant Change But Others Ignored Protest.” Washington Post 16 Oct. 1969, A1+. Chapman, William. “Thousands at Justice Dept. Gassed in Radicals’ Assault.” Washington Post 16 Nov. 1969, A1. Dick, David. CBS Midday News with Douglas Edwards. CBS, WCBS, New York. 12 Nov. 1969. Transcript, 1. Goldwater, Barry. CBS Evening News with Walter Cronkite. CBS. WCBS, New York. 15 Oct. 1969. Transcript, 3+. Graham, Fred P. “But Other Officials Laud March as Restrained.” New York Times 17 Nov. 1969: 1. ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (18512004). George Washington University. Gelman Lib., 1 Dec 2007. Kleindienst, Richard. CBS Morning News with Joseph Benti. CBS. WCBS, New York. 12 Nov. 1969. Transcript, 6+. Kifner, John. “Tear Gas Repels Radicals’ Attack.” New York Times 16 Nov. 1969: 1. ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851-2004). George Washington University. Gelman Lib., 1 Dec 2007. Mixner, David. Stranger Among Friends. New York: Bantam Books, 1996.

Regis 17 “No Nonsense at GW.” Washington Star 20 May 1969. “Response to Violence.” Washington Star 26 Apr. 1969. Robertson, Nan. “Pentagon Issues Arlington Rules”. New York Times 28 Oct. 1969: 9. ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851-2004). George Washington University. Gelman Lib., 1 Dec 2007. Rosenbaum, David E. “2 Antiwar Groups Strive for Unity.” New York Times 22 Oct 1969: 1. ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851-2004). George Washington University. Gelman Lib., 1 Dec 2007. Schlemm, Sara. “Yale President to partake in Iraq investigation, Levin reclaims predecessors’ role in national affairs.” The Yale Herald. 13 Feb 2004. 7 Dec. 2007. < http://www.yaleherald.com/article.php?Article=2935>. “The Commander in Chief Reports to the Nation.” National Review 18 Nov. 1969, 11531154. “The March.” Editorial. Washington Post 16 Nov. 1969, B6. U.S. Congress House Committee on Internal Security 91:2 Hearings: New Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam. Washington D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1970. U.S. Investigating Some Organizers of War Protest. New York Times 19 Nov. 1969, A1. Van Den Haag, Ernest. “A Modest Proposal: The Campus and the Law.” National Review 2 Dec. 1969, 1212-13. “Vietnam Moratorium.” New York Times 14 Nov. 1969: 46. ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851-2004). George Washington University. Gelman Lib., 1 Dec 2007.