Conference organizers:

The Sociology of Work Section of the Polish Sociological Association the Institute of Sociology, University of Wrocław

in cooperation with the Students’ Circle for Social Initiatives, University of Wroclaw, the Academy of Young Scholars and Artists of the Wroclaw Academic Hub and the Wrocław Branch of the Polish Sociological Association

Professor Guy Standing’s visit at the University of Wrocław and his key note lecture during the Conference are organised within the framework of the Visiting Professors programme sponsored by the City of Wrocław, the Scientiae Wratislavienses fund.

The Project Open Day of the Changing Employment Project is funded by the FP7-PEOPLE-2012-ITN project “Changing Employment” “The changing nature of employment in Europe in the context of challenges, threats and opportunities for employees and employers”, project no. 317321

Sekcja Socjologii Pracy

Conference Programme 14 November (Friday) Venue: The campus of the Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Wrocław, Koszarowa street 3. All conference events will take place in the Institute of Political Sciences (IPS) (https://goo.gl/maps/OraUl) .

9.00 – 9.30

Registration

9.30 – 10.00

Opening of the conference (Auditorium C, ground floor, Institute of Political Sciences)

10.00 – 11.00

Keynote lecture by Guy STANDING: “Tertiary Time and Work: The Precariat’s Dilemma”

11:00 - 11.45

Discussion panel on precarious work - participants: Krystyna JANICKA (University of Zielona Góra, Institute of Philosophy and Sociology of the Polish Academy of Sciences), Jane HARDY (University of Hertfortshire), Krystian SZADKOWSKI and Maciej SZLINDER (Praktyka Teoretyczna). Moderation: Juliusz GARDAWSKI (Warsaw School of Economics)

11.45 – 12.15

Open discussion

12.15 – 13.00

Lunch break (IPS, ground floor)

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13.00 – 15.00

Thematic parallel groups

Theoretical debates about the boundaries of work (DEBATES 1) Chair: Jane HARDY

Social boundaries of work in contemporary societies (SOCIETIES 1) Chair: Sylvie CONTREPOIS

Social boundaries of work: changing workplaces (PLACES 1) Chair: Jan CZARZASTY

Venue: IPS, room 23 Rethinking the Concept of Work in the Consumer Society OMAY Umut, OMAY Esma Gültüvin Gür

Venue: IPS, room 25 Small business, servitude and ethnic queue. Polish immigrant cleaners’ experience in New York City SOSNOWSKA Anna

Venue: IPS, room 114 Contracted out: effects of commercialisation on inhome eldercare workers in Poland’s public sector MCEVOY Gwen

Digital Technologies and the discourses on the future of work KRZYSZTOFEK Kazimierz

Representing the margins? Organised labour and the dual challenge of crossborder temporary agency work HEINRICH Steffen, SHIRE Karen, MOTTWEILER Hannelore

Entrepreneurs of the Nightlife: An Analysis of the Work of Party Promoters and DJs in the City of São Paulo PINA Marcos Roberto Mariano

“Work after work”. Earning activity outside the social division of labor GALOR Zbigniew The nature of work and its social dimension ANDRAŁOJĆ Magdalena The critical labour studies in Hungary, Poland and the UK: between crisis and revitalisation MROZOWICKI Adam, STEWART Paul, ZENTAI Violetta

Border Labor in Sarre-LorLux Region : evolutions, forms and effects on economic and social development of these regions BELKACEM Rachid & PIGERON-Piroth Isabelle The EU work mobility – an old challenge for national trade unions: The Austrian trade unions’ position towards the EU cross border labor workers. SAMARSKY Elena

Distributed paper: Work, boundaries, and the accomplishment of governing Historical and economical COLEBATCH Hal push and pull factors and their influences on the migration path of Koreans from Korea to Germany, and the United States JONG Poo Lum 15.00 – 15.30

Coffee break (IPS, ground floor) 2

The business case for labour broking in South Africa KUSHATA Tinashe Stephanie Occupational identity on the flexible labour market CZERANOWSKA Olga Anna Work at cultural events – a biopolitical approach KIEŃĆ Witold

15.30 – 18.00

Thematic parallel groups

Europe, social dialogue and the problems of precarious work (EUROPE) Chair: Adam MROZOWICKI

Social boundaries of work in contemporary societies (SOCIETIES 2) Chair: Iza DESPERAK

Social boundaries of work: changing workplaces (PLACES 2) Chair: Juliusz GARDAWSKI

Venue: IPS, room 23

Venue: IPS, room 25

Venue: IPS, room 114

Social Dumping and Market Expansion in Europe BERNACIAK Magdalena

Professional Careers and Corporate Order – Professional Biographies of Polish Corporate People in Late Capitalism BIAŁY Kamila

Workplaces, careers and conjunctures: migrant professionals in the construction industry moving through time and space WICKHAM, James

Polish entrepreneur, employer and owner. A media discourse analysis OSTROWSKI Piotr, FIGIEL Wojciech

Why we go to work? On organisational culture of Polish companies in the SME sector CZARZASTY Jan

New category among Polish workers – working poor ZIELIŃSKA Justyna

Nonunion organizations of precarious workers in Turkey: two case studies TASKIRAN Gulcin

Two decades of European Works Councils. A quantitative evaluation KÖHLER Holm-Detlev, BEGEGA Sergio Gonzalez & ARANEA Mona Scheduled to work hard: Understanding the outcomes of working time diversification for work intensity PIASNA Agnieszka Student workers: a new invisible proletariat in Europe? CONTREPOIS Sylvie Anticipation and restructuring in the banking sector in Europe: can social dialogue change the picture? KIROV Vassil, THILL Patrick

20:00 - 23:00

Temporary employment in Poland: historical overview SKOCZYLAS, Tomasz The Relations between Economic, Employment and Educational Structure: The Case of one Croatian County ŽAŽAR Krešimir Distributed paper: The changing concept of employment: the special connection between labour law and civil law in Hungary ZACCARIA Márton Leó

Conference Dinner (place TBC)

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The crisis of strong ties? The Effects of atypical employment on family networks in Germany HEDDENDORP Henning LASS Inga

15 November (Saturday) 9.00 – 11.00

Thematic parallel groups

Theoretical debates about the boundaries of work (DEBATES 2, POLISH GROUP) Chair: Krystyna JANICKA

Social boundaries of work in contemporary societies the precarious work (PRECARISATION) Chair: Joanna RÓGILNICKA

Special session „Workplace innovation”

Venue: IPS, room 23 Społeczne i moralne konsekwencje urynkowienia pracy w Polsce WALCZAK-DURAJ Danuta

Venue: IPS, room 25 Welfare state changes and its consequences for the labour market. The case of precarization of work. BARANOWSKI Mariusz

Venue: IPS, room 114 Workplace Innovation as a social innovation: setting the scene DHONDT Steven, PREENEN Paul

Rola pracownika w XXI wieku: czy maszyny zastąpią ludzi? LEMAŃSKI Andrzej

Labour market flexibility and precarity in Hungary CSOBA Judit

Corporate Welfare work and Enlightened Capitalism, 1880-1930 De GIER Erik

Granice więzi społecznych współczesnego rynku pracy POTASIŃSKA Anna

Competencies and precariat in the aspect of work KOLASINSKA Elżbieta

Etyczny wymiar produkcji partnerskiej w społeczeństwie informacyjnym HOLC Slaviana

Atypical Work in Romania as the Last Solution for Vulnerable Populations: Evidence from Quantitative and Qualitative Inquiries PREOTEASA Ana Maria

Doświadczenie ciała pracującego w procesie kształtowania się późnokapitalistycznej tożsamości klasowej DRĄG Sabina

Precarisation of work in precarious world DESPERAK Iza

Problemy pracy emocjonalnej w aktywności związkowej. Refleksje w oparciu o badania jakościowe KAMIŃSKABEREZOWSKA Sławomira 11.00 – 11.30

Coffee break (IPS, ground floor)

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Chairs: Steven DHONDT & Vassil KIROV

On the importance of experience-based work action and tacit knowledge for workplace and social innovation NEUMER Judith, PFEIFFER Sabine Open Innovation and the Workplace Contingencies, ALIJANI Sharam Workplace innovation for better jobs and organizational performance, POT Frank

11.30 – 13.30

PROJECT OPEN DAY of the FP7 Initial Training Network “Changing Employment” - Poster Session of Early Stage Researchers with the introduction and moderation by Paul STEWART (VENUE:Auditorium C, ground floor, Institute of Political Sciences)

ESR 1: ARANEA Mona (Universidad de Oviedo):European Employment Relations as multi-level bargaining arenas in transformation. ESR 2: LAFUENTE HERNÁNDEZ Sara (Université libre de Bruxelles): Multi-level european industrial relations in the energy sectors. ESR 3: ADASCALITEI Dragos (Central European University): Does success have a bitter taste? The case of HRM practices in the Dacia Renault factory in Romania. ESR 4: AGUILA Clara (Université d'Évry-Val-d'Essonne): Inversion of relations: when the margins are centralized. ESR 5: AZIZ, Karima (London Metropolitan University): Migration aspirations & realities: Experiences of female Polish migrant workers in the UK. ESR 6: POLKOWSKI Radosław (University of Strathclyde): Pathways to citizenship (inclusion) and conflict (exclusion): employment relations in migrant workers’ workplaces in Belfast, Edinburgh and Wroclaw. ESR 7: EGAN Ben (Katholieke Universitait Leuven): Workplace diversity in multinational enterprises and trades union inclusion strategies: an analysis of Belgium, France and the UK. ESR 8: KAROLAK Mateusz (Uniwersytet Wrocławski): Return migrants inclusion and employment: the case of return migration from the UK to Poland. ESR 9: SAHRAOUI Nina (London Metropolitan University): The social implications of precarious work for Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic women in the UK social care sector. ESR 10: STRAUSS-RAATS Pille (University of Gothenburg): Protected precarity and liberal security: employment and representation security in regulatory frameworks of temporary agency work in Sweden and Poland ESR 11: MENDONCA Pedro (University of Strathclyde): Examination of the impact of the changing nature of employment regimes on employees in the supply chain. ESR 12: DEPREZ Laurens (Université d'Évry-Val-d'Essonne):Tools of rationalisation in the IT sector. 5

13.30 – 14.30

Lunch break (IPS, ground floor)

14.30 – 16.30

Thematic parallel groups

Theoretical debates about the boundaries of work (DEBATES 3)

Social boundaries of work in contemporary societies (SOCIETIES 3)

Chair: Zbigniew GALOR

Chair: Elżbieta KOLASIŃSKA

Venue: IPS, room 23 Basic income. Revolution or reform of labor relations? MIKA Bartosz

Venue: IPS, room 25 Employment of people with disabilities – experience of the employers PROCHAZKOVA Lucie

Bifurcation of working time MUSZYŃSKI Karol Is it possible to desire work? KOBOVÁ Ľubica Potential of Application of Assumptions Richard Sennett’s Ethic of Good Work and Florian Znaniecki’s Axiological Other in the Conditions of the Culture of Work in Poland MIANOWSKI Jacek Discourse on paid household work in Poland: from the bottom-up and top-down KORDASIEWICZ Anna

„Career by choice” or „career by chance”? The determinants of flexible professional biographies RÓG - ILNICKA Joanna The wicked hero in the service of the state and society. Social boundaries of work of the Polish soldiers on military missions abroad NOWACZYK Olga Biographical Boundaries of Work KRASOWSKA Agata

Distributed paper: Education and labor market. Competences of upcoming teachers in the light of researchers among the students of pedagogy at University of Zielona Góra ROSZKOWSKA Martyna

Social boundaries of work: changing workplaces (PLACES 3, POLISH GROUP) Chairs: Krzysztof JASIECKI/Slaviana HOLC Venue: IPS, room 114 Ocena wdrażania koncepcji flexicurity w Polsce PRZYŁĘCKI Paweł Samozatrudnienie jako indywidualny projekt pracy w warunkach przemian współczesnego rynku pracy JEZIOR Jagoda Nowa rola Publicznych Służb Zatrudnienia: jak radzić sobie we wzmacnianiu zatrudnialności? KALBARCZYK Agnieszka Reprodukcja (nie)formalnej pracy opiekuńczej w Polsce TEISSEYRE Piotr Prekaryzacja pracy w środowisku osób starszych ODROBINA Katarzyna Distributed paper: Psychosocial conditions of vocational activity people with high-functioning autism WISZEJKO- WIERZBICKA Dorota

16.30 – 17.00

Coffee break (IPS, ground floor)

17.00 – 18.00

CLOSING PANEL DISCUSSION 'SOCIAL BOUNDARIES OF WORK AND NEW PERSPECTIVES IN THE SOCIOLOGY OF WORK’ Chair: Zbigniew GALOR. (VENUE:Auditorium C, ground floor, Institute of Political Sciences) 6

ABSTRACTS Adascalitei Dragos and Stefan Guga Central European University, Hungary Does success have a bitter taste? The case of HRM practices in the Dacia Renault factory in Romania. This paper analyzes the transfer of human resource management (HRM) practices in the Dacia Renault automotive plant in Romania. The plant is the most important French investment in Romania, employing around thirteen thousand workers. HRM practices are reviewed with special consideration of how they changed since the privatization of the factory and how these changes impacted workers’ lives. In particular I consider practices in the areas of recruitment, reward systems, training and development but also wage setting, temporary work and work safety. Of particular interest is the way in which the HRM culture of the French multinational corporation interacts with, and shapes the local practices. The paper argues that in order to understand the HR practices employed by the Renault Group in the Dacia case, we have to embed the story into its local context by paying attention to the local labor market opportunities and to how workers perceive the employer in relation with other local employers. Based on fieldwork data carried out between 2012 and 2013, the paper shows that the employer used a ‘carrots and sticks’ strategy in order to make workers accept its HRM practices. The carrots are the above average wage at the plant when compared with the national and local level, decent work and safety standards, and the preservation of permanent contracts for experienced workers. The sticks are the threat of unemployment, the utilization of temporary contracts when employing new workers, and the threat of complete relocation of the investment. Aguilà Clara Fernandez Université d'Évry Val d'Essonne, France Inversion of relations: when the margins are centralized In a context widely known by "crisis", we can confirm that it occurs a profound change of the labour market. Current society is changing in an accelerated speed, and a practical example of that is the restructuring of firms; that is to say that a change in the rules of the game are very deep in the world of work. How the agents live these changes? The conditions are no longer the same. There is a gap between the past and the future in terms of employability. I present my results of a first sociological analysis of interviews that I have conducted in Catalonia, Spain. Businesses and political agents, following the logic of profit which characterizes the capitalist system, are directing the plans of restructuring – such as the application of the very known in Spain, the ERE’s – being a procedure in the current Spanish legislation by which a company in a bad economic situation, is seeking authorization to suspend or lay off workers. Without workers’ resistance end unity, the result is more unemployment and suppression of jobs. Beyond these regulation plans of employment, it is being carried out an attack to the achievements and social developments that has cost much effort and struggle to the working class. The elite under the pretext of economic shortage conducts privatization of public services such as health and education. That is the phenomenon of Third Marketization proposed by (Burawoy, 2013). More and more layers of the population seem to realize that the crisis is not theirs, but it is a crisis of the banks and corrupt government linked to them. Consequences for workers is clear: the degradation and intensification of work activity, and thereby the deterioration of the living conditions. That is becoming a reality that takes magnitude. Workers who have lived a job security and good living conditions, today are aware and value which is in the process of being destroyed: dignity at work and therefore a certain quality of life. They are living all these changes. They have their own understanding and opinion about those facts. What becomes interesting is to examine how changes in the material conditions affect the conscience of workers. Change is profound and irreversible. In listening to these workers, it may at the same time confirm the importance of the speech of workers depending on their own experience. We study the transformations of consciousness, and the emergence of new representations differing or contrasting from "strong identity of

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work". The last seems to be disappearing, especially among young workers. So we study different representations depending in part on different experiences. Generations here play a crucial role, and workers’ that have lived the changes (that is before and after the crisis) have a lot of key information when studding which conditions for population are better. We need to listen their voices as a reference of dignity, and for future generations because they are already in the flexible market, which doesn’t offer dignity, life perspective or stability. Alijani Sharam Neoma Business School, France Open Innovation and the Workplace Contingencies This panel proposes to investigate and discuss the main contingencies that modern organizations and workplaces are facing when implementing Open Innovation processes. Open Innovation has been defined as the “use of purposeful inflows and outflows of knowledge to accelerate internal innovation” as well as “expansion of markets for external use of innovation” (Chesbrough et al. 2006). The implementation of Open Innovation processes helps create a distinct organizational architecture to foster innovative business models. Innovative ideas can burgeon inside the workplace or come from outside the organization and thus constitute the cornerstones for creating and sustaining value across the firm boundaries. The move from a closed to an open innovation model provides the opportunity to identify and capture value throughout the value chain via the R&D and workflow components. As such, open innovation processes help encapsulate the spillover effects by integrating, exploiting, and sharing new ideas, practices and knowledge. The Open Innovation principles can be further elucidated when discussing the implications of organizational innovation for the stakeholders. In an increasingly knowledge-driven economy, innovation has a direct bearing on the activity and resource bases of the firms and constitutes the main determinant of productivity, efficacy and efficiency. As a lever for (re)orchestrating activities and (re)configuring resources, open innovation processes can be used to reinforce the firm’s core competences and dynamic capacities (Prahalad and Hamel 1990; Teece 2004, Teece et al. 2006). In this panel, we place a particular emphasis on the contingencies and limitations to which workplace innovation is subjected. The first contingency deals with the cooperative schemes that need to be designed and sustained among the stakeholders and most notably between employees and their managers. The second contingency pertains to the techno-economic environment that surrounds the workplace and conditions its knowledge input-output matrix. The third contingency to which modern workplaces are increasingly subjected underpins a broad array of CSR (ethics, responsibility, sustainability) imperatives. The papers and panel discussion will provide the opportunity to examine the multiple dimensions of workplace innovation with a special reference to the challenges posed by open innovation processes and practices. Andrałojć Magdalena Poznań University of Economics The nature of work and its social dimension In the world dominated by rational way of thinking and egocentrism human work has been perceived as unpleasant duty (toil, labor) or investment in oneself. The first way of thinking is reflected in classic economy (Smith, Ricardo), where work is treated as paid labor. The second one refers to Becker’s human capital theory. These mainstream economic theories focus on individual. The financial crisis of 2008 and changing situation on labor market have renewed discussion about basic values between the main stream thoughts and alternative way of thinking derived from criticism of conservative liberalism, capitalism and laissez-faire economic policies. In fact the discussion started in 1972 , when the Club of Rome published a report The Limit of Growth. Interesting opinion in this discussion is shared by sociologist Amitai Etzioni, who promoted the new discipline – socioeconomy, and (neo)communitarian ideas. The representatives of the social economy have pointed out growing income inequality and deepening segmentation of the labor market. For example, David Orrell believes that "in many ways, we live in a time of the greatest inequalities in history - a hedge fund manager can make a billion dollars a year, a billion people live on less than a dollar a day" [Orell, Sedlacek, Chlupaty, 2012, pp. 85]. One reason for the economic crisis and deepening the inequality may be a crisis of social values??. The debate conducted in the (neo)communitarian stream, that highlight the importance of social values,

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inspires to reconsider the nature of work. Researchers from New Economic Foundation (NEF) in the report “A bit rich” raised the fundamental questions concerning work: “to what extent does what we get paid confer ‘worth’? Beyond a narrow notion of productivity, what impact does our work have on the rest of society, and do the financial rewards we receive correspond to this? Do those that get more contribute more to society?” [Lawlor, Kersley, Steed, 2009, p. 29]. Having in mid these questions it is interesting not only to discuss nature of work, but to look for alternative ways of measuring work value, e.g. SROI. The theoretical basis for taking SROI into account may be derived from combining human capital theory (Becker) and communitarian thought (Etzioni). The main purpose of the paper is to look for and discuss social value of work. The questions taken into consideration are the following: 1. How work is perceived in mainstream economy? 2. What is the critique of mainstream? 3. Does communitarian thoughts rise the understanding of work value? 4. What is the social value of work? 5. How the social value of work may be measured? Aranea Mona Universidad de Oviedo, Spain European Employment Relations as multi-level bargaining arenas in transformation The research presented on this poster deals with social dialogue on the EU-level. The case study looks at European employment relations in the multinational steel producer ArcelorMittal. Three potential or existing arenas of transnational collective bargaining in the European Union are being studied: The company´s European Works Council, the European Sectoral Social Dialogue Committee for the steel sector and the European Framework Agreement between ArcelorMittal and the European trade union industriAll. What becomes evident when looking at EWCs, Social Dialogue and EFAs is that all three core elements of European employment relations are currently suffering from institutional underdevelopment and in some cases blockades by management. Case studies of the three main bodies of European employment relations (EWCs, Social Dialogue and EFAs), focusing on two European sectors shall produce comparative findings that help to understand differences and similarities in transnational bargaining on various levels. The originality of the research derives from its combinations of all three major instruments of industrial relations at the European level. While much has been written on the issue of EWCs, there exists a gap concerning sectoral social dialogue and EFAs. The aim is to analyze reasons for the institutional underdevelopment of the three instruments and to identify possible factors that could lead to an improved effectiveness of European employment relations. The three bargaining arenas constitute a genuinely European form of multi-level bargaining. They have to be studied alongside the various other geographical (national, local, regional, global) and sector arenas of employment relations in order to fully understand the relation between management and employees in ArcelorMittal. The case study contributes to the creation of a profound knowledge base on European employment relations concerning factor of success or failure for social dialogue in multinational corporations in the EU. Aziz Karima Working Lives Research Institute, London Metropolitan University, UK Migration aspirations & realities: Experiences of female Polish migrant workers in the UK I would like to propose a poster presentation for the special poster session of the ITN project ‘Changing Employment’ about my PhD research project ‘Migration aspirations & realities: Experiences of female Polish migrant workers in the UK’. Recent female Polish migrants to the UK have been described as hypermobile female workers characterised by reliability, efficiency, cheapness and commitment. This can challenge and reinforce the Polish nationalist version of femininity as represented by Mother Pole ‘Matka Polka’ - a figure limited to procreation and domesticity. The research project will address the experiences of female Polish migrants in the UK as well as female return migrants in Poland and the influence of structure and agency on their working and wider lives using a qualitative approach. While enjoying the freedom of movement, these

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migrants’ qualification often do not get recognised and they often start out working in low skilled, low-paid as well as gendered employment. While some women might be able to overcome barriers and progress professionally, others can feel ‘stuck’ in these disadvantaged positions. The research project analyses the experiences of female Polish migrant workers and the influence of structure and agency on the development of their aspirations and lived realities. By conducting and analysing biographical narrative interviews the complex dimensions of migrant’s aspirations and realities can be analysed without the risk of biased assumptions. The research has a multifaceted approach combining perspectives at the micro-level of individual experiences of female Polish migrants, the meso-level of households, networks and trade union activities as well as at the macro-level on changing employment in Europe. In the light of the last decade of the enlarging EU an analysis of the position of female migrants in the labour market provides important insights into the dynamics of social inclusion and exclusion as well as on European and national labour markets. The proposed poster will visually highlight the main objectives of the research project, methodology used as well as main results so far. By the time of the conference fieldwork including respondent and expert interviews will have been completed in the UK and started in Poland. Baranowski Mariusz Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań, Poland Welfare state changes and its consequences for the labour market. The case of precarization of work. The main objective of the paper is an attempt to analyze changes in the labor market in terms of its precariousness, ie. increasing uncertainty of different dimensions of work. Reflections on the nature and extent of these changes will be limited to the area (legal and actual practice) of welfare state institutions especially in the developed capitalist economies. Not only social issues accompanying profound changes of the structure of the work will be relevant, but also the performance of the new forms of employment and organization of labour process. In order to empirically verify the economic efficiency of various "models" of labor markets, selected indicators will be compiled flexibility of labor markets, characterized by a relatively limited welfare state institutions (Anglo-Saxon countries: IE, GB, Mediterranean: GR, IT, ES, PT) and for countries with extensive social security systems (the Scandinavian countries: DK, FI, SE, NL and Continental: AT, BE, FR, LU, DE). The time horizon will cover the period of the last decade, which will also take into account the 2007-2009 financial crisis and changes in the regulation of labor markets in selected national economies. Belkacem Rachid and Piegron-Piroth Isabelle Université de Lorraine, France Border Labor in Sarre-Lor-Lux Region: evolutions, forms and effects on economic and social dévelopment of these régions Sarre-Lor-Lux is a very big Region, an important geographic space constituted by two German border regions (Sarre and Rhénanie-Palatinat), one border French region (Lorraine), one border Belgium region (Wallonie) and a small country (Luxembourg). Situated in the centre of European Union, in this geographic space, we observe new employments dynamics with the development of border Labour. More and more people live and they work in two countries. But this professional occupation has different realities for these border workers. For a global population of 11 millions, around 210 000 workers have their job in another country and they cross the border every day or at least once a week. State of Luxembourg is the main destination of these workers. They are 160 000 to work in this country. The Lorraine (French Region) is the main region of residence of these border workers. In 2014, they are 100 000 (1 working population on 10). Near the border, in certain geographical zones (as in the Nord of Lorraine), 1 working population on 2 has even its job on the other side of the border. The Border Labour and its different forms have very effects, positive and negative, on the composition of Regional Labour Markets and more generally on the economic and social development of these different border Regions in the two sides of the border. For the regions of residence, this shape of professional occupation allowed to stabilize the population in a context of industrial crisis since the 1980s. For the regions of employment, companies benefited from an available and trained workforce. But there are many problems in relation with the social status of these workers which concern questions of the pension, the treatment of incapacity, the question also of job-seekers services, the question

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of working conditions for temporary border workers … This analysis is revealing at the same time headways of the European construction but also its limits. Methodology It is very difficult to find complete information at a regional and local level. It is because to analyse this subject, we use various information sources:  results of inquiries with the borders workers;  data produced by statistical institutes as INSEE (National Institute for Statistics and Economic Studies), STATEC for Luxembourg and Eurostat;  and individual data resulting from various social and fiscal public organizations. Bernaciak Magdalena European Trade Union Institute, Belgium Social Dumping and Market Expansion in Europe This paper proposes a conceptualisation of social dumping that can be applied to the analysis of dumping practices pursued in the context of EU integration process. The paper’s theoretical point of departure is the assertion that well-functioning markets are constructed. They are based on regulations that guide and constrain the behaviour of market participants, put in place rights and prevent market power abuses. Social regulations constitute an important element of this construction: as observed by Polanyi (2001[1944]), ‘bare’ market forces have a destructive potential, and thus a certain degree of social protection is indispensable to ensure the efficient functioning of the markets, both in social and economic terms. Despite their beneficial aggregate effects and positive long-term impact, however, the protective arrangements clash with capitalist markets’ tendency to expand and subsume those elements of societal activity that do not operate in line with their logic. This process of market expansion, or marketisation, may involve the spread of markets into new geographical areas or new fields of activity, and/ or the increasing depth of commodification. The recent phase of marketisation is often viewed as the result of national and supranational policy decisions inspired by neoliberal ideology. This paper argues, however, that market expansion proceeds not only in the top-down fashion; it also follows directly from strategic choices of self-interested market participants. Since the beneficial effects of regulatory constraints materialise only in the long term, rational actors forced to act according to short-term market logic will view them as barriers to profit maximisation. Similarly, despite the positive aggregate impact of regulation and the solution for the collective action problem that it offers, from the point of view of a profit-maximising individual it would nevertheless be optimal if he / she could undercut or evade the existing norms at the time when the rivals abide by them. Against this background, the paper defines social dumping as the practice of undermining or evading the existing social regulations, undertaken by self-interested market participants with an aim of gaining a competitive advantage. However, the paper also argues social dumping and top-down marketisation initiatives do not take place in isolation. Actors’ efforts to undercut or evade social regulations are encouraged by policy initiatives to expand markets. To illustrate this point, the second part of the paper analyses Europe’s recent large-scale marketisation projects – the creation of the Internal Market and EU enlargement to the south and to the east. It shows that the two processes have simultaneously extended the scope and depth of the European market, leading to unprecedented intensification of price-based competition. In effect, not only have they made social dumping more pertinent, but they have also provided market participants with new strategic opportunities to contest the existing social constraints. Biały Kamila University of Łódź, Poland Professional Careers and Corporate Order – Professional Biographies of Polish Corporate People in Late Capitalism. Referring to a set of narrative interviews being professional biographical interviews with managers and professionals I would like to present some definite typically patterned professional careers. The course and main phases of the settling into corporate order are identified and described with Fritz Schuetze analytical

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tools and categories. The main focus of interest are not only biographical processes of growing-up in corporation, that is the sphere of cognitive, normative and emotional referrences, but also their relation to the institutional sphere. Simultaneously, I intend therefore to address two type of questions: - what type of biographical experiences we are dealing with: biographical plan (an autonomous, selfreflexive and intentional process of planning one's own actions), institutional pattern (a normative-based precess of meeting-up institutional expectations), trajectory (a suffering-involved process of uncontrollably being subject to external circumstances), methamorphosis (a surprise-driven creative process of change), - what are the ways a biography reflects corporate order, that is some definite type of the social order in late capitalism, and the related processes of Europisation, globalisation, multiculturalism and transculturalism as well as the neoliberal economic order. That second addressed question becomes more nad more crucial since corporate order seems to bound (renders cathectic), to use a growing-up-in-corporation methaphor, in a double way through its embedded ambiguity. On the one hand, there is a high degree of deregulation, allowing considerable latitude and creativity but, on the other hand, there is also strong regulation, accountability and the regime of audit. Colebatch, Hal University of New South Wales, Australia Work, boundaries, and the accomplishment of governing This conference is addressed to the changing nature of work and the ‘social boundaries’ within which it takes place. This paper is perhaps coming at the question from the other side, addressing the practices of governing, and the way in which the concepts of ‘work’ and ‘social boundary’ can be applied to make sense of them. In this, it is hoped that it will ‘move beyond the reductionist identification of work with employment and the labour market’, as the Call for Papers urges. The paper starts from a constitutional/normative account of governing, and the way in which it depicts the work of governing, and the social boundaries within which it is carried out. It then looks at the way in which empirical enquiry qualifies and extends this account by directing attention to the significance of which specialisation, clustering and involvement in the work of governing. It examines the nature of different sorts of activity in governing, the extent to which they become ‘work-like’, and in particular, the tension between involvement and professionalization. It explores the significance of the concept of boundaries and alternative theorisations of the existence of multiple social formations with accompanying framings of practice. This leads to a concluding discussion of the significance of multiple accounts in the framing and validation of practice in governing, to the way in which collective accomplishments are attributed to the practices of particular actors, and to the place of the concepts of ‘work’ and ‘boundary’ in this process. Contrepois Sylvie London Metropolitan University, UK Student workers: a new invisible proletariat in Europe? The decline in the number of workers aged between 15 to 24, shown by different national census, is often explained by an extension in the length of studies. It is true that the number of students grew very rapidly over the last decades in most European countries. But some evidences tend to show that most of them are nonetheless well present on labour markets (Clark, 2012, Orr, 2011). Getting an exact account of the student workers population prove to be very difficult. Their situations vary considerably from volunteering or internships to divers types of part time or casual jobs. Statistics reflect upon this diversity. Within each country the number of working students declared vary according to sources (Berail, 2007). Despite this diversity, student workers form a specific labour force, highly appreciated by employers for its high level of qualification, its adaptability and its very law cost (Contrepois, 2012). This paper is aimed at questioning the place of student workers on the labour market. To what extend can one assume they form a new kind proletariat? What are the characteristics of this specific group of workers? Are they developing some forms of collective identity despite the significant social inequalities dividing them (Pinto, 2014)? What can we learn from workers and students trade union attempts at representing their interests? To answer these questions, we will draw upon two recent European studies, funded by the European

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Union’s employment, social affairs and inclusion directorate-general. The first one, PRECSTUDE, was aimed at measuring the precariousness of living conditions amongst working students (http://www.workinglives.org/research-themes/precstude.cfm). The second one, INTERNSTAGE, is questioning the social efficiency of internships, work placements and volunteering (https://www.facebook.com/internstage/info). These two European studies highlighted the complexity of working students’ social identity. They clearly form a part of the most vulnerable and lowest paid workforce. Most of them accept this situation as temporary and as a tribute to pay for their inclusion on the labour market. As a consequence, they very rarely challenge their employers and in some extreme cases of mistreatment they prefer to leave their job. At the same time, students’ organisations and workers trade unions are developing some action in order to develop students rights at work that is leading to a more general reflection on youth education and inclusion. Csoba Judit University of Debrecen, Hungary Labour market flexibility and precarity in Hungary In the wake of the development of the market model that evolved as a result of the fall of socialism and the process of privatisation, the role of the state, which had played a dominant role during the socialist era in all areas, decreased gradually. Owing to the fact that neoliberal ideology gained ground, as well as to the economic effects of globalisation, this process intensified during the second half of the 1990s in Hungary just like in other countries. The effects of deregulation manifested themselves in almost all areas, but especially in the gradual erosion of the system of institutions that was meant to guarantee the security of the citizens, and in the fact that the labour market was becoming more flexible and, moreover, increasingly uncertain. In parallel to this process, a work-based society became ubiquitous, a wide range of welfare services appeared that were tied to ‘compulsory work,’ and this lead not only to the loss of social citizenship, but also to a reduction of the importance of the system of democratic institutions during recent years. Most social groups do not have well-developed and viable survival strategies that they could rely on in the face of the multi-dimensional uncertainty that affects increasingly broad classes of society, and that took the place of the social security that had existed earlier. Organisational structures or bodies representing the interests of marginalised groups, which could provide them with security and guarantees, are almost completely missing, and the constant state of transition, the loss of status and the lack of a future perspective make the frustrated masses more and more susceptible to extreme populism, which promises them order, stability and safety. The number of people who sympathise with extreme right-wing movements has grown considerably. In our paper we will examine the context and the effects of these societal changes, especially in Hungary, but we will also look at the processes that are developing in some other countries of East Central Europe in order to find answers to the question what alternatives the uncertainties arising from the deconstruction of the welfare state suggest to impoverished social groups today. Will we experience the creation of an organised new social class, the ‘precariat’, which would transcend the earlier social boundaries and represent its interests effectively, being able to transform the society’s system of institutions according to its own interests like the proletariat of earlier historical periods had done before it, and eventually restoring social citizenship? Or will these groups lack the necessary organisation and consensual goals, and drift as an aimless mass wherever the prevailing streams of demagogy may lead them? We will try to find answers to these key questions concerning the societal changes of our time by analysing the available statistical data, the institutional systems that are currently undergoing change, as well as relevant theoretical and ideological movements. Czarzasty Jan Warsaw School of Economics, Poland Why we go to work? On organisational culture of Polish companies in the SME sector The world of Polish Small and Medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) is as captivating subject of study as it is mythologized. Despite a bulk of literature published in Polish on the subject, there are very few comprehensive empirical studies available. This paper focuses on the patterns of work organization and organisational culture in Polish SMEs based on the results of a large survey study (N=609) of owners and co-

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owners of Polish private SMEs conducted in 2010-2011. There is a striking, yet hardly surprising, gap between micro-firms (1-9 staff) and larger entities when it comes to work organisation. The dominant management style in the SMEs is autocracy, and the prevailing type or organisational culture may be described as ‘hierarchy’ (as opposed to ‘community’, which is the other type hereinafter identified). In a way, the results confirm that labour relations in Polish SME’s bear close resemblance to those observed elsewhere in Europe (‘Small isn’t beautiful’ thesis). On the other hand, there are original traces of Polish organisational culture identified by the research. The two types of organisational culture constitute two largely separate worlds of work. In a ‘hierarchy’ type of culture, work is important, yet a separate dimension of human life. One comes to work with a view of making money, and material resources obtained as a result of paid employment are used to satisfy other non job-related needs. The owners of companies with such a culture tend to believe that "Whose property, their law", so employees, if they wish to participate in decisionmaking, should start their own business, because taking up employment with someone else is a manifestation of one’s inclination to value security over freedom (and responsibility). On the other hand, in a ‘community’ type of culture, work is an important dimension of human life, as it is work that satisfies fundamental social and emotional needs of an individual, and the people with whom we work together have a significant impact on our lives. The owners of companies with such a culture tend to think that their subordinates can make a valuable contribution to the development of a company, even though it does not belong to them. Czeranowska Olga Anna University of Warsaw, Poland Occupational identity on the flexible labour market Work has not only an economical, but also psychological and social meaning in the life of an individual. In the modern, capitalistic societies, position on the job market is crucial for the social status of a person. Membership in an occupational group affects emotional relationships, lifestyle and even political views. Occupational career is an important component of a biography. Moreover, occupational identity is a system of auto-definitions, interpretative frames, definitions of situations and strategies of action in the work environment. In a classic model of regular, steady employment, a career path was connected with demographical stages. Childhood and early youth was the time of choosing a career and gaining qualifications, then work-related values were transferred through the process of occupational socialization. Major part of an adult life was a time of steady employment (the only desired changes were the ones connected with promotions within the organizational hierarchy). Finally, retirement age was the moment of occupational deactivation. Nowadays, during the economical crisis, this career pattern can be realized by few individuals. A change of job (or even profession) every couple of years has become a standard. It is worth noticing that this is not only due to the flexible forms of employment preferred by the employers, but also to the decisions of the employees themselves. A growing number of them chooses the model of a “construction career” (“port-folio career”), which means shaping the professional life by gaining experience and different qualifications according to the personal interests and ambitions. However, this model is possible only for few, high-qualified specialists with good financial standing. The situation of workers whose changes of employment are forced by the lack of possibilities of a steady employment is completely different. It can be called “patchwork career” which consists of multiple shortterm, low-paid employments. Their choice is very limited and based mostly on financial issues. Both in “port folio career” and “patchwork career” occupational identity looses it’s classical meaning. Flexibility and destabilization of the labour market changes the way in which career influence the biography of the individual. Work is still an important component of a person’s life, however its meaning is changing. de Gier Erik Radboud University, the Netherlands Corporate Welfare work and Enlightened Capitalism, 1880-1930 In the golden age of enlightened capitalism between 1880 and 1930 many, mainly large, companies in industrialized countries introduced welfare work programs. These programs encompassed all kinds of provisions, such as worker housing, profit sharing schemes, pensions, health care provisions and worker

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participation. Various reasons motivated employers to introduce these programs. Most important were: preventing high turnover of workers, preventing strikes and labour unrest, keeping unions out, increasing the attractiveness of the company for workers, increasing motivation, health and productivity of workers. Before World War I the provision of worker housing, profit sharing, pensions and health provisions were the most important issues of welfare work. After World War I, until the 1930s the interest op employers moved to combining welfare work with scientific management and Fordist policies as well as to industrial democracy. Then the Great Depression of the 1930s caused a rapid decline of welfare work and enlightened capitalism in the majority of the companies involved. In my paper I will deal in a comparative way with the development of corporate welfare in the US, England, Germany and France between 1880-1930, with a special focus on Germany. Germany, at that time becoming one of the most important industrial nations in the world, corporate welfare work got a rather unique dimension by links with factory architecture, product design, product quality, quality work and joy in work. I will conclude my paper by relating the period of enlightened capitalism to nowadays capitalism in which flexibilization of labour relations and personal responsibility of workers are paramount and former times of enlightened welfare capitalism seem far away. Also, the question will be raised which lessons modern human resources management can learn from past experiences between 1880 and 1930. Deprez Laurens Université d’Evry, France Tools of rationalisation in the IT sector This paper is part of a Ph.D, in itself part of the Marie Curie funded Changing Employment program. The main goal of this Ph.D is to research if work rationalization has been taking place in the work organization of highly skilled “white collar” workers, more specifically IT workers. In the last decades the IT industry has risen to a prominent place in the global economy, and people working in it have become the poster child of the knowledge economy. The IT industry itself has a lot of things in common with other sectors, but there are a few crucial differences pertaining to rationalization and pressure on workers, simply by its nature as we shall see below. To put the question starkly: is the intellectual work of IT workers in Europe subject to the same historical process of work rationalization and the drive for efficiency we have seen for the “blue collar” worker in industries in Europe? Presuming this is the case; in what way does this express itself, what are the tools of rationalization? More rigorous supervision, the deskilling of work…? What does this mean for job descriptions and expectations of individual IT workers and what is the human cost? How do IT workers feel about the evolutions in their workspace? To get a firm grip on these questions we need to establish a typology of worker in the IT industry, because they are not alike. In fact, there exist large differences in between them. This will be the content of the first part together with a discussion on the nature of knowledge and tasks. The second and the third part will focus on knowledge management and certifications as tools of rationalization respectively. This paper is mostly based on literature and more of an invitation to discussion, but where possible and relevant actual research and interviews have been used. Interviewees have been anonymized by using false names. Desperak Iza University of Lódź, Poland Precarisation of work in precarious world Precarisation of life and work is one of fundamental challenges for researchers and practitioners. It influences not only employment relations, but all aspects of our lives. This rather newly described phenomenon and new concept might be compared with earlier theoretical approaches proposed to analyse labour market (related) transformations. One of the earliest was proposed by Carl Marx, who wrote on the phenomenon o alienation of labour. Next century brought the concept of the end of work coined by Jeremy Rifkin, (The End of Work: The Decline of the Global Labor Force and the Dawn of the Post-Market Era). Furthermore, Zygmunt Bauman, in his Liquid Modernity, describes the decline of traditionally defined work and parallel process of production being replaced by the consumption. He also proposes a metaphor comparing employment transformations with a marriage: there is no job for ever, nor marriage for ever

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nowadays. And finally Guy Standing in The Precariat: The new dangerous class proposed completely new concept of new dangerous class of precariat. It is also necessary to be able to study the empirical data concerning this phenomenon, and check whether it can be observed also locally, i.e. in Poland. The empirical picture of this phenomenon is based on the research study conducted in Lodz and its area. It was based on focus interviews with a group of young well educated city duellers in Lodz, participatory observations among assembly line workers factory in Lodz Special Economic Zone and analysis of internet fora of workers. The difference between those two groups, that might have been described previously as white and blue collars disappears when we look at them through the lenses of precariat approach, bringing new category of “pink collars”. Even the graduates of best universities in the region don’t hope for professional carriers, their salaries are similar to those earned by industrial workers, and their position in labour market is unstable. Then, white and blue collars had a lot in common: similar low salaries, no promotion perspectives and experience of precarious life. However, some factory workers had some expectations concerning protection of employment, while white collars completely internalized neoliberal ideology of homo oeconomicus. Comparison of those two groups may first of all illustrate discussion on how deeply precarity influences contemporary employment relations and social life, but also to work out some solution how to live in the new precarious world. Dhondt Steven TNO, The Netherlands Parallel session “Workplace Innovation”. Description of the panel “Workplace Innovation” One of the economic, institutional and cultural transformations in the sphere of employment in the late capitalist societies is the way companies and institutions adapt themselves to the changing environment. The meaning of work not only transform in respect to labour market changes, but also by the way companies adapt their policies. The impact of these changes is profound (Brynjolfsson & McAfee, 2014). Not jobs only are becoming different, but also the relationship between companies and society. In European policies, these new relationships are seen as an opportunity for social innovation: how can citizens help companies to take care of social goals and social problems (Pot, Dhondt, Oeij, 2011)? How do these changes in companies conflict with the rising unemployment and new definitions of work and non-work? What does these changes in companies mean for the growing number of self-employed (Elsby, Hobijn & Sahin, 2013)? What does the rising skill level, generated by these transformations in companies, mean for work in the future (Gallie e.a., 2013)? The European Commission sees ‘workplace innovation’ as a means for companies to connect performance goals to improved quality of work and better opportunities to stay at work. The panel will bring several papers on workplace innovation and the policy context. Also, in conclusion of the session: a discussion with policy makers and business representatives will be organized to grasp the necessary policy implications. Drąg Sabina Jagiellonian University, Poland The Experience of the Working Body in the Process of Shaping the Late Capitalistic Class Identity The body, which according to contemporary somatic society theories (Turner 1994) should be placed in the center of theoretical reasoning, will be the main starting point towards the analysis of late modernistic identity processes. The body, observed from this perspective, is not only a moving force behind social constructs, but also an active participant in the process of creation of reality. To experience the world through the body means to experience and establish one's own self as its element (Merleau-Ponteau 2001). According to Chris Shilling, human’s life and his body which changes on every stage of life, is an entity in the constant process of creation (Shilling 2010). It is not a complete whole but rather a multiplicity of observations and empirical experiences. As an active participant of socio-economic changes of late capitalism (Harvey 1990), the body becomes its direct recipient, and at the same time, an indicator and the bearer of its results. Contestation and invalidation of the schemes which were dominant in the previous political-economical class division systems draws our attention towards the body that changes according to the rhythm of economical changes. Due to this fact, it becomes one of the factors in the creation of new order. According to Marks, the fundamental elements of class construction are relations between individuals. From this perspective, the class

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should be perceived as a community of experiences which helps to create a tertium comparationis of similar references to reality. This definition should be treated as an element participating in the process of group structure creation. The main subject of this paper is the issue of body placed in the context of labor, where it undertakes an organic work, operates in the precise scheme of movement connected with the professional position it holds, or the work it does. The paper will also investigate concept of the body which is disciplined by the production and organizational regime, the body that adjusts to the demands generated by the employer; the body that answers the demands of the market for labor force and its obligation to observe the rules of health and safety. The type of the performed task is the element that conditions and determines individuals' functioning in social structure. The man and his biological predispositions are the weakest link of the production machinery. Gradually, human work, being replaced by machines and new technologies, is eliminated from the production process. However, despite its low position on the hierarchy of professions, still, it remains an indispensable element of the system. From this perspective, late capitalism is still deeply rooted in the physical work. Its every branch is based on the organic strength of human body. Class identity is usually perceived in connection with labor unions and workers' initiatives. They are supposed to be an indicator of group reflexiveness and its ability to fight for its rights. In face of the late capitalistic labor heterogeneity one can hardly talk about common interests. The category that becomes predominant, however, is the category of common experiences, which are the cause of action. In this paper, the experiences of the body at work as an element of the physical work regime, pose a starting point to the discussion about modern class division and the process of entering the particular class. The categories that should be taken into account here are the categories of resistance, communication code, physical capital, cybernetics and professional identity. The theoretical foundations of the paper are: Maurice Merlau-Ponty's phenomenology of perception, sociology and anthropology of the body (B. Turner), and contemporary class analysis ( Bourdieu, Harvey, Sadura). Egan Ben Catholic University of Leuven, Belgium Workplace diversity in multinational enterprises and trades union inclusion strategies: an analysis of Belgium, France and the UK. The role of ‘diversity’ and ‘inclusion’ has been commanding an increasingly prominent role in recent years in the politics and cultures of Europe, as demonstrated by the rapid growth of gay marriage legislation and the re-emergence of immigration as a key political topic. These concepts are however highly contested, and only two of many which allude to particular interpretations that such ideas are subjected to by individuals, by national discourses, and every level in between. Further, the rapid expansion of multinational enterprises into hitherto public services, via austerity-inspired privatization drives, raises many questions about how such notions are understood in a changing organizational culture. Power dynamics, the role of micro- and macropolitics, and management and trade union strategies all interact with institutional environments—both spacial and sectoral—to shape outcomes for under-represented groups. This project uses a comparative case study approach to ask firstly why specific strategies adopted in ‘public service multinationals’ are deemed most appropriate, given specific institutional environments, and, secondly, what role workforce diversity strategies play in developing union activists and managers in subsidiaries. The poster will demonstrate the core concepts and research outline in a visual manner in order to stimulate further interest. Galor Zbigniew University of Szczecin, Poland “Work after work”. Earning activity outside the social division of labor The basic thesis of the paper refers to the occurrence of lumpeneconomy as a structure-specific forms of earning a living outside of the social division of labor. The main part of the lumpeneconomy is informal “shadow” economy with special types of earning activity characteristic for social margin. The description of social margin, as proved in the literature, is related to the categories of lumpenproletariat, with some traditional subcategories like beggars, thieves, bandits, fraudsters, generally speaking the mixture of crime and poverty concentrated around “the world of violence and lawlessness”. This research perspective of the paper was presented in author`s draft: The other side of the global formation.

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Structure of the world lumpeneconomy (in: Routledge Handbook of World-Systems Analysis, ed. S. J. Babones, Ch. Chase-Dunn, Routledge, London 2012). The concept of lumpeneconomy, developed by the author, roots from the socioeconomic theory of ownership and the idea of “the other side” of society, developed by Stanislaw Kozyr-Kowalski and the research on lumpenwork of Jacek Tittenbrun. As proved by first author, avoiding paying taxes and drawing profits from it from the point of view of the socioeconomic theory of ownership means that the national community is “cheated” because the community is the legal state owner. The aim of this article is an attempt to further develop the theory of lumpeneconomy by taking into account phenomenon of work outside of the social division of labor. It isn`t the work inside of the social division as differentiation of society due to the adoption of various professional roles, along with the growing specialization of their operations to the public. Lumpenwork is an element of lumpeneconomy. Lumpenwork can be described as each kind of activity that gains access to life resources related to the lumpenownership. Some forms of earning activity outside the social division of labor are described in the paper: unregistered labor (“work on black”); avoidance of tax payments by firms conducting legal activities; activities by illegal firms (fictitious or unregistered); smuggling; cheating on taxes; money laundering; violation of intellectual property; illegal use of brand names. The author tries to verify the hypothetical assumption that a significant part of the work on the black and “gray sphere” is work performed outside the social division of labor. “Work after work” – it is the situation of some type of the earning activity which exist in two basic forms: as a combination of the (professional) work under social division of labor with work outside of it; as a work only outside of the social division of labour. Heddendorp Henning and Lass Inga Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität Münster, Germany The crisis of strong ties? The effects of atypical employment on family networks in Germany During the past decades, Germany has experienced a profound change of the character of employment as well as family structures. In order to create a more flexible labour market, several changes in labour legislation were undertaken that gave rise to atypical employment forms – among them temporary contracts, temporary agency work, marginal employment and part-time work (Keller et al. 2012). Parallel to this development, the second demographic transition produced a variety of new living arrangements, for example living apart together relationships and so called multigenerational-multilocal families. The latter term refers to intergenerational relations of family members living in different households, cities, or countries; a development brought forward by increased life expectancy and multilocal residences (Lauterbach 2004). Thus, a new perspective on families is necessary that not only considers members of the nuclear family sharing the same household, but also family members connected with strong ties but living apart from each other. This paper links those two developments by focusing on the question of how the growth of atypical employment affects the family networks of employees. What size and structure do family networks of atypical workers have? Which kinds of support do atypical workers receive from their family network? How does the effect of employment on family networks vary between different types of atypical employment? In the literature, several mechanisms linking work and family networks were identified (Lambert 1990): From a resource perspective, working for pay as well as networking consumes time and energy, therefore a state of competition seems likely between these two life spheres. However, a higher involvement at work is usually rewarded with a higher income, which can help to maintain network relationships by joint leisure activities and visits (Diewald & Eberle 2003). This suggests a positive relation between work and family networks in terms of a spill-over of working conditions. From an action theory perspective however, it is rather the unsatisfying working conditions that have a positive effect on family networks as employees try to compensate for strain in working life by a higher involvement in family life (Edwards & Rothbard 2000). However, up to the present, the question of which of these theoretical approaches serves best to describe the effect of atypical employment on family networks in Germany has not been investigated sufficiently. Drawing on data from the German Socio-Economic Panel (2006 to 2011) the presentation will focus on the effects of atypical employment on family networks, using cross-sectional and longitudinal multivariate regression analyses. A central expected result is that different types of employment forms vary significantly with regard to the structure of and support from their family networks. For example, with regard to

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temporary agency work strains like high workload, high job insecurity and high mobility demands render networking difficult. Part-time-workers, on the other hand, have comparatively large time budgets for networking; however at the same time they usually receive less income that can be used for activities with family members. Besides a differentiation between employment forms, the analysis will also differentiate with regard to gender and different household contexts. Heinrich Steffen, Shire Karen, Mottweiler Hannelore University of Duisburg-Essen, Germany Representing the margins? Organised labour and the dual challenge of cross-border temporary agency work With the unification of temporary work regulations through the EU Temporary Work Directive in 2008, and the lifting of the remaining moratoriums on labour mobility from almost all new EU member states in Eastern Europe in 2011, temporary staffing firms have intensified their placements of agency workers across national borders. The triangular nature of cross-border agency work means that workers are employed by agencies rather than by the firms where they work and that they are subject to regulations of several countries. As the traditional systems of industrial relations and worker representation are geared toward domestic and core workers, however, they likely will lack adequate representation at their workplace. This paper addresses the organizational and political capacities being developed by unions to organise and represent temporary workers posted across borders. It argues that unions face two major challenges when dealing with cross-border agency work: First, they need to develop organisational capacities on the transnational level. Secondly, they need to bridge the gap between regular (permanent) and non-regular (temporary) employees. Based on case studies from different industries and countries in the EU, this paper seeks to explain why some unions have been able to address both challenges whereas others have been more limited by divisions between members and non-members and between domestic and foreign organisations. It thus contributes to the current research on union organization, political and mobilization capacities in an era characterised by globalisation of employment relations and dualization of jobs. Holc Slaviana the Polish Academy of Sciences, Poland The ethical dimension of social production in the information society The global process of computerization and networking of society contributes to the emergence of new patterns of socio-economic and cultural rights, which are carriers of the new interpretations, problems or ethical dilemmas. The rapid race of ICT, adapted by various social activities, determines the spread of the “spirit of informational capitalism”. Social (partnership) production ( Yochai Benkler ) is the postmodern model of the production of information and culture , based on cooperation, sharing and prefer non-market values of work.. As a contemporary business model partnership work goes beyond the framework of the IT sector, restructuring the principles of the economic sector . The organization and existence of social production is social innovation per se, which protects (through formal licensing system) and creates a professional innovations (technological, economic, etc.). Thus non-commercial formal way of protection of innovation " driven by users “ is the ethical dimension of social production model. A typical examples of this type of production are free software and open source software. Based on the analysis of the global information market sector (server solutions, web based business aplications, operating systems design and implementation) and results from the accomplished by me survey “Work ethos of progammers in Bulgaria and Poland” I'll explain the mechanisms of social production driven by non-commertiał values. This is an ethical dimension of this proces. On the other way, the social background of partnership work model is hacker culture. Nowadays, we observed the transmission of hacker values to widespread social web based practices .Hacker culture is a culture of first Internet creators - mathematicians , logicians , engineers, first programmers , and as such , has created a system of norms and values , which correspond to the values of the highest order

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Jezior Jagoda Marii Curie-Skłodowska University in Lublin, Poland Self-employment as an Individual Work Project in the Conditions of Transformations of Contemporary Labour Market The significance of individual economic activity and self-employment is most often considered in the perspective of interference with the progress of economy and labour market, solution of the problem of unemployment, the development of enterprise. The aim of the article is the analysis of the self-employment phenomenon understood as an individual work project. The decision to exit from the system of contract work and starting self-employment is a result of many factors. The key role is played by the processes on the labour market. Among those one can mention deregulation of labour market and growth of flexibility of employment, changes in labour demand, unemployment, uncertainty to keep employment and wages. At the same time, the demands of modern economy imply growth of qualifications requirements in the area of specialist knowledge of setting up economic knowledge and independence in work, entrepreneurship, professional improvement. As a result, individual economic activity is considered in two perspectives. On one hand, it is a form of reaction to the conditions of labour market. It refers to the participation in the meritocratization of social order, using the opportunities for professional development and achieving important professional aims and also defense mechanisms towards the lack of employment. On the other hand, it is a way to realize the value of work, according to own initiative, idea, or concept. Both perspectives link together thanks to the basis of setting up economic enterprise and work environment, i.e. individual resources. The key role in the work project and its performance is played by professional qualifications, engagement and consequence, but also „entrepreneurial imagination”. In the considerations, special attention will be devoted to such problems as: aims and pursuits linked with work, image of characteristics of an entrepreneur and work in one own’s company, the criteria of success, the circumstances of setting up a company and plans of its growth, advantages and costs of self-employment, origins of satisfaction. It was assumed that, because of peculiarity of the self-employment situation, the undertaken analysis will also define the problems of labour world. As the basic resources will be used the results of empirical studies led by the author on the area of Lublin voivodeship among the self-employed people (in micro scale). These are two survey projects realized in the years 2002 – 2003 (739 respondents) and in 2011 (652 respondents), and also quality studies (2011, 47 respondents). Jong Poo Lum Johannes Gutenberg Universität Mainz, Germany Historical and economical push and pull factors and their influences on the migration path of Koreans from Korea to Germany, and the United States This article aims to analyze international ‘push and pull’ factors and the migration paths of the Korean guest workers’ group that left for the United States by way of Germany. Korean guest workers who came to Germany during the 1960s and 1970s represent a remarkable economic and political dynamic that pushed and pulled them from Korea to Germany. These contexts have had enormous influence on the migration paths in which each individual selected different departures and arrivals. Indeed, the Korean guest workers in Germany divided into three different groups: those who returned to Korea; those who stayed in Germany; and those who left for other countries such as the United States, Canada, and Australia. This migration phenomenon is related to two parts in the international, political and economic situations, and biographical experiences of individuals. First, this article analyzes international ‘push and pull factors’ in Korea, Germany, and the United States influence on the emergence of Korean guest workers’ migration. As a ‘push’ feature, the Korean government promoted emigration through guest workers programs (e.g. Emigration Act in 1962 and the Korean Oversee Development Corporation in 1965) in order to reduce unemployment and control the destiny of the domestic population. At the same time, Germany was faced with a labor shortage as a consequence of an economic boom and the Marshal Plan after World War II, thus ‘pulling’ nearly 8,000 Korean coal-miners and 11,000 Korean nurses to Germany over the course of two decades. However, the guest workers’ program encountered difficulty during the oil shock of 1973 when they were forced to leave Germany after and in some cases even before the termination of their contracts. In this international context, the first group which wanted to remain in Germany actively protested the compulsory return order and obtained signatures for the

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sanctions of labor and residence right in 1978. The second group decided simply to return to Korea. Meanwhile, the third group of guest workers departed for the tertiary countries. In 1965 there was another ‘pull factor’ from the United States: the immigration reforms which made it possible for many Asians to immigrate to the US. The third group, hence, was able to deal with migration difficulty by gaining legal status and jobs in more flexible situations. The second part of this article goes into the details of the migration path of the Korean guest workers. This includes the migrants’ decision to make repeated migration paths between Korea, Germany and the US. It is more meaningful to investigate personal migration experiences in their biography because individual migrants interact with their socio-economic circumstances by developing their own strategies and biographical patterns. From 22 narrative interviews, two interviews which contain relevant data regarding the external situations and individuals’ active interactions within these circumstances were selected. The case analysis includes interpreting the interviewees’ biographical experiences concerning their continual migration paths and their personal resources (e.g., vocational qualification, internal motivation regarding migration, etc.). By focusing on both macro and micro level elements, this article reveals the positive and negative influences on the Korean migrants’ pathways and individual’s life choices in international contexts. Kalbarczyk Agnieszka A new role for Public Employment Services: how to deal with increasing employability? People are forced to change their jobs more frequently and more quickly today than in the past. To be able to self‐ manage their careers, individuals need to understand the current labor market situation on the one hand, and to be more conscious of their work-related capability on the other hand. In a flexible market, the candidates looking for employment are encouraged to become familiar with the newly emerging jobs, to be flexible and to show their commitment to their employer. However, employability depends on much more than the possession of the required skills listed by the employers. It seems to be necessary that a candidate possess some psychological career resources which would then help him with career building skills and with the so called “career meta-competencies” i.e., the ability to market his transferrable skills. To be employable means to be able to demonstrate a career orientation as well self-awareness and certain personal traits and attributes such as high self-esteem and adaptation skills. The new market necessitates the need for professional help not only within the unemployment and the organizational context, but also within the educational one. The schools and the universities are under enormous pressure to “produce” employable graduates; the “employability guides for students” become extremely popular. In response to these emerging market needs some a new job title emerges such as: “Employability Skills Trainer”, “Employability Tutor” or ”Employability Teacher” (i.e. in UK). The task of the employability adviser is not only to support the current employment transition through empowering and reinforcing the so called “perceived employability” but also to increase the “future employability” and the “long term employability” or “life-long employability”, through enhancing career management skills allowing an individual to become self-sufficient in a future. The simplest definition of employability is to be able to obtain and to maintain work, both within an organization as well as outside of it. Paradoxically, one’s employability can be augmented by possessing individual traits, values or skills derived from one’s “life outside of the job”, such as different activities we commit willingly in private life. The professional literature offers a range of definitions for 'employability'. It is, however, the most frequently used in a narrow sense of “the individual's employability skills and attributes”. My paper will discuss the concept of employability and the many different aspects and strategic approaches meant to enhance individuals' employability throughout their careers. It will also provide an overview of different employability models and multiple methods of practice connected with them. Kamińska-Berezowska Sławomira University of Silesia in Katowice, Poland Issues related to the emotional work in trade union activity. Some reflections based on qualitative research The article presents the issue of the emotional work in trade union activity. The concept of Arlie Hochschild and her followers has been inspiration and theoretical basis for the presented analyses. It mainly

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focuses on the question to what extent managing one’s own and other people’s feelings affects union activity of leaders in selected sectors. In other words, it investigates to what extent leadership results in stimulation or suppressing feelings. The feelings are presented here in terms of somatic, cognitive or temporal aspects. Thus it reveals cultural aspect of emotions, their interpretation and expression and it both actual feelings and those that are only declared to be the ‘right’ ones in a particular situational context. All the analyses refer to sociological qualitative research conducted among union leaders in trade and health care sector. On the whole, the research shows and confirms the issue concerning driving force of feelings such as anger, fear or marginalisation. Analyses also show various working situations and trade union protests of men and women. Karolak Mateusz University of Wrocław, Poland Poster presentation: Return migrants inclusion and employment: the case of return migration from the UK to Poland In my poster presentation I will briefly present the context of my research project, research questions, used methodology as well as initial findings. With almost 2 million emigrants and 600 thousand return migrants Poland has become the biggest EU migration country. At the same time it is also the country with one of the highest in the EU rate of atypical employment contracts and therefore is a good example of the place, where migration, return migration and new forms of employment intersect to the great extent. Despite some theories (eg. human capital approach) and the recommendations of the European Commission claiming that the migration experience contributes firstly to the improvement of the return migrants situation on labour market and secondly to the modernisation of the whole country, the previous, mostly quantitative, research (eg. Kaczmarczyk & Lesińska, 2012; Lang, 2013; Smoliner, Förschner, Hochgerner, & Nova, 2011) have shown that the labour market situation of some groups of the return migrants (irrespective of being low or highly skilled) is even worse than their situation prior to their initial emigration. Based on the biographical narrative interviews with the return migrants in Poland as well as those, who re-migrated to the UK, the poster will give an overview of the types of returnees and their labour market situation as well as their coping strategies in case of labour market exclusion. Köhler Holm-Detlev, Begega Gonzalez Sergio, Aranea Mona Universidad de Oviedo, Spain Two decades of European Works Councils. A quantitative evaluation Since the adoption of Directive 94/45/EC by the European Council in September 1994, European works councils (EWCs) have been the spearhead of European industrial relations. In the past 20 years since the EWC Directive, roughly 950 multinational companies have established a proceeding to provide information and consultation rights to their European workforces. The regulation on EWCs was revised in 2009 in order to adapt the legal piece to the changes in employee representation practice. Recast Directive 2009/38/EC revised the legal procedure for establishing and operating a EWCs, adapted the initial definitions given to information and consultation rights, clarified the transnational competence of these bodies and reserved a specific role for trade unions with regard to the support and technical advise of employee representatives. Both legal pieces have supported in two different periods a very intense process of creation of in-company structures for the representation of employee interest within transnational firms. The regulation however has not secured a common standard for information and consultation practice. The literature on EWCs highlights the diversity of forms and operations underlying the actual exercise of these rights. EWCs have turned into an unsatisfactory experience for some practitioners and experts while for others they are still the most promising and advanced process in European industrial relations with a lot of positive fulfilments yet to come. In this regard, a significant number of references have focussed on the qualitative dimension of EWCs, aiming at identifying and discussing the institutional and organizational factors that encourage or hinder an appropriate development of these structures as bodies for information and consultation of employees. This stream of the literate has been supported by a less traceable group of references which are aimed at providing a general picture of the process of establishment of EWCs in

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transnational firms. The paper undertakes a quantitative evaluation of active EWCs. It also relates the findings to potentials and pitfalls of information and consultation of employees at transnational level as discussed in the literature. We will evaluate the impact of the different phases of creation of EWCs as established in the calendar of the European regulation. The unfolding of legal dispositions in Directives 94/45/EC and 2009/38/EC have significantly conditioned the path and pace of the activity in setting up European works councils. We will take into consideration the linkages between this legal calendar and the establishment of new bodies for information and consultation of employees in companies with a European dimension. We will evaluate the main formal aspects of active EWCs un more than 2,500 elegible transnational companies. Our findings suggest that EWCs are not developing their full potential concerning the scope of the Directive. We will explore the voluntary rationale on which the regulation is founded which hinders a broadening in the number of EWCs and negatively affects information and consultation practice. Kieńć Witold Work at cultural events – a biopolitical approach My paper is based on qualitative, empirical studies of festivals' production, which were previously described in a book “Fabryka kultury – praca i wolontariat przy festiwalach kulturalnych” by Gorgoń et al. Together with my research team, we conducted 48 interviews with employees, co-workers and volunteers who worked at 12 festivals financed by the Ministry of Culture and National Heritage located in 6 different cities in Poland. I am to propose a new theoretical approach to output of this research. I would like to explore the subject of festival production using conceptual framework of 'biopolitics' introduced by Michael Foucault. Foucault claimed that 'biopolitics' is a technology of power that aims to rule entire population by determining how actions of individuals and groups interfere with each other, and with quasi-natural events that occur in their environment. From the classical economy point of view, cultural events do not produce anything, thus they are discussed more often as streams of consumption than places of work. Meanwhile, festivals produce social relations, distinctions and hierarchy connected to them. Product of a cultural event (social relation) is elaborated by all of its participants, but only some of them are considered as “staff”, and only some of them are paid. What is more, some individuals are able to transform social relations produced with cultural events to monetary income, and some are not. In fact, border between customers and producers in this case is very thin and discretionary. Thus, to effectively manage production of social relations, what has to be managed is not a “time of work”, but rather a “time of life”. The issue is not to buy a workforce, but rather to breed a 'lifeforce'. The 'lifeforce' used to event production is a result of previous events, and a product of the whole field of culture. Therefore, the process of breeding is very dispersed. Its crucial part is selection, thus it might be seen as a long series of singular selections. Costs of these selections are equally dispersed. We may try to understand this process by focusing on what it excludes - anything revealing material conditions of cultural production. Thus, breeding a 'lifeforce' for cultural events is breeding a 'lifeforce', which hides material conditions of its own existence. Particular trials of exposing material conditions of 'lifeforce' existence, conducted by its participants, might be seen as a potentially effective struggle. Kirov Vassil Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Bulgaria Thill Patrick CEPS/INSTEAD Anticipation and restructuring in the banking sector in Europe: can social dialogue change the picture? The banking sector in Europe employs more than 4 million persons in the EU27. It has been dramatically hit by the recent crisis and impacted by new regulations (i.e. Basel III, new bank secret rules, etc.). The pace and direction of restructuring has been profoundly affected by the financial crisis of 2008 and its long reach into the Euro crises of 2011-12 that are continuing to have major consequences, including on the directly concerned banking sector itself. Only between 2008 and 2010, 250.000 jobs were lost in the EU27 in the banking sector alone - a 6% fall when compared to the 2.4% total fall over those two years (Eurofound, 2011). Many employees have seen their status and their job characteristics change considerably. Working for

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a bank was once a “job for life” with high prestige, a distinct status, job security, as well as good job prospects. The emphasis was on banks as solid reliable organizations where the lack of change was a touchstone of reliability (Jefferys, 2011). However, multiple changes continue to impact on financial centres in Europe: automatic exchange of information between member states, new regulations requiring stronger compliance, global value chain restructuring of back-office activities, new skills requirements, etc. Our hypothesis is that social dialogue could contribute to a more socially responsible restructuring in the sector at the condition that social partners are prepared to understand and to assess the complex challenges when defining their strategies. The empirical analysis of the mechanisms of social dialogue in five European financial centres (London, Luxembourg, Vienna, Paris, and Bucharest) is carried out in the framework of the EU-funded applied research project (Eurosofin). The focus of our paper resides in the better understanding of social dialogue in the banking sector in Luxembourg in terms of anticipating changes, adapting training and efficiency requirements on the basis of qualitative methods (i.e. interviews with representatives of employers and employees). Kobová Ľubica Charles University in Prague, Czech Republic Is it possible to desire work? The destruction of family wage and other processes made every individual responsible for her or his living. At the same time the continuous expropriation of individual’s possession makes her or him a subject of possessive individualism merely in terms of a holder of labor power. Precarious jobs have become commonplace, and the depiction of some jobs as “shit” jobs or “garbage” contracts gained wide approval. Under these conditions, is it still possible to desire work? What does this desire attach to? What does it enable in its subjects? I start with the assumption that to desire work is to do so in a manner of cruel optimism. Work is something loss of which is dreaded, although living with work “threatens the well-being” of subject as well (Berlant, 2006). Rethinking the nature of work requires attendance to its pervasive character and its normativity as a form of neoliberal political rationality. If the imagination of possible ontologies does not allow us to relieve ourselves from work at this point, then our predicament is to think work beyond work. More precisely, to think work beyond wage labor (Gorz, 1999), beyond employment (Vosko, 2010) or in terms of utopian political demands (Weeks, 2011). This line of argument may bring us to consider the role of social reproduction in work, which feminists have been stressing when criticizing the precarization of employment in the past decades. The thesis that social reproduction does not necessarily imply uniform repetitive enactment of identities and contexts of work and can be reproduced “otherwise” will be explored. Kolasińska Elżbieta University of Gdańsk, Poland Competencies and precariat in terms of work The concept of competence, despite the ambiguity, an interdisciplinary approach, the multidimensionality and diversity of assets formed part of the scientific and practical discourse. Precariat limits the possibility of the development of competencies of employees. Their competencies are depreciated and their aspirations are reduced. The lack of job security, which is below competencies, promotes the exploitation of employees. Disavowing of the competencies of employees discourages and frustrates. Precariat does not promote the development of social ties and team solidarity. The aim of this paper is to attempt to answer the question how to limit depreciation of competencies in a situation of precarity. The main thesis includes the following statement: Depreciation of competencies in precarity limits the development of employees and does not contribute to productivity. The more developed the form of precariat, the bigger the impact on the competence potential of employees. Depreciation of competencies in the context of precarity will be analyzed in terms of the absence of factors relating to job security, proposed by G. Standing, and in relation to the theory of “embeddedness” by Mark Granovetter. Lack of work security may affect the depreciation of the competencies of employees and their sense of professional solidarity. This paper will include synthetic theoretical analyses in relation to the depreciation of competencies in terms of precarity at work. This paper will also present a critical approach to precarity in terms of competencies.

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Kordasiewicz Anna University of Warsaw, Poland Discourse on paid household work in Poland: from the bottom-up and top-down Paid domestic work is re-gaining popularity as an occupation mostly for migrant women across the globe (Ehrenreich, Hochschild 2004, Gregson, Lowe 1994). The work relations in paid domestic work can be problematic for several reasons. First of all, there is a stranger’s entry into the intimate life of a family. Secondly, private (domestic) and public (work) spheres overlap creating an ambivalent situation, which is volatile at times (Anderson 2000, Marchetti 2006, Mariti 2003, Miranda 2002, Momsen 1999, Yeoh, Huang 1999, Aubert 1956, Kordasiewicz 2008). Thirdly, the contemporary Polish context lacks any clear social definitions of the role of domestic worker. In the literature on various ethnic and geographical context s of paid household and care work it is commonly stated that “work” is most preferred frame for the activity from the part of workers themselves (Anderson 2000: 114, 159, Kordasiewicz 2005). The work frame however is a polysemic category. In this paper I will indicate various forms of work discourse in the paid household work, which will focus on the bottom-up discourses of workers and employers, questioning the very framing of these roles, as some of the subjects prefer tradesperson-customer denomination, which brings along power shifts in the relationships. The analysis will also include the topdown discourses of labor market perspective, including European Commission expert discourse, also because the levels are intertwined, like in Naples where mostly grey zone activities are negotiated with the references to the formal regulations that exist “out there” (Kordasiewicz 2005). This paper is based on an analysis of materials gathered for my Ph.D. research project “Domestic service/ants: changing asymmetrical social relations” conducted in Poland between 2007-2011. The project concerned the employment of care- and household workers in post-war Poland (between 1945 and 2011). I collected recorded interviews with 58 actors associated with the world of domestic services: employers, domestic workers and agents in Warsaw area. I interviewed 37 employers of different social backgrounds, age and gender and supplemented it with 21 interviews with workers, in 7 cases achieving a double perspective. Employers are persons who employed or are currently employing domestic workers as well as those who come from families that employed servants/domestic workers and so reconstruct the past relations based on family stories. Out of 37 employers, 22 persons employed a housekeeper/nanny, 4 persons had the experience of employing a caretaker for an elderly person and 24 persons had the experience of employing a cleaner. 22 employers had a family history of employing domestic workers, and 15 persons did not. 7 of my respondents were male and 30 were female. 3 of the employers were born in the 1920s, 1 person in the 1930s, 3 in the 1940s, 11 in the 1950s, 6 in the 1960s, 12 in the 1970s and 1 person in the 1980s. Out of 21 workers, 14 were Polish and 7 were Ukrainian. The workers I interviewed performed various types of housework and care work, sometimes changing the type of work performed in the course of their careers; they were women of different ages and educational status. Krasowska Agata University of Wroclaw, Poland Biographical boundaries of work Biographical boundaries are the space which contains the possibility to move in reality, use different meanings and combine them in possible new, different forms. Within the limits defined by biography there are many ways to define facts and processes since biographical boundaries are the space where one can find the agency and reflexivity of informants both structurally and individually conditioned. Hence, my paper will focus on the analysis of biographical interviews conducted with young (up to 30 years old) employees of the services sector, living in Wroclaw and working under civil-law contracts. The analysis of interviews gives us the opportunity to discover the patterns of behaviour and experience conditioned by the social processes and phenomena specific for a given social milieu that sets the limits of individual searches. Therefore, the analysis of structural conditions determining the possibility to pursue the so-called professional career will be intertwined with the reality of the individual biographical experience. These are the boundaries that define the possibility of informants’ agency. A look at biography from the point of view of the boundaries of work as an effect of neoliberal globalisation shows us the elusive values that we are dealing with in the social world. The purpose of my

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presentation is to look for such biographical boundaries expressed in the phenomenon of flexible employment. All the collected biographical interviews contain the informants’ views on finding themselves in a situation of precarious employment. Here, gainful employment sets the everyday rhythm of coping strategies in relation to managing individual time, place of residence, finances and one’s personal life. It also refers to the number of performed professions; the record was nine professions performed by a thirty-yearold informant. The concept of biographical boundaries raises the question how flexible employment influences the formation of individual and collective identity and whether biographies treat the development of their own self-awareness as a part of the development of social class? I am also interested in how individuals problematise their own life stories in the conditions of systemic uncertainty? What mechanism is used to generate the boundaries of precarious work, or in other words, to what extent can agency in setting biographical boundaries of work arise when gainful employment is one of the main activities of modern man? Finally, looking at the collected empirical material, can we talk about diversity in shaping of professional biographies based on gender? Krzysztofek Kazimierz University of Social Sciences and Humanities, Warsaw, Poland Digital Technologies and the discourses on the future of work We are facing an important change as to our awareness of what the very work is becoming. People will be employed in a way we can hardly imagine nowadays. The present and future situation in the field of work manifests itself in a multi-faceted synergetic effect of a number of variables. According to the British economist, Lynda Gratton (2010), the work will not be the result of a single force, but rather the subtle combination of five forces that will fundamentally transform much of what we take for granted about work: the needs of a low-carbon economy, rapid advances in technology, increasing globalisation, profound changes in longevity and demography as well as profound societal changes. Our knowledge on work is based on the output of sociology of the industrial work. Nowadays we acquire the empirical material on the work in society called postindudtrial, information, network, knowledge based one etc.. Therefore the knowledge about new phenomena in the sphere of work is still created by the social imaginaries – to use a term coined by Charles Taylor – rather than empirical basis. We are lacking verified social theories, instead we have to deal with varied discourses not infrequently opposing each other. Given this situation, description of the new phenomena is varied as they are located in the said discourses. There is relatively agreed upon what facts and figures we dispose of. When it comes to evaluation and assessment of these facts, the opinions and approaches vary markedly. Summing up: when referring to the technological society one can say that the knowledge on is a collection of hypotheses and forecasts rather than on a well based theory that could gain a broader approval and acceptance. In this paper methodologically based on the critical analysis of discourses I intend to bring closer these discourses related to the impact of new technologies, the digital ones in particular, on our understanding of work. I focus on six discourses: 1. End of work, technological unemployment, work of machine (Rifkin, Arthur, Brynjolfsson-McAffee, Sennet, Hausman) 2. „Wahing out” of the center - Rising demand of high and low skills, decreasing demand of mid skills subjected more and more to algorithms (Autor, Dorn, Acemogliu) 3. Machines need man – man needs machines; work in techno-human collectives (Latour, Malone, Rotman, Leonard) 4. Work in the social works – work of the Multitude, prosumption (Hardt, Negri; Boltansky, Pasquinelli) 5. Metaphor of the house under construction – we are foundation level of the information society (we do not know yet what the house will be like). 6.The dispersed work – the authors view on the future of work. Kushata Tinashe Stephanie University of Pretoria, South Africa The business case for labour broking in South Africa Globalisation has brought about changes in the world of work, in particular the restructuring of the workplace in order to promote labour market flexibility. Labour market flexibility comes about as companies

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compete and cut costs through the growth of waged occupations created in temporary jobs and casual positions. South Africa is currently dealing with the rising use by companies of temporary employment agencies, also known as labour brokers, who apparently facilitate this labour market flexibility. Labour broking has stirred up a lot of controversy in South Africa through the media, unions and many movements to the point where labour broking has been labelled as a new form of slavery that further fuels worker exploitation. Certain abuses have been associated with the practice of labour broking in relation to ensuring decent jobs in South Africa’s globalizing capitalism. This research has been conducted regarding the business case for labour broking and subjecting it to an assessment alongside the notion of decent work as advocated by the International Labour Organisation (ILO). The research solicits the opinions of the labour broker so they can directly address, justify and/or clarify the accusations against them as being against the four pillars of decent work. It is imperative to understand if the development of the South African labour market has introduced a direct threat for decent work through the labour broking practice.This research provides a platform for the labour brokers to be able to defend the role they play in what has been labelled Lafuente Sara Hernández Université Libre de Bruxelles, Belgium Multi-level european industrial relations in the energy sectors The process of europeanization of social dialogue has undoubtely added complexity to the traditional national employment relations’ systems within the European Union. New layers of social dialogue, actors and institutions have emerge, not only at an intersectoral level, but also at a sectoral level of social dialogue, most of the time following the development of european policies. In that sense, a multilevel governance perspective may offer a useful explicative framework to transnational social dialogue, as it allows to deal with the analysis of structures, but also with their articulation and interactions between them. However, the dimensions of social dialogue may have different meaning and extent in the european transnational level or in the national level. Therefore, the meaning of those concepts, as well as the existing interlinkages and dynamics between different levels of collective bargaining need to be clarified, in order to suggest a comprehensive meaning of europeanization of social dialogue. From a top-down perspective, we may observe the impact of european sectoral social dialogue and reception of its outputs into the local sectoral level of IR. While from a bottom-up perspective, we may explore how to look at the involvement of local social partners in the european level of social dialogue. The poster will present the mentionned different levels of analysis, actors and institutions, appearing and interrelating in this complex scentario. It will involve a sectoral perspetive from the energy sectors, and two national employment relations’ systems in the picture (Belgium and Spain). These considerations should allow to frame the emergence of a europeanized system of employment relations, that may introduce new opportunities and new challenges for social partners. Lemański Andrzej University of Białystok, Poland Rola pracownika w XXI wieku: czy maszyny zastąpią ludzi? Od co najmniej dwóch dekad na świecie toczy się dyskusja, która narasta w ostatnich kilku latach: czy technologia zastąpi człowieka na stanowisku pracy? Już w latach 90-tych Jeremy Rifkin powoływał się na Johna Keynesa i głosił, że nadchodzą czasy wzrostu gospodarczego bez adekwatnie proporcjonalnego zwiększania poziomu zatrudnienia. Chociaż był to głos bliższy publicystyce niż twardej nauce pierwsze symptomy potwierdzające jego opinie pojawiły się około roku 2000. Jak wykazali 11 lat później Erik Brynjolfsson i Andrew McAffe w przełomowym tytule „Race against the machine” do niedawna zatrudnienie i wydajność rosły razem, ale od ponad dekady odnotowujemy w USA znaczące osłabienie korelacji między tymi zmiennymi. Obaj autorzy wskazują, że czynnikiem odpowiedzialnym za tę sytuację jest technologia, która coraz wyraźniej „usamodzielnia się” na rynku pracy, ale już bez pracowników-ludzi. Pokrótce, można by na podstawie powyżej przytoczonych faktów stwierdzić, że w procesie produkcji i usług rola technologii rośnie, zaś rola przeciętnego pracownika maleje. Ale mogą to być jedynie pozory, gdyż istnieje wiele nieodosobnionych opinii, że ludzie są potrzebni maszynom w równym stopniu jak maszyny ludziom. Najlepiej porusza to złożone zagadnienie artykuł „How technology is destroying jobs” Davida Rotmana z MIT Technology Review. Rotman przytacza opinie wielu zwolenników tezy, która mówi,

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że rola ludzkiej pracy maleje. Niemniej odnajduje on wielu popleczników twierdzenia, że maszyny są zwyczajnie zbyt głupie aby móc samodzielnie utrzymać naszą skomplikowaną gospodarkę na swoich barkach – i takim też stwierdzeniem puentuje swój artykuł. Podobnego zdania jest przywołany przez Rotmana Lawrence Katz, historyk, który wskazuje, że nowe technologie wielokrotnie powodowały mocne wstrząsy na rynku pracy, ale koniec końców sprawy wracały do starego rytmu tzn następowała wielka migracja zawodowa sprzęgnięta z wymianą pokoleń. Z jednej strony świat zmieniał się nie do poznania, a jednocześnie, ludzie wciąż mieli pracę. Kto ma rację w tym narastającym sporze? Zdaniem wielu wybitnych badaczy np. Marshalla McLuhana rozwój społeczeństwa w XX wieku napędzały media, rozmaite przedłużenia człowieka, które kształtowały charakter naszych społeczeństw. Czy społeczeństwo XXI wieku będzie kształtowane przez nowe warunki pracy, którym ton z kolei nadadzą osiągnięcia technologiczne? McEvoy Gwen Nazarbayev University, Kazakhstan Contracted out: effects of commercialisation on in-home eldercare workers in Poland’s public sector Ageing societies across the globe face the onerous task of ensuring care for increasing numbers of dependent elders. In Europe, systems of long term care (LTC) vary widely, from those characterized by high levels of spending on formal, public sector LTC (Denmark and Sweden), to those that spend little on formal LTC and are instead oriented toward informal care – yet provide little support to families (Poland and Italy) (Kraus et al. 2010, in Styczyńska 2012). In addition, in the context of neoliberal reform of welfare states, European nations increasingly attempt to cut costs by privatizing a variety of public services (Hermann and Flecker 2011) , including eldercare (Wollman and Marcou 2010). Numerous studies indicate that cost containment in health care and social services, along with growth in the for-profit home care sector in North America, Western Europe and Asia, have contributed to the low wages, minimal benefits, part-time and unstable work schedules, as well as physical and emotional stress faced by care workers – conditions that also lead to high rates of job turnover (Broadbent 2013; MartinMatthews and Sims-Gould 2008; Sharman et al. 2008; Denton et al. 2007; Fleming and Taylor 2007; Nugent 2007). Studies of paid, in-home eldercare work in post-socialist East Central Europe are far fewer in number; this may be attributable to the prevalence of family care and the fact that most of these countries are still in the process of establishing state programs of LTC (Golinowska and Sowa 2013). Indeed, the Polish government has recently adopted a national framework for programs and policies aimed at “active ageing” and LTC; implementation of the program, however, is still in its infancy (MPiPS 2013). In Poland, elders and people with disabilities in need of assistance have traditionally been—and continue to be—cared for primarily by family members and relatives (Kotowska and Wóycicka 2008). In-home care for needy elders in Poland is available, however, and is mandated by the Social Welfare Act of 2004, with local social assistance centers tasked with organizing the locally-funded and means-tested care; through the use of public tenders, local governments and social assistance centers contract with charity, religious, and both non- and for-profit organizations, which in turn hire caregivers, primarily on short-term, renewable contracts. What are the experiences of in-home caregivers as they provide public sector care to low-income seniors while employed on temporary contracts by third party organizations? While researchers have documented the effects of privatization of public services in Poland on employees and their working conditions (Kozek 2011), and studies have examined the effects of commercialisation on the quality of care in Polish nursing homes (Jachowicz 2006), scholars have paid minimal attention to the ways in which the contracting out of public care affects in-home caregivers, their clients and the quality of care (Sobis 2013). This paper aims to begin to fill this gap in the literature. Through analysis of qualitative data obtained in 2007 via in-depth interviews with 20 in-home caregivers providing public sector care in a large city in Poland, as well as review of laws, policies and regulations, this paper argues that the commercialisation of public sector in-home care, and the associated employment of caregivers on increasingly flexible contracts, has deleterious effects not only on the caregivers themselves, but also on their clients, and the quality of care they are able to provide. Limited funding affects the types of contracts on which caregivers are employed and, in turn, their wages, benefits and job security; it may also contribute to the allocation of inadequate hours of care, leading caregivers in some cases to work hours that are unpaid and, more generally, to a lower quality of care for seniors.

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Mendonca Pedro University of Strathclyde, UK Examination of the impact of the changing nature of employment regimes on employees in the supply chain. This research project aims at exploring the the impact of the changing nature of employment regimes on employees in the supply chain. We approach this issue through an examination of new managerial practices (NMP) debate, having as background the Labour Process Theory. Thus, it purposes looking to the relationships between global value chains concepts and developments in NMP associated with High Performance Work systems and Lean production. At the same time atempts to understad the relationship between these NMP and job quality dimensions, such as task discretion, skills and work intensity. Beggining at wider political-economic levels the analysis aims at comparing the employment relationships between buyers and suppliers, and how are these influenced by strategies of work organisation harmonisation. It is argued that these harmonisation techniques often lead to tighter levels of control over labour and thus increasing the work intensification/effort. Therefore, it aims at understanding how workers through their capability and skills can resist managerial attempts of intensification, thereby influencing the quality of their own jobs. The study, taking a critical realistic approach, is conducted through field work analysis and semistructured interviews to workers at the production point, managers and union representatives of a Whiskey manufacturing company in Scotland. We aim at having around 20 interviews, in which 13 are blue-collar workers, 4 line managers, and 3 union representatives. The case study in Scotland was chosen due to its particularities related to the production of Scotch Whiskey and the levels of capitalist regulation to produce such product. Mianowski Jacek University of Gdansk, Poland A Potential of Application of Assumptions Richard Sennett’s Ethic of Good Work and Florian Znaniecki’s Axiological Other in the Conditions of the Culture of Work in Poland The category of good work is undertaken both in Polish and in the world humanistic thought. T. Kotarbiński in his work Treaty on the Good Work presents the tasks of the general theory of efficient operation and analyzes praxeological standards for efficiency, also in relation to work. Some rules of the Polish praxeological school were similar to those of Total Quality of Management, which were worked out after World War II in Japan. This facilitated in the sixties of the twentieth century to try the application principles of TQM in Poland and allowed empirically tested the principles of the theory of efficient action. Central Office Measures and Quality and the social movement of clubs DO – RO patronized implementation of TQM principles. Clubs DO – RO organized competitions GOOD WORKS. The category of good work has developed Richard Sennett, either. According to him, the system of values associated with work in late modern society is characterized by the slogan "No long term". The order of value’s work is changing as a result. Long-term biographical narrative or follow a planned path is no longer possible, because organizational actions in the field of work are determined by flexible. It shapes the relationship of social actors in the world of work and constitutes a flexible capitalism and a new work culture. The positive effect of this is a self adept at change and the possibility of constructing inclusive social relationships. Negative – superficiality of a new culture, narrative movement discontinuity and tension at the interface between work and family matters. The values of the old and new culture therefore stand in opposition and polarize themselves. Further polarization can deepen their axiological confusion. Thus, it seems that in the current conditions in the area of work is needed reconstruction and reinterpretation system of values work. For this purpose, it will be used concept the quality of work – R. Sennett’s ethics good of work concept F. Znaniecki’s axiological other. According to R. Sennett the quality of work means to desire to do something well for its own sake, in other words – craftsmanship. The basis of competence is a set of objective standards 'set by the properties of things as such'. Competence, quality of doing of work for its own sake, the desire of solidity in doing of work implies a relationship between hand and head. F. Znaniecki postulates in his concepts of axiological other to treat of social interaction in terms of the primary social values and social tools, methods and results of actions as the secondary social values. The subject analysis is seeking answers to questions: what values constitute the cultural dimension of

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contemporary work ? what significance has quality in the system of values related to work ? and whether quality as a social value can be the basis of the culture of work in Poland ? The answers to the questions will be illustrated, e.g., by results own quality research of the laureates of the Quality Award. Mika Bartosz University of Gdansk, Poland Basic income. Revolution or reform of labor relations? The proposed presentation will consider the potential impact of basic income on labor relations. In a discussion about basic income a certain ambivalence can be observed: on the one hand it would free from having to work, on the other hand to increase employment and bargaining position of employees. Inaccuracies of this kind are probably caused by the broad definition of work used by proponents of basic income. It will be indispensable to deal with the definition of work and attempt to answer, or for such can be considered activities that do not produce income. Basic income considered as a postulate of radical social change is negatively evaluated by some left-wing activists and intellectuals. We believe that the reason for this state of affairs is unclear consequences of this solution for the property and labor relations. Basic income is often not considered a solution that eliminates class division on the owners of the means of production and the owners (only) of the workforce. Proponents of this approach (e.g., E.O. Wright) believe that the universal benefit paid to all citizens shaken unbalanced relationship between capital and labor. This problem will become for us the starting point for deliberations on the basic income. The main purpose of this presentation will be to consider and critical interpretation of the three most important arguments proponents of basic income in favor of its emancipatory function: 1) the expected increase in demand for labor (issue of labor supply), 2) the expected improvement in bargaining position of the wage-labor relative to the capitalists, 3) the expected recognition of the socially useful activities outside the labor market. We will try to prove that the introduction of basic income can significantly modify the mechanisms of redistribution and the struggle with poverty, but does not abolish the traditional divisions between paid work and unpaid work and does not exceed the modern work-capital relations. Mrozowicki Adam, University of Wroclaw Stewart Paul, University of Strathclyde Viola Zentai Central European University The critical labour studies in Hungary, Poland and the UK: between crisis and revitalisation Despite the historical traditions of the critical sociology of work in many European countries, its presence in the academic field has been limited in the recent decades as a result of the marketisation and banalisation of higher education, the abandonment of work studies in favour of managerial sciences by mainstream sociologies and the diminishing links between sociologists and labour movements. Simultaneously, and contrary to a general crisis, we can observe some indicators of the renewal of critical traditions beyond the boundaries of institutionalised sociology and the formation of a new, interdisciplinary research fields (and teams) in many European countries. This also involves new ways of critical engagement of researches and new categories of precarious workers, including for instance migrant workers, and a related search for a new research agenda which takes into account both the changing nature of employment in neoliberal conditions and the political consequences of the end of state socialism in Eastern Europe. This paper will explore both crisis and revitalisation of critical labour studies in three countries, Hungary, Poland and the UK, which differ from each other in their political past and the traditions of critical sociology of work. Our main focus will be on the instances of cooperation between sociologists and trade unions/ workers’ movements, as well as the development of new theoretical agendas which could potentially give new impetus and meaning for the critical sociology of work. In the paper, we will present some examples of these theoretical agendas, including the FP7 Initial Training Network Changing Employment in which we are involved, and explore the challenges to the East-West cooperation in the critical labour studies field.

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Muszyński Karol University of Warsaw, Poland Bifurcation of working time The goal of lecture to explain collected empirical data from Poland showing a tendency to maintain (and even extend) long working time of "creative class" employees and compare it with shortening working time of traditional industrial and service sector employees and to compare it with showing similar trends data from Western countries. Industrialization replaced unstructured labor determined by the rhythm of seasons and weather changes (le Goff) by a time-oriented factory organization (Thompson). The ongoing process of "disorganization" of capitalism (Lash/Urry) and the transition to a more decentralized production/consumption organization is entwined with collapse of time-orientation replaced by late-capitalist task-orientation. A radical acceleration of social processes is caused by: "just in time" ideology (Boltanski/Rosa), growing awareness of time being the only real limited resource (Bauman), global standardization of time, resulting in extension of competition and increased requirements for efficiency, and importance of design for latecapitalist economy (Lash/Urry). It is accompanied by growing role of knowledge in modern production. This increases quantitative and symbolic importance of white-collar workers from "creative class" (Florida), who, in contrast to working class, not only did not have historical guarantees of limited working time (Zerubavel), but are also structurally disorganized and probably unable to become a community of interests fighting for institutionalization of rights. Shift to cognitive capitalism ends therefore with invasion of working time to all areas of white-collar worker life- increasing overtime, flexible working hours, etc. Additionally, selfreflexivity of late capitalism aimed at maximizing productivity gives rise to number of devices/solutions enabling more effective and longer work that "spill" working time over areas of life previously free thereof (leisure, commuting to work, vacation, etc.). Concurrently, growing productivity of the economy, resulting from cognitive capitalism development, (in particular accompanied with labor market inclusion of women) causes a drop in labor-demand. It is further aggravated by economization of "human capital" improvement, i.e. directing maximized public and private funds at disposal of limited number of highly educated persons (as seen e.g. in concentration of control over the capital by limited number of people, as well as e.g. in grant system at universities). This causes an escalating bifurcation of working time resulting in one hand in a slow, but perceptible decline in the number of people fully enrolled in labor market and growth of part-time jobs, and with decrease of working time in traditional sectors, and on the other hand - in lengthening (in Western countries and partially in Poland) or maintaining long working time of "creative class" employees. Statistical data underestimate real extent of phenomenon, because of elusiveness of "creative labor" intensified by new technologies (mobile phones, tablets, cloud-computing, etc.). This has important social consequences- overwork of the "creative class" on one hand, and on the other, unemployment and growing status and income inequalities between "creative class" employees and traditional sectors employees. Research (UK, South Korea) show that reduction of working time in creative sector will force more egalitarian distribution thereof, reducing unemployment and income inequalities. Neumer Judith & Pfeiffer Sabine Institut für Sozialwissenschaftliche Forschung, Münich On the importance of experience-based work action and tacit knowledge for workplace and social innovation Globalised markets, customer relations towards countries in social tensions, skyrocketing challenges to compete economically and innovatively successful: Companies and their organisations are increasingly facing uncertainties and a variety of dimensions of imponderability to tackle successfully. Being innovative and economically successful in such turbulent times more and more requests companies to open up, to address topics of sustainability and to respect requirements of customers and other stakeholders. In short: Companies have to bring civil society back in to address future challenges. But this process itself challenges the traditional forms of organisation. After an era of re-engineering organisations towards standardised processes that were tightly bound to the logic of short-term profit and shareholder markets, companies have to open up, become agile and dialogical competent on a organisational level. This development is accompanied by the necessity to cope with uncertainties instead of annihilating them. Our contribution will

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show how employees are the key factor to tackle these uncertainties, and how and why it is there genuine competence to design workplace and organisational innovation. We will outline why the core factor to succeed in these processes of social innovation are the experiential abilities and the tacit knowledge of the employees, and how this labouring capacity is essential for social innovation at the workplace. Their experiences derived from every day work form the informal and tacit layer that is to be acknowledged and to unfold in processes towards social innovation. As these abilities are individual and corporeal they elude all approaches to formalise or digitise them and are therefore competences as genuine for employees as they are essential for social innovation. Nowaczyk Olga University of Wrocław, Poland The wicked hero in the service of the state and society. Social boundaries of work of the polish soldiers on military missions abroad Being a soldier is a special social role for men, it is also a profession, work, service or vocation. There has been discussion about whether the military service should be seen as more of a work rather than an institution. Although the military service still retains institutional principles (patriotic values, historic traditions, etc.) it is becoming oriented to the principles of business and economics and can be fairly categorized as a work. This can be explored in relating to other professions in the grouping of power and compensation. There are different ranks within the military, granting some people more power. Many young people look at the military for compensation benefits and the opportunity to attend college without enormous loans. In recent years, as a result of economic, institutional, social and cultural changing which take place in polish society, the soldiers work, especially those who serving on military missions abroad, was redefined. If we look at how the soldiers work is constructing in various discourses (medial, political, etc.) and how these constructs are functioning in social life, we will see that there is no compatibility between them. They create a continuum describing the soldiers work in a positive (hero), neutral (normal work and normal service) and negative light (wicked, murderers, mercenaries). Such radically different discourses are particularly interesting in the case of Polish, whose politics and society are rooted in a historical context and a kind of mythology describes the military heroes fighting for independence. The international context of the soldiers work is also important, particular those soldiers serving on military missions abroad. From the beginning of the XXI century, we can observe the intense (compatible with the neoliberal markets policy) development of the private military corporations which contribute to privatizing the soldiers work (including to what the soldier does, and what is involved of his work, hence we can talk about privatizing the war or the war as a service), Thereby, a soldier trained by the state to defend its borders and society, becomes a contractor at a private military corporations, whose interests are often conflicted with the interests of the state and society. In the case of Polish soldiers, the decision to start working at a private military corporations is dictated by economic factors (high salaries) and professional (the possibility of further improve their skills and trainings other soldiers). This prompted me to ask themselves the following questions: 1) what are the social boundaries of work of the polish soldiers serving on military missions abroad? 2) which contexts (social, economic, political, etc..,) determine their work? 3) who or which groups deem these social boundaries of this specific work? The described issues are part of the research which I carry out as part of my habilitation thesis. Its subject matter is related to, among others, the experiences of biographical Polish soldiers serving in the military missions in Iraq and Afghanistan. Odrobina Katarzyna University of Wroclaw, Poland Prekaryzacja pracy w środowisku osób starszych Co raz bardziej popularne w dyskursie naukowym pojęcie „prekaryzacja” najczęściej odnosi się do osób wkraczających na rynek pracy, bądź znajdujących się na nim w stosunkowo krótkim czasie. Do osób, które pomimo odpowiednich kompetencji i umiejętności pracują wciąż na tzw. „umowach śmieciowych”, co powoduje niestabilność ich zatrudnienia, a w związku z tym niepewną przyszłość. W ramach prowadzanych przeze mnie badań do pracy magisterskiej, sprawdzam jak wygląda świat pracy u osób starszych. Tych którym brakuje zaledwie kilku lat do emerytury, a nagle zderzają się ze zjawiskiem prakaryzacji pracy i nie potrafią sobie poradzić. Pragnę zaprezentować jak wygląda świat osób narażonych

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na wykluczenie społeczne, które nie potrafią mówić w kilku językach, ich sprawność fizyczna jest obniżona, wykształcenie często na poziomie podstawowym bądź zawodowym. W jaki sposób te osoby konkurują z innymi na rynku pracy? Jak wygląda ich ścieżka kariery, kiedy szanse na rozwój i zarobek są co raz mniejsze, a koszty utrzymania wciąż rosną? Przeprowadzone badania mają na celu ukazanie rzeczywistości osób, które okazują się bezradne we współczesnych czasach. Gdzie świat ich młodości i zarobku dostępnego dla każdej pracowitej osoby odszedł bezpowrotnie, a brutalna rzeczywistość dnia codziennego stawiają co raz to większe wymagania. Wymagania, które wiążą się nie tylko ze zwiększonymi wydatkami na własne zdrowie, ale również odpowiedzialnością za rodzinę i najbliższych. Badania mają na celu również konfrontację rzeczywistości z dyskursem medialnym, który odnosi się do osób starszych jako pracowników, chcących nawiązywać więzi i relacje społeczne, a nie tylko pracować w celach zarobkowych. Mam zamiar sprawdzić, czy praca może okazać się środkiem do zapobiegnięcia wykluczeniu społecznemu. Omay Umut & Omay Esma Gültüvin Gür Istanbul University, Turkey Rethinking the Concept of Work in the Consumer Society Work as a notion, what it is and what covers it, is a long disputed subject. The notion of work when taken historically brought different types of perception and understanding. In the given historical ages, labour was at first associated with sin, slavery and torture then gained an association with worship. The most radical turning point in the perception of work marked itself undoubtedly with the Industrial Revolution. The Industrial Revolution brought the notion of division of labour but it also brought the exploitation of labour, alienation of work, dehumanisation of production. Therefore, after the Industrial Revolution work as a notion came to be discussed in light of these terms. Today, we confront these terms in discussions related to work but if we consider the constant changing nature of capitalism new perceptions of work take the floor. Especially, the rise of consumer society and consumerism added new perspectives to work. Today, work as a concept has diverted from its original connotations and turned into something that consumerism shaped. As societies are now converted into consumer societies that mostly depend on consumerism, this transformation changed the value of work eternally. Today, people work to consume not only to fulfil their vital needs but also to consume things that they do not really need. Thus, individuals and societies are transformed into consumers. They are compelled to do various kinds of jobs in order to consume effectively and incessantly. Consumer culture presents needs that are not vital or necessary but urges the individual to fulfil them. People are made consumers which in turn changed the perceptions of work totally. An occupation or a job used to give people a social status and a place in society; it now gives the right to consume freely. Individuals are forced to do jobs that bring abundant consumption. Instead of work, consumption, has undertaken to build identities and provide social status. Therefore; today’s perceptions of work only serve the existing economic system. In this respect, we can argue that work has become an instrument of consumerism deprived of its old connotations and therefore, consumerism changed the value of work totally. The aim of this study is to discuss the concept of work and its changing role in relation to consumer society and consumerism by using a theoretical framework. Our paper will depend on mostly to our recent studies (published both national and international level) and also other authors’ studies (for instance, Baudrillard’s, Bauman’s, Berman’s, Corrigan’s, Debord’s, Douglas and Isherwood’s, Featherstone’s, Lodziak’s, Sennett’s, and Wallerstein’s studies). We will use qualitative method since we are not in favor of using solely statistical methods on social issues as mentioned in various studies (i.e. the Gulbenkian Commission Report (aka. Open the Social Sciences) and various studies of Joel Best). However, as both of us have Ph.D. -aka. Dr.- (Doctorate of Philosophy) title, we believe that philosophical and critical thinking is a must to obtain knowledge, not information. We don’t want to limit our study with any geographical framework since Neo-Liberalism (New Title of Capitalism) has been becoming worldwide under the title of „Globalization”. Thus we decide to limit our study with the timeframe of 20th and 21st centuries. We argue that globalization (and its core elemets, such as consumerism) has been manipulating the meaning of work. Hence, consumerism and consumer society have been used by capitalism in order to exploit and manipulate the labour and the perception of work in the very minds of individuals.

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Ostrowski Piotr i Wojciech Figiel University of Warsaw, Poland Polish entrepreneur, employer and owner. A media discourse analysis The role of the dominating discourse is to create consensus around and acceptance as well as legitimisation of domination. The Polish media do not give an objective account of actions undertaken by the trade unions by presenting them in an unfavourable context and by employing negative stereotypes about them. Thus, a question arises as to whether the coverage by Polish media of the employers and entrepreneurs is equally biased. Is there a balance of negative coverage or this balance is tilted in favour of the representatives of the Capital? Or maybe within the media discourse the actions undertaken by the representatives of the world of business are presented in a favourable context and by employing positive stereotypes, primarily when compared with the actions of trade unions? Fifteen years after the study by Wiesława Kozek on the coverage of trade unions in Polish weeklies entitled “The Destructors. Biased coverage of trade unions in political weeklies in Poland”, we investigate the coverage of Polish employers, entrepreneurs and owners in weeklies. Not least in the context of the present-day challenges on the Polish labour market, including flexible and precarious jobs, uncertainty, unemployment etc. What is the media coverage of Polish entrepreneurs given the fact that we know that media are strongly critical, and very often without a reason, about trade unions. The present study is conducted within the framework of Critical Discourse Analysis (Teum Van Dijk, Norman Fairclough, Anna Duszak) which exposes language violence (symbolic violence) and aims at uncovering hidden power relations. The aim of the study is to understand the nature and reproduction of power and domination within the field of labour relations in Poland. The study encompasses the analysis of content and contexts of articles, as well as its titles, subheadings, bolded phrases, images, pictures, utterances reproduced within them, relations of the quoted entrepreneurs with their milieu, stereotypes and hypothetical white spots of discourse. The empirical material is taken from issues of “Polityke” and “Newsweek” weeklies published in 2013. We also take into consideration the specific context of that year, i.e. the crisis of social dialogue in Poland, what was the biggest inter-company general strike in the recent period (Silesia region, 26th of March 2013) and the biggest demonstration in Poland since 1981. (Warsaw, 14th of September 2013). Piasna Agnieszka European Trade Union Institute, Belgium Scheduled to work hard: Understanding the outcomes of working time diversification for work intensity Increasingly diversified and flexible working time arrangements contribute to a redefinition of the boundary between standard and non-standard working hours, as well as a renegotiation of norms related to the expected remuneration for work at atypical times. The current crisis accelerated previous trends across the EU, as working time has effectively become a key adjustment mechanism in the labour market reforms, predominantly with the aim of providing greater flexibility for employers. In this paper I investigate what have been other costs of working time adjustments to employees, with the focus on changes in the intensity of work. Work intensity, defined as a compression of work activities in a unit of time, is of central importance from the point of view of organisational performance, as well as workers’ health and wellbeing. Despite the salience of this issue, there is yet to be a theoretical framework that allows for a comprehensive view of adjustments in working time on many dimensions (i.e. duration, distribution and variability) and work intensity. I address this gap by exploring the possibility that flexible scheduling of work hours represents an important mechanism to achieve a closer fit between labour demand and supply with consequences for work intensity. For this aim, I develop a conceptual framework in which time and intensity represent two interrelated components of overall labour input. An underlying assumption is a distinction between two approaches to working time with different rationale for productivity maximization: a traditional time-centred model, and a model of fragmented time. The latter represents the employer-led model, with a growing resort to non-standard working time schedules as a market- and not employee-driven solution. It follows from the logic of commodification of labour, according to which employers increasingly seek to marketize the employment relationship, including the

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scheduling of work. Consequently, working time arrangements are ever more fragmented and organised into smaller units, or ‘special currencies’. Fragmented and employer-controlled schedules become a means to pass the multiple pressures faced by organisations on the labour force. Consequently, the work-effort bargain comes under pressure and intensification of work is expected to be an outcome. To test this assumption, two recent waves of the European Working Conditions Survey (2005 and 2010) are employed in the empirical analysis, with a sample of 39,780 employees from twenty-two EU countries. Taking a ‘standard model’ of working time organisation as a point of reference, I find that most adjustments to working hours that depart from this model on any dimension are associated with increased work intensity. Moreover, several distinct models of working time organisation with respect to their effect on work intensity emerge from the analysis. Overall, findings point to a divergence in working conditions along the lines of diverse working time patterns. Pina Marcos Roberto Mariano Universidade Federal de São Carlos UFSCar, Brasil Entrepreneurs of the Nightlife: An Analysis of the Work of Party Promoters and DJs in the City of São Paulo After the advent of the so-called labor and production flexibilization process, a series of new values and features became prominent in the analysis of work categories. These categories are related to the growing individualization of the worker responsibilities, the new lean organizations and new job commitments, based on short-term projects; these features are all opposite to the moment of the salaried and protected labor, called the fordist-keynesian model. From the analysis of the careers of night-party promoters in the city of São Paulo, we were able to collect representative empirical data regarding the flexibility that is expected from contemporary workers. We have observed the recurrent entry and maintenance forms in this diffuse market of leisure, with yet no institutional regulations; these forms are associated to the possession of distinctive social capital, according to the cultural requirements of the partygoers. As explained by Bourdieu (1998), “social capital” is the set of current or potential resources which are linked to the possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized inter-recognition. We also tried to ascertain to what extent this occupation was really individualized and self-managed, since party promoters depend on the mobilization of their personal network to maintain profitability. For this we problematize the concept of “closure” as explained by Coleman (1990), which is the degree of proximity that exists between individuals in a particular social setting and ensures that some standards and rules are observed or, in other terms, the reciprocity that creates linkages and informal debts between the members of the group. We have analyzed the subjective and objective demands in their day-to-day activity; although these demands require great physical and mental effort (and dominate large periods on their personal schedules), they are positively reinterpreted as values of entrepreneurship and autonomous creative liberty. We seek to observe how these promoters construct their identity as workers, in this distinguished field of service business – as they sell a product that is characterized by its symbolic value, the parties. For this research we used a qualitative methodology and we have interviewed eight party promoters of different music styles, using free and semi-structured interviews, performed in person or through virtual interactive platforms; these platforms are the promoting and divulgation spaces par-excellence for their private or shared parties with the dance clubs. Polkowski Radoslaw University of Strathclyde, UK Pathways to citizenship (inclusion) and conflict (exclusion): Employment relations in migrant workers’ workplaces in Belfast, Edinburgh and Wroclaw. The study explores inclusion in and exclusion from citizenship of migrant workers in three new immigrant destinations: Northern Ireland, Scotland and Poland. The investigation is driven by the three research questions. First of all, how do experiences of inclusion and exclusion in receiving countries interact with migrants’ pre-migration experiences of inclusion and exclusion? In answering this question, the research explores how different aspects of citizenship - citizenship as exercise of civil, political and social rights; emotional citizenship (Ho 2009) and citizenship as membership in a community of value (Anderson 2013) interact. Thus, it strives at contributing to the literature on citizenship by bringing these different conceptualizations together into a more integrated model. The third research question focuses on the role of

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local contexts of reception in shaping the interactions above. The study makes several contributions to existing theory and literature. First of all, it contributes to Anderson’s (2013) concept of community of value by exploring it from the bottom-up perspective of experiencing individuals and innovatively using emotions of shame and pride (Scheff 2000; 2003) as probes. Secondly, it adds to the literature on migration by exploring how pre-migration inclusion and exclusion impacts on inclusion and exclusion in a receiving country as well as by underscoring the role of emotion in migration processes more broadly. Thirdly, it contributes to sociological literature on shame by exploring its role in migration and citizenship. The role of work and employment occupies a prominent role in the entire analysis. In this way and also drawing on Sennett’s (2004) analysis of liberal and neoliberal discourses on citizenship, adulthood and dependence, the study suggests ways in which changing political economy context in Europe (flexibility, deregulation of the labour market, growing labour market insecurities, and neoliberal welfare state reforms) may be making the experience of shame more widespread. Pot Frank , Preenen Paul Radboud University, the Netherlands, TNO, the Netherlands Workplace innovation for better jobs and organizational performance One of the economic, institutional and cultural transformations in the sphere of employment in the late capitalist societies is the way companies and institutions adapt themselves to the changing environment. The meaning of work not only transform in respect to labour market changes, but also by the way companies adapt their policies. The impact of these changes is profound (Brynjolfsson & McAfee, 2014). Not jobs only are becoming different, but also the relationship between companies and society. In European policies, these new relationships are seen as an opportunity for social innovation: how can citizens help companies to take care of social goals and social problems (Pot, Dhondt, Oeij, 2011)? How do these changes in companies conflict with the rising unemployment and new definitions of work and non-work? What does these changes in companies mean for the growing number of self-employed (Elsby, Hobijn & Sahin, 2013)? What does the rising skill level, generated by these transformations in companies, mean for work in the future (Gallie e.a., 2013)? The European Commission sees ‘workplace innovation’ as a means for companies to connect performance goals to improved quality of work and better opportunities to stay at work. The panel will bring several papers on workplace innovation and the policy context. Also, in conclusion of the session: a discussion with policy makers and business representatives will be organized to grasp the necessary policy implications. Potasińska Anna Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw, Poland Borders of social relations in contemporary modern labor market Contemporary transformation of employment are the factor which has its negative impact on relationships and integration of employees. Many researchers describe the phenomenon of the modern world of work is that something like a permanent job already belongs to the past. We live in times where there is rule - hire and fire, and the idea of a job for life has lost connection with reality. The specificity of the contemporary system of work captures the slogan - No long term. Short term relations, insecurity cause a mental syndrome named by R. Sennett " corrosion of character" . New forms of work as part-time work or flexible working hours, telecommuting, lizing of personnel or outsourcing are not the factors of integration. In modern times because of transformation of labor market we can observe less manifestations of trade unions. However, among the contemporary transformations of work we can observe some conditions for integration and social cohesion in the workplace - an increase of the number of small and medium-sized enterprises also the corporate culture and corporate social responsibility CSR. What will be the direction of transformation in workplace? Are there possible to build social relations and integration in workplace in our times?

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Preoteasa Ana Maria Research Institute for Quality of Life, Romania Atypical Work in Romania as the Last Solution for Vulnerable Populations: Evidence from Quantitative and Qualitative Inquiries This paper analyses atypical employment in Romania. The main hypothesis is that atypical employment is an alternative strategy to unemployment, especially for populations at risk of social exclusion. Unskilled and undereducated populations have fewer chances to access the primary labour market, for secure and wellpaying jobs. Previous research in this area in Romania has shown a recent prevalence for atypical employment. The paper’s conclusions were based on a mixed quantitiative and qualitative research approach. First, the quantitative approach depicted the main charactersitics of the populations who hold atypical jobs in Romania using EUSILC (2008–2011). A multinomial logistic regression analysis was employed in order to portray the main factors determining employment. Second, the qualitative research focused especially on standard of living, lifestyle and subsistence strategies of people living above the poverty line, but who were still economically vulnerable. The qualitative study is part of a larger research project built around the Precarious Prosperity concept, designed to depict a socio-structural category situated in between poverty and secure material prosperity. Stemming from a German line of research (Hubinger) and refined by Swiss research, the concept comprises multidimensional poverty/prosperity (incomes and deprivation). The qualitative data were gathered in two Romanian communities (one rural and one urban) and included a sample of households living in precarious prosperity. The results permitted the identification of the main living strategies of these vulnerable populations and the importance of atypical employment as an income source, in comparison with other strategies. Prochazkova Lucie Masaryk University, Brno, Czech Republic Employment of people with disabilities – experience of the employers To the obstacles in the process of employment of people with disabilities belong the attitudes of society, of employers and people with disabilities, the barriers in the environment and the system. There are employers willing to employ and employing but they face some difficulties every day. In the Czech Republic many changes happened in the last twenty years according to the employment (new legislation, an obligation to employ people with disabilities, specific kind of support etc.). Employment is a big issue in political agenda in whole Europe, the support of disadvantaged groups of people even more. This paper introduces results of a qualitative research focusing on the attitudes of employers in the Czech Republic to the employment of people with disabilities. The target groups of the interviews were employers who already employ. The main objective was to discover their experience with employment of people with disabilities, nevertheless according to the changes in the legislation in the last years. Besides that the precarisation of work and the precarious conditions on the workplaces will be mentioned as well. Przyłęcki Paweł Medical University of Łódz, Poland The assessment of implementation of concept flexicurity in Poland Flexicurity is a concept of labour markets regulation which has been developing systematically in the EU since 2006. Flexicurity means the trade-off between flexibility and security where the trade-off between these two elements should be balanced. The main goal of implementing flexicurity is to reduce the unemployment rate in the EU and make Europe the most competitive economy of the world. The goal of presentation is showing how flexicurity is implemented in Poland. The author of this work claims that in Poland flexicurity is not realized properly because the trade off between flexibility and security is not balanced. Labour market policy in Poland mainly tends to increase flexibility instead of improving the security of workers. This kind of actions have a manipulative character and mainly support entrepreneurs. However, such actions are contrary to the understanding of flexicurity. Author analyzed the implementation of elements of flexibility and security pursuant to Wilthagen and Tros’ concept of flexicurity. Author did an analysis on the base of analytical tool prepared by these two

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scientists. The goal of analysis is showing the trade-off between flexibility and security. This tool can be used to analyzing of influence the regulation of labour market on different social and occupational groups, for example single mothers, young people, aged people over fifty, women, disabled people etc. The analysis shows on the one hand the weaknesses of implementation in Poland and on the other hand the areas of activity which should be corrected. This changeover should be negotiated by three entities responsible for flexicurity – the state, entrepreneurs and trade unions. The pattern for Poland, as far as implementation of flexicurity is concerned, can be the chosen examples of regulation the labour market in Denmark and Holland. Roszkowska Martyna University of Zielona Góra, Poland Education and labor market. Competences of upcoming teachers in the light of researchers among the students of pedagogy at University of Zielona Góra The results of world globalization and the politics transformations in our country have tremendously changed the labor market and the personal politics of companies. Nowadays, very important is the feature as competences of the future employee. This common ascertainment is accompanied with many recruitment processes. This is due to the general assumption, that the European labor market is intended for better use of potential like knowledge and the skills of future adepts on labor market. Presently, one thing is undoubtable: good education, gained qualifications, so-called: hard skills and the second soft skills – so the support of these qualifications with the adaptation to dynamic environment. This is an consent, for what is highlighted by many researchers, that the economic life is deeply rooted in social life and can not be considered with the omission of issues as: customs, moral values, habits of particular community. A very significant nexus in the process of preparing young people to life and work is school. This is the institution that gives not only the continuity of teaching, but also creates the conditions for influencing into processes of socialization among young generation. Teachers are the propulsion of schools development, leaders of diversity issues and others activities inside and outside the school. They are playing the main role. Nowadays, the work of pedagogy became more complex than it used to be and the expectations from people working in this field have grown. Regarding not only teaching, but also an active contribution into preparing kids and youth for life and work in social and economic contemporary conditions. Should be inferred, that this can be made only by the pedagogy who posses a relevant competences. This article is a communiqué from the researches conducted in 2013 among the students of pedagogy at University of Zielona Gora, so among the people who in the near future will enter the labor market and will create own school reality. It seems to be interesting becoming familiar with their opinions about the job. How they imagine the work in the future and what will be the most important for them? How can the life success be described? On which this success depends and what room in this achievement is reserved for professional work? Free market, the economics principle of competition, social position and success, permanent checking each other, confrontation with other - makes a new climate in international relations. That is why the psychologist and moral side of market race is also important. A few questions in this field will help us to survey: What kinds of moral resources are dozing in teachers? Do they believe in themselves and their own possibilities? Whether and how they feel about the world that belong for them and do they possess a possibility of influencing into the surrounding them the professional and social reality? Róg – Ilnicka Joanna University of Zielona Góra,, Poland „Career by choice” or „career by chance”? The determinants of flexible professional biographies. Developing flexible labour market has become a challenge not only for employers but also for employees. The processes of globalization caused the development of various forms of work and employment. The part of professional biographies are careers which are changing as a result of economic, social and political processes. Those various forms of work and employment enable individuals “to juggle” with the elements of their own careers. The aim of the presentation is an attempt to answer the following questions: What kind of factors determine the development of the modern professional biography? What are the reasons for taking various

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forms of flexible employment? What are the social and individual costs of flexible employment? To what extent the decisions about making flexible forms of employment are conscious choice and to what extent a necessity? An attempt to answer the above questions is a summary of the three editions of own research project: "Social and individual consequences of non-standard forms of work" The aim of the research was to analyze the professional biographies of Lubuskie voivodship citizens, who create their careers thanks to flexible forms of work and employment. The analysis was in-depth interviews. The first edition of the research took place in 2008, another in 2011 and the last in 2012. The research project was primarily to explore the difficult terrain of research that is flexible labor market, as well as making an attempt to determine the consequences of non-standard forms of work and employment. In addition, the conclusions of the study are the canvas to bring the hypotheses that can be the beginning of regular research on the biographies of people working on a flexible basis. By analyzing the interviews with the three editions of the tests it is possible to pre-suppose the reasons for choosing flexible forms of work and employment. This also leads to the assumption that some people formed a "career by choice" and part of a “career by chance." "Choice" in this case is the awareness of the use of flexible rules of employment which, created without time or financial pressure - characteristic of professionals. "Chance" is in some cases a necessity, primarily financial, where it is important to obtain any employment, even for a small salary characteristic of those newly entering the labour market after a long break, the need to earn wealth to the household budget. Sahraoui Nina London Metropolitan University, UK The social implications of precarious work for Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic women in the UK social care sector It is estimated that the care workforce needs to increase by 79% by 2032 in relation to the ageing population (Wittenburg et al. 2010: 15 in Shutes, 2011). Care work remains however one of the lowest paid sectors of the labour market (Low Pay Commission, 2010). Highly gendered and racialized, the workforce in the care sector is symptomatic of labour market segmentation. Non-white minority ethnic groups account for at least 17% of care workers in the UK and two-thirds of the workforce in London (Cangiano et al., 2009). This poster will present early findings from fieldwork conducted in the UK with 26 migrant care workers and 5 experts including trade union officers. The early findings emerging form data collected in the UK indicate that migrant workers’ experiences are the result of a complex confrontation of the bargaining powers of caregivers, care recipients and employers. While labour shortages could theoretically strengthen the relative position of migrant care workers in their relationship to employers, this is clearly not the case. In spite of growing labour needs, racism and bullying are commonplace. The results of this research are in line with previous studies of the migrant care workforce in the UK. Moreover, given that the share of male care workers in London is significant in comparison with the relative absence of men in the care sector on the national level, the study of migrant care workers raises interesting questions in relation to the articulation of migration, ethnicity and gender, and how hierarchies are defined by those elements. A central focus of this poster is thus to analyse the interplay of social class, ethnicity and gender and to provide new insights into how precariousness is constructed and experienced. Samarsky Elena University of Oxford, UK The EU work mobility – an old challenge for national trade unions: The Austrian trade unions’ position towards the EU cross border labor workers Mobility of workers is one of the fundamental principles of the EU. It is strongly promoted both on the national and regional levels and is seen as one of the ways to increase flexibility and competitiveness of the EU market. Although EU citizens working in another EU member state are entitled to various rights similar to national workers, often their general working conditions as well as working environment differ. Among institutions which represent workers and defend their rights on personal, industrial and cross-national levels are trade unions. Trade unions across the EU have adapted different attitude toward the EU workers, some have openly invited them to join while others have actively advocated to impose restrictions on their

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movement. The issues around inclusion or exclusion of the non-standard employees (such as migrant) into trade unions has been vividly discussed both in the theoretical literature and by trade unions themselves. This paper presents data on the Austrian trade union (ÖGB) and its seven affiliated unions; in particular its agenda and policy towards EU workers after the 2004 EU enlargement. This case is of significant interest for several reasons. First, the Austrian trade union has a rich history in favoring national workers. Second, in the last decade it experienced losses of members. And third, the share of EU workers in the Austrian labor market increased over the last decade, composing almost 5% of all working force in the country. In a broader context one may see similar developments in other EU countries where the share of EU nationals employed in the labor markets is increasing and the trade unions are experiencing tremendous losses of members. Moreover, the data shed light on an interesting empirical and theoretical issue regarding the servicing model unions (such as ÖGB) as they face the challenge to balance between providing services to the existing members and the potential union members who are EU workers. The findings indicate that the ÖGB still implies a restrictive approach toward EU workers. During the last decade, the union has supported policies which protect native workers and act in favor of transitional periods for the EU 12 workers. However, considering the loss of members which corresponds to general tendencies in Europe, several affiliated unions (such as GPA-DJP) started to regard foreign workers as their potential members. In addition, several ÖGB’s regional offices have initiated programs focusing on EU workers, for example providing consultation services in foreign languages such as Hungarian and Slovenian. However, these are rare examples that show the exceptional behavior rather than an ongoing trend. Skoczylas Tomasz University of Wroclaw, Poland Temporary Employment in Poland: historical overview I’d like to present short historical overview of how the institution of temporary employment was implemented in Poland and how it has developed up to roughly present day. Although it is usually associated with recent flexible turn in work organization, temporary employment is quite old phenomenon , dating to the beginning of XX century. Yet it wasn't until early 70s when – after the series of court struggles in USA – it reached its fully developed legal form and begun international expansion. While temporary employment seems to be a permanent feature of modern labour market a controversy still remains whether its success is due to some real advantages (for employers or/and employees) or just aggressive publicity on behalf of temporary work industry. Case of Poland is particularly interesting in light of this controversy. Temporary work came to this country as a ready-made solution in the 90s: western companies investing in Poland imported their own staffing practices, even before proper legal grounding. Soon afterward international associations, representing biggest temporary work agencies, started lobbying for inclusion of what Goerge Gonons called "temporary employment formula" in to Polish labor regulations. Despite initial period rapid expansion, following introduction of Temporary Employment Act in 2003, todays temporary work market in Poland has stabilized on visibly lower level than European average. Thanks to the law that obliges employment agencies to reports its' activities to Polish Ministry of Labour and Social Security we have good opportunity to observe not only quantitative development of temporary labour market but also its social and professional composition. Superimposing this data on a changing institutional background I want to present a critical history of temporary employment in Poland. Sosnowska Anna University of Warsaw, Poland Small business, servitude and ethnic queue. Polish immigrant cleaners’ experience in New York City Historical and sociological literature ((Katzman 1981, Coble 2006) claims that labor relations in modern, industrial societies allowed transformation of hired domestics’ position from personally dependent live-in servants into independent workers whose relations with employer depend on negotiable contract between the two equal partners. At the same time, immigration studies point out that these are immigrants from developing countries that are the main labor force in the low pay, low prestige sector of domestic cleaning in Western countries of advanced capitalism. On the one hand, the immigration research emphasizes that that foreign born laborers are more likely to accept paternalistic relations with employers characteristic for pre-modern servant-

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mistress relations. (Hondagneu-Sotelo 2007) On the other hand, economic sociology of immigration points out ‘ethnic queuing’ (Waldinger 1996) on the immigrant labor market that makes some ethnic groups more appreciated in a given sector as its members are seen as more suitable for a job than members of other ethnic groups. (Waldinger 2003) Referring to these academic traditions, my text argues for a particular interpretation of the Polish female immigrants’ work experience in a position of live-out domestic cleaners in New York City. My interpretation is that their work, as they see it, contains elements of both small business enterprise and liveout servant. The interpretation is based on fieldwork research, including 12 month long participant observation in Greenpoint (Brooklyn), oral history interviews with 50 Polish Greenpoint immigrant community’s leaders and 23 Polish immigrant cleaners, that I conducted in 2006 and 2010 in New York City. My interpretation stresses that the domestic cleaners’ overall employment strategy is to define their work as a small business enterprise. Their work reminds in several aspects other small businesses operating in personal service sector in an immigrant economic niche relying on ethnic trade mark/brand. It relies on personal autonomy coming from self-employment; one’s own economic calculation and risk. The work is performed on the basis of contract between relatively equal partners. It involves depersonalization, standardization and professionalization of service but at the same time involves trust, person customer relations. Finally, it takes advantage of the existing immigrant networks and appreciated brand of ‘a Polish cleaner’ in New York City. Generally, the elements of domestic cleaners’ work that they themselves disliked could be interpreted as those ascribed to traditional servant – personal dependence coming from working in somebody else’s home and employers’ paternalistic attitude toward them. They did not like working under direct and strict supervision; humiliation of being treated as inferior; dependence on employer’s personal characteristics and moods. Generally, Polish Greenpoint cleaners associated small business-like characteristics with working in middle and upper-middle class homes in Manhattan, while servitude-like ones – with working in lower middle class Hasidic homes in Brooklyn. My interpretation, however, stresses that cleaners were not consequent in their pro-small business strategy, and appreciated employers’ paternalism when they benefited from it: care, support, bonus, gift or needed advice. Staning Guy University of London, UK Tertiary Time and Work: The Precariat’s Dilemma Work and Labour are not the same, and neither are Recreation and Leisure. Yet analytically they can be said to describe how we use time. Past societies have operated with different time regimes or norms. Rural society has been dominated by the seasons and the climate, making regular hours of work and labour scarcely applicable. Industrial society has operated with industrial time, ruled by the calendar and the clock, with time uses being neatly organised in blocs. Today, we live in what should be called tertiary time, in which multiple demands are placed on any hour of the day and week. We have yet to come to terms with this and what it implies. In particular, the precariat has no control over time, and as a result faces constant stress and a squeeze on time. Control over time is an asset that is a particular form of inequality. A politics of time is needed. Strauss-Raats Pille University of Gothenburg, Sweden Protected precarity and liberal security: employment and representation security in regulatory frameworks of temporary agency work in Sweden and Poland Widening use of temporary agency work, notable for its triangular employment relationship, is a controversial trend in the European Union. While seen as a necessary flexicurity tool, it is also associated with precarious working conditions through ‘outsourcing’ traditional employer responsibilities. Acknowledging the risks, most national regulatory regimes attempt at regulating this sector. This study takes two forms of labour (in)security as described by Guy Standing for a starting point and investigates how employment and representation security in temporary agency work sector in Sweden and Poland might be conditioned by the local regulatory regimes. Data on regulatory mechanisms by both state and non-state

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actors is collected through reviewing legal acts, collective agreements, reports as well as previous literature. Preliminary results show that the Swedish tradition of self-regulation through independent collective bargaining has integrated agency workers into the existing labour institutions even when the statutory legislation is liberal. Poland, on the other hand, uses strict statutory regulation and state enforcement that has resulted in high incidence of ‘forced’ self-employment in this sector. Current working paper forms a first step of a wider comparative research project on working conditions and social integration of temporary agency workers in Sweden and Poland. Taskiran Gulcin Marmara University, Turkey Nonunion organizations of precarious workers in Turkey: two case studies The pursuit of a solution to the rising costs via labor markets has resulted in the adoption of supply-side policies instead of the demand-side economic policies. To cut down the cost of labor, the existing rules has started to be made flexible, especially starting with working hours, work and production process. The development of these processes, led to the abolition of the existing standard forms of employment in the labor market and they were replaced by other forms of employments that are generally described as atypical or precarious. This state of flexibilisation in the labor market actually should be considered as a means of precariousness of the process. Created precarious work generally refers to forms of work characterized by atypical employment contracts, limited or no social benefits and statutory entitlements, high degrees of job insecurity, low job tenure, low wages and high risks of occupational injury and disease (Evans and Gibb, 2009: 2). However, different definitions are also applied to the concept of “precarious employment”. In the United States, "contingent employment” is used for the flexible work definitions (Nollen & Exel, 1996). As a more comprehensive term, "non-standard employment" is used extensively (Carr et al., 2000). This concept, widely used in the United States, generally presents the position of the employer and this type of study is a result of obligation rather than being a personal choice (Stone, 2004). On the other hand in Europe, atypical employment concept is more common. This concept consists any form of employment outside of permanent employment contract (Reilly, 2001; Stone, 2004). In studies especially focusing on the employment time, all kinds of employments which has no long-term employment security is defined as precarious employment (Stone, 2004). Precariousness policies implemented by means of flexibility at labor markets has changed the way of labor work together with the way of organizations. Non-standard forms of working have brought nonstandard forms of organizations along with itself. Organizing employment forms whose work forms are traditional/standard, union perception falls behind of organizing precarious/ non-standard working labourers. That kind of inabilities of unions to organize precarious workers as well as their lack of interest on them due to the union crisis forces the workers to non-union organizations and thus various social organizations comes into existence. In Turkey there are many existing non-union working organization experiences. Two organization experiences are included to this work in an attempt to get a grip on their experiences. The first one is precarious and mostly informal working musicians. Depth interviews have been made with 15 precarious musicians,(founder and members), who gathered under the name of İzmir Musicians Associations. The other example belongs to Laborer Struggle Association whose 15 precarious/subcontractor worker (founder and members) have been the subject of another depth- interview. These interviews will aim at finding out about their need for an organization, the reason of their organizing as an association rather than a union, their organizational process as an association, their attitude towards unionization and the impact of precarious working on their lives. Beside this work will try to analyze about the social organizations, fed on precarious working. Teisseyre Piotr University of Warsaw, Poland Reprodukcja (nie)formalnej pracy opiekuńczej w Polsce W kręgu zainteresowań socjologów pracy pozostaje najczęściej praca formalna. Wydaje się jednak, że aby zrozumieć współczesne przemiany na rynku pracy należy zwrócić baczną uwagę na problematykę pracy

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nieformalnej, relacje między formalną i nieformalną pracą, a także dynamikę tego zjawiska. Problem nie jest nowy: od lat 70. w literaturze opisywana jest kwestia nieodpłatnej pracy kobiet w gospodarstwie domowym, związanej przede wszystkim ze sprawowaniem opieki. Rozwój welfare state – wprowadzanie nowych regulacji i instrumentów polityki społecznej – można postrzegać w kategoriach zmniejszania się kręgu nieformalnej pracy i wkroczenia państwa w obszary, które wcześniej uchodziły za domenę prywatności. Proces ten nie miał jednak oczywistego kierunku. W Polsce wraz z końcem realnego socjalizmu nastąpiło wycofanie się państwa z kilku obszarów polityki społecznej w myśl zasady decentralizacji i poszanowania autonomii rodziny, co interceptowano m.in. jako nieingerowanie w sprawy podziału pracy nieformalnej w gospodarstwie domowym. Rozmiary i strukturę nieformalnej pracy, a także relacje miedzy sferą formalnej i nieformalnej pracy można rozpatrywać w kategoriach porządku państwa opiekuńczego oraz zakorzenionych w kulturze norm i wartości, które stanowią uzasadnienie dla określonych polityk społecznych. Państwo poprzez rozmaite działania wpływa na rozmiary nieformalnej pracy i jej znaczenie w systemie zabezpieczenia społecznego, np. może oddziaływać na dostępność publicznych i komercyjnych usług społecznych, a także na zasady podziału opieki w rodzinie. Podstawą określonych polityk społecznych są natomiast zakorzenione w kulturze przeświadczenia dotyczące roli państwa, mechanizmów rynkowych oraz rodziny w systemie zabezpieczenia społecznego. W moim wystąpieniu prześledzę dynamikę polityki społecznej (w obszarze opieki nad dziećmi do 3 r.ż. oraz osobami starszymi) w okresie potransformacyjnym w Polsce oraz zrekonstruuję elementy dyskursu publicznego, w którym reprodukowane są wartości legitymizujące politykę społeczną, a jednocześnie stanowiące dla niej punkt odniesienia. Materiał empiryczny stanowią dane zastane: akty prawne oraz ich projekty, stenogramy z posiedzeń komisji parlamentarnych, wypowiedzi i raporty ekspertów. Przedstawię również wyniki badań (o charakterze jakościowym) strategii gospodarstw domowych w obszarze opieki i pokażę, w jaki sposób na poziomie praktyk społecznych odtwarzany i modyfikowany jest podział na pracę opiekuńczą formalną i nieformalną. Walczak-Duraj Danuta University of Lodz, Poland Social and Moral Consequences of Marketization Labour in Poland The main goal of article is an attempt of appearance the most important consequences of labor’s process marketization in Poland within last 25 years. It concerns analysis of consequences this process in social and ethical dimensions. Considerations concerning that consequences are preceded by description concerning, diagnosis and interpretation leading mechanism generating process of marketization labor in Poland in period of transformation. These consideration are placed in the predominating context of system neoliberal solutions. Sector of services is particular object of interesting and particularly three domains of professional activities are covered in it; namely: service of health ( „ marketization Hipokrates”), education and high educational system (especially„ university production ”). Very significant changes that have reached in these three very areas of professional activities, especially the violent change of logic of functioning of participants „ market’s ” medical and educational service are analyzed from prospect of indispensable redefinition of two couple role : physician and patient, teacher and pupil ( teaching and learning ). Main thesis of this article aim at the affirmation, that negative consequences in marketization service of health work, education and high educational system first are result: a) acceptance inappropriate system of solution market but not only market in discussed domains, b) directing oneself of promises that there will be „ invisible hand market ” is sufficing (enough) mechanism of achievement purpose attributed to service health, education and high educational system. Therefore deficits, concerning such fundamental social and ethical values as common good, social harmony, sense of responsibility, ethic dispositional, honor or tolerance, can’t become deleted by universalization of relation firm – client, servicer - client. This type of relation can’t be neither sole neither predominating in these areas of human activities, that have to be forceful in long time perspective and resist on high level of trust and sense of responsibility.

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Wickham James Trinity College Dublin, Ireland Workplaces, careers and conjunctures: migrant professionals in the construction industry moving through time and space Sociological research on work and careers pays little attention to short-term changes in the business cycle. Bizarrely, this also applied to research on migration, even though migration rates can change dramatically and rapidly. We use the concept of employment conjuncture to understand the specific economic, social and political context within which migrant ‘careers’ occur. Context shapes but does not determine, and this is especially true for skilled migrants, who explicitly choose the context within which they work. The paper develops this approach through a study of the careers of migrant professionals (architects and engineers) in the construction industry in different employment conjunctures. Firstly, we studied Poles who entered Ireland during the boom of the ‘Celtic Tiger’: using a Qualitative Panel Study (QPS) we carried out repeat interviews with Polish professionals between 2008 and 2010 and again during 2013. These careers thus traverse an initial goldrush labour market and a subsequent disaster labour market. Crucially the QPS methodology ensured that we interviewed these individuals whether or not they stayed in Ireland. Secondly in 2013 we interviewed recent Irish graduate emigrants who have left Ireland and are now working in the UK or Australia. In construction the latter destination has many features in common with Ireland at start of century. Comparative analysis shows how goldrush labour markets shape the workplace, loosening employer control over the labour process and casualising even professional recruitment; predictably the subsequent collapse leads to a tightening of control. Like the locals, skilled migrants develop strategies of survival but are also disproportionately likely to escape by moving on to another country. Their subsequent careers suggest that just as starting the working life in a slump has long term scarring effects, starting in a boom can bring long-term benefits. Wiszejko-Wierzbicka Dorota University of Social Sciences and Humanities, Warsaw, Poland Psychosocial conditions of vocational activity people with high-functioning autism The current job market as one element of the "liquid reality " (Zygmunt Bauman), characterized by constant change is a challenge for employees, therefore requires from them flexibility and adjustment. The most important aspects of successful functioning in the work environment today are social and emotional skills, such as stress tolerance, empathy, interpersonal communication skills, effective decision making and problem solving. The main symptoms of Asperger's syndrome (AS) which is high-functioning autism relate to the social and emotional deficits as the inability of understanding others' intentions (emotional blindness), limiting the ability of abstract thinking and lack of flexibility of mind, which manifest themselves in need of a structured environment and stiffness of interpersonal relationships. Taking into account all deficits mentioned above, it is easy to predict that people with AS could face various problems at work in the open labour market. The presentation contains the results of evidence-based practices derived from the project devoted to vocational activity of people with AS. The aim of the project was the preparation to place people with AS in the open labour market. The results of the study are based on observations and interventions undertaken in the PAR (participatory action research) project, which lasted from mid-2012 to mid- 2014. Eleven participants (diagnosed with Asperger’s syndrome) were prepared and placed on the open labour market (first as interns). They were supported by the career counselor, two assistants in the workplace and employment agent. Capabilities and expectations of participants were verified by the obstacles encountered by the interaction with the employer or, more broadly - in the confrontation with the real requirements of the labour market. Six of them have found employment, finally. Main barriers and forms of support they had received in the workplace are described from the perspectives of employers, assistants in the workplace and career counselor.

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Zaccaria Márton Leó University of Debrecen, Hungary The changing concept of employment: the special connection between labour law and civil law in Hungary Basic changes of world of labour do not leave untouched the legal norms within which frames working activity is realized. Namely, rules of labour and social law. This circle is continuously broadening and neither can be left without attention the civil law rules, since the classical structure of labour law seems to loosen and to make stronger the connection between labour law and civil law seems necessary. Is it really justified in practice? How is the social protective function entitled the employees affected? This study tries to answer these questions as it follows. The Hungarian labour law reform is a good example of how the idea of flexicurity is enforced in the 21st century in a post-socialist country in which legal system we can speak about regulation based on competitive market only in the last 20 years. Flexible employment relationships result overshadowing the social side what – on the one hand – is necessary in order to develop effectiveness and competitiveness, but on the other hand it is solicitous. The process is completed by the relationship between labour and civil law and it is traced back to the special tradition of legal history. It is also possible to perform work within the frames of civil law and it involves fewer commitments and is more flexible. In Hungary this process aids the closer relationship between the two legal fields what is more intensive since 1st July 2012 and this system of relations is more complicated and directs labour law to civil law since 15th March 2014 when the new Civil Code came into force. This way the answer to the first question is that it is justified as far as it will not discourage the employees' effective legal protection and on the basis of the second question we can state that the social protective legal function in the world of labour is retreated what is disputable, since it is not sure that this phenomenon is consistent with the social-economic requirements of the 21st century. Žažar Krešimir University of Zagreb, Croatia The Relations between Economic, Employment and Educational Structure: The Case of one Croatian County During the recent decades the reality of western societies has been changing, and thus we have witnessed svakako treba " vrsta, onda bi bilo bolje ""retnom "addition.ce tipa: u ovome radu analiziramo, definirami i s profound changes in a type of economy and work. Already in the late 1960’s, early 1970s, social scientists as Bell, Touraine and others, started to depict these tendencies under the discourse and theoretical approach of post-industrialism. Since then many other similar theoretical concepts have developed aiming at an analytical description of the new kind of social and economic reality within which knowledge, innovation and intangible inputs have attained the crucial role. The emergence of a new kind of economy has also required new types of work and workforce capable of properly responding to new working challenges. Within altered circumstances the ‘self-programmable labour’ (Castells, 2001) has become the most relevant workforce especially in comparison with unfavourable ‘generic labour’. When considering the above mentioned transformations in a wider European context, particularly interesting cases are those of post-socialist countries. One of the most serious consequences of transition processes in post-socialist Croatian society has been the collapse of a previously well developed industry. The decline of the industry implies the question which type of economy should be (re)developed. Furthermore, the question which type of workforce equipped with which type of knowledge and skills are required for a type of economy that has been emerging has also been raised. That implies the issue of educational programmes that (should) prepare young people for the world of work. The school system has been confronted with one of the most responsible missions nowadays: to make young people ready for challenges of the rapidly transforming and precarious working environment. One of the crucial aims of education is to evade the unemployment, which often occurs in cases of outdated school programmes that do not correspond to dynamic economic reality. In this light, the challenge of the education is to ensure employability by providing young people with knowledge and skills which allow them to ‘programme’ themselves and adapt to intensely instable working conditions. In final instance, one of the questions that could be raised is whether formal education is at all urgent for taking part in current advanced economies. In short, the issue we have been concerned in this contribution is the relation between economic structure and

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employment structure, as well as between employment structure and educational structure. The mentioned issues have been examined at the micro level on a particular case of Krapina Zagorje County in Croatia. Based on available statistical data, we analyze the structure of economy, employment structure and educational structure in order to estimate the degree of its compatibility. In addition, it is also very important to review the profiles of educational institutions in the County and analyze their programmes and competences they provide. In concluding notes, we underline the demand for clear strategy of a socioeconomic development which ought to correspond with a disposable workforce that could be employed within the economy structure, what automatically requires its synchronization with the educational system and school programmes. Zielińska Justyna University of Warsaw, Poland New category among Polish workers – working poor My paper proposal looks into the case of the working poor in Poland. I am going to present who are the contemporary working poor in Poland on the basis of the research to my PhD. In international public dicourse Poland is often described as an attractive maket for investors in the new global division of labour because of „a low-cost, high-quality production platform to compete with East Asia” (Mitchell A. Orenstein). On the other hand in Polish public dicourse it is widely said that costs of labour are too high and should be reduced. According to Jane Hardy transformation and deregulation in the Polish labour market since 1999s has resulted in high, permanent unemployment and a considerable rise in the prices of services and goods, while the work has become more flexible and less secure. These changes contribute to greater instability of employment, as well as lead to social disparities and poverty. Employment greatly reduces the risk of poverty, but does not eliminate it and Poland has one of the highest rates of the in-work poverty risk in the European Union. However the term working poor is still new in Polish academic and public discourse. This term does not exist in the public discourse in Poland, where an opinion still prevails that the poor are these who do not work. On the other hand a phenomenon of low salaries is visible in the Polish society, there is a lot of discussion about „junk jobs”, „junk contracts of employment”, „a generation of 1600 gross PLN”. Almost 60% of employees in Poland are employed in the services sector, which attributes are domination of small and middle enterprises and low unionization. I am going to present analysis of the Problem-Centered Interviews (a semi structured interviews with narrative elements) that have been being coducted with the working-poor employed in the services in Warsaw. The main research questions are: what factors have influenced people to take up low paid jobs (life course trajectory)? Why are the working-poor poor despite working? Can they, and if so, how do they get out of poverty? Applied methodology allows to reconstruct individual and group-specific forms of meaning. Additionally, I am going to compare two groups of the working poor: one employed in the private sector and the second in the public sector to compare lowpaid employment in these two sectors. I will use David Harvey's labour market structure – division between the core and the periphery. Employment in the core is based on the stable contracts, possibility of promotion and reskilling, job security and other benefit rights. On the other hand employment in the periphery often entails flexible contracts (part time, temporary) that increase job insecurity and decrease prospects for promotion or gain knowledge and skills valuable on the labour market. I assume employment of working poor in Poland in the public sector has attributes of the core and protect them from poverty much more than employment in the private sector. On the contrary, I expect the aforementioned sector has more in common with the periphery labour market.

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THE LIST OF REGISTERED PARTICIPANTS

No.

Name

Institution

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29.

Adascalitei Dragos Aguila Clara Alijani Sharam Andrałojć Magdalena Aranea Mona Aziz Karima Baranowski Mariusz Belkacem Rachid Bernaciak Magdalena Biały Kamila Colebatch Hal Contrepois Sylvie Csoba Judit Czarzasty Jan Czeranowska Olga Anna de Gier Erik Deprez Laurens Desperak Iza Dhondt Steven Drąg Sabina Egan Ben Fedyuk Olena Figiel Wojciech Galor Zbigniew Gardawski Juliusz Hardy Jane Heddendorp Henning Heinrich Steffen Holc Slaviana

30.

Janicka Krystyna

31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41.

Jezior Jagoda Jong Poo Lum Kajta Justyna Kalbarczyk Agnieszka Kamińska-Berezowska Sławomira Karolak Mateusz Kargus Michael Kieńć Witold Lubiszewski Jacek Kirov Vassil Kobová Ľubica

Central European University, Budapest, Hungary Centre Pierre Naville, Université d’Evry Val d’Essonnes, France Neoma Business School, France Poznań University of Economics Universidad de Oviedo, Spain London Metropolitan University, UK Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań, Poland Université de Lorraine, Lorraine European Trade Union Institute, Belgium University of Łódź, Poland University of New South Wales, Australia London Metropolitan University, UK University of Debrecen, Hungary Warsaw School of Economics, Poland University of Warsaw, Poland Business Administration Radboud University Nijmegen Centre Pierre Naville, Université d’Evry Val d’Essonnes, France University of Łódź, Poland TNO, The Netherlands Jagiellonian University, Poland KU Leuven, Belgium University of Strathclyde, UK University of Warsaw, Poland University of Szczecin, Poland Warsaw School of Economics, Poland University of Hertfortshire, UK Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Germany University of Duisburg, Germany Institute of Philosophy and Sociology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Poland, Poland University of Zielona Góra, Institute of Philosophy and Sociology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Poland Maria Curie Skłodowska University, Poland Johannes Gutenberg Universität, Germany University of Wrocław, Poland

42. 43. 44. 45.

Kolasinska Elżbieta Kordasiewicz Anna Krasowska Agata Krzysztofek Kazimierz

46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51.

Kubisa Julia Kushata Tinashe Stephanie Lafuente Hernández Sara Lass Inga Lemański Andrzej McEvoy Gwen

University of Silesia, Poland University of Wrocław, Poland Lebensmut e.V, Germany University of Wrocław Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Bulgaria Department of Gender Studies & Institute of Politics, Charles University, Prague, Czech Republic University of Gdańsk, Poland University of Warsaw, Poland University of Wrocław, Poland University of Social Sciences and Humanities in Warsaw (SWPS), Poland University of Warsaw, Poland University of Pretoria, South Africa Université Libre de Bruxelles, Belgium Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Germany University of Białystok, Poland Nazarbayev University, Kazakhstan

47

No.

Name

Institution University of Strathclyde, UK University of Gdańsk, Poland University of Gdańsk, Poland University of Wrocław, Poland University of Warsaw, Poland Institut für Sozialwissenschaftliche Forschung e.V., Germany University of Wrocław, Poland Istanbul University, Turkey University of Wrocław, Poland University of Warsaw, Poland Istanbul University, Turkey European Trade Union Institute, Belgium Universidade Federal de São Carlos, Brasil

65.

Mendonca Pedro Mianowski Jacek Mika Bartosz Mrozowicki Adam Muszyński Karol Neumer Judith Nowaczyk Olga Omay Umut Odrobina Katarzyna Ostrowski Piotr Peksan Selcan Piasna Agnieszka Pina Marcos Roberto Mariano Pfeiffer Sabine

66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82.

Polkowski Radoslaw Pot Frank Potasińska Anna Preenen Paul Preoteasa Ana Maria Prochazkova Lucie Przyłęcki Paweł Richea Maria Roosalu Triin Roszkowska Martyna Róg - Ilnicka Joanna Sahraoui Nina Samarsky Elena Sienkiewicz-Gola Aleksandra Skoczylas Tomasz Sosnowska Anna Standing Guy

83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92.

Stewart Paul Strauss-Raats Pille Szadkowski Krystian Szlinder Maciej Taskiran Gulcin Teisseyre Piotr Thill Patrick Walczak-Duraj Danuta Wickham James Wiszejko- Wierzbicka Dorota

93. 94. 95. 96.

Zaccaria Márton Leó Žažar Krešimir Zentai Violetta Zielińska Justyna

University of Strathclyde, UK Radboud University, the Netherlands Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw (UKSW), Poland TNO, the Netherlands Research Institute for Quality of Life (ICCV), Romania Masaryk University, Brno, Czech Republic Medical Universityof Łódź, Poland Universite d’Evry, France Tallinn University, Estonia University of Zielona Góra, Poland University of Zielona Góra, Poland London Metropolitan University, UK Jesus College, University of Oxford KGHM University of Wrocław, Poland University of Warsaw, Poland The School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London University of Strathclyde, UK University of Gothenburg, Sweden Praktyka Teoretyczna, Poland Praktyka Teoretyczna, Poland Marmara University, Turkey University of Warsaw, Poland CEPS/INSTEAD, France University of Łódź, Poland Trinity College Dublin, Ireland University of Social Sciences and Humanities in Warsaw (SWPS), Poland University of Debrecen, Hungary University of Zagreb, Croatia Central European University, Hungary University of Warsaw, Poland

52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64.

ISF Münich, Germany

48