Delegate Guide: IndoChina Summit 1961

Saint Ann’s School 129 Pierrepont Street Brooklyn, New York 11201 April 24th –25th, 2015 samun.saintannsny.org

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Letter from the Committee Organizers Dear Delegates, Welcome to the Indochina Summit 1961! We are very excited for this weekend, and we hope you are too. Our names are Julia Cassell, Aidan Langston, Elise Lieberman, Gideon McCarty, and Andy Price, and we are your chairs and crisis staff. Feel free to come to us with any questions, comments, or concerns over the course of the conference. Indochina in 1961 fascinates all of us: a region that has been controlled by so many external forces now has a critical opportunity to shape its own destiny. The people of the region and the rest of the world, from Miami to Munich to Moscow, have been set on edge by the fear that trouble brewing in Southeast Asia could have dire effects on the world’s political and economic future. The results of this fight will have a great impact on the balance of power between Communism and capitalism in the 20th century. The divisions tearing Vietnam and its neighbors apart are emblematic of tensions raging across the world, and the Indochina conflict may well be a microcosm of an entire world being ravaged by the Cold War. Your role is to take charge of your nations’ interests and make sure that they are heard in protecting the stability of Indochina. In doing so, you must take into account not only your country’s interests and history, but those of this volatile region, as well. Delegates from Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia have the most to lose, but the consequences may be steep across the globe. We hope you have fun in this committee, and good luck.  

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Background Information and Historical Context History pre-1945 France was heavily involved in Vietnam in the 19th century. The Nguyễn Dynasty, rulers of Vietnam, increasingly saw Catholic missionaries as a political threat, with tensions coming to a breaking point by the middle of the century. French troops landed in Vietnam in 1858 and by the mid-1880s they had established a firm grip over the northern region following their victory over China in the Sino-French War (1884–85). French Indochina was formed in October 1887 from the regions that form modern Vietnam and the Kingdom of Cambodia; Laos was added after the Franco-Siamese War in 1893. The federation lasted until 1954. In the four protectorates, the French formally left the local rulers in power, but in fact gathered all powers in their hands, the local rulers acting only as figureheads. Nationalist sentiments intensified in Vietnam, especially during and after World War I, but all the uprisings and tentative efforts failed to obtain any concessions from the French overseers. In September 1940, during World War II, the newly created regime of Vichy France granted Japan's demands for military access following the Japanese occupation of French Indochina, which lasted until the end of the Pacific War. On 9 March 1945, with France liberated, Germany in retreat, and the United States ascendant in the Pacific, Japan decided to take complete control of Indochina. The Japanese kept power in Indochina until the news of their government's surrender came through in August. 1945-1960 After the war, France attempted to reassert itself in the region, but came into conflict with the Viet Minh, a coalition of Communists and of Vietnamese nationalists under dissident Ho Chi Minh. During World War II, the United States had supported the Viet Minh in resistance against the Japanese; the group had been in control of the countryside since the French gave way in March 1945. In September 1945, a force of British and French soldiers restored French control. Bitter fighting ensued in the First Indochina War. In 1950 Ho Chi Minh declared an independent Democratic Republic of Vietnam, which was recognized by the fellow Communist governments of China and the Soviet Union. Fighting lasted until May 1954, when the Viet Minh won the decisive victory against French forces at the grueling Battle of Dien Bien Phu. On 27 April 1954, the Geneva Agreements between North Vietnam and France were signed. Indochina received independence from France, and direct French involvement in internal Indochina affairs ended. Vietnam was split into northern and southern zones into which opposing troops were to withdraw, with plans for unification on the basis of internationally supervised free elections to be held in July 1956. The United States and South Vietnam rejected the Geneva Accords and never signed. South Vietnamese leader Diem rejected the idea of nationwide elections as

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proposed in the agreement, saying that a free election was impossible in the communist North and that his government was not bound by the Geneva Accords. France did withdraw, turning the North over to the Communists while Diem, with American support, kept control of the South. The events of 1954 marked the beginnings of serious United States’ involvement in Vietnam and the ensuing Vietnam War. Laos and Cambodia also became independent in 1954, but were both drawn into the Vietnam War. 1961: Facts on the Ground In the 1960 U.S. presidential election, Senator John F. Kennedy defeated sitting Vice President Richard Nixon. In his inaugural address, Kennedy made the ambitious pledge to "pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and success of liberty." In June 1961, he bitterly disagreed with Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev when they met in Vienna to discuss key U.S.-Soviet issues. The Kennedy administration remained essentially committed to the Cold War foreign policy inherited from the Truman and Eisenhower administrations. In 1961, the U.S. had 50,000 troops based in Korea, and Kennedy faced a three-part crisis – the failure of the Bay of Pigs Invasion in Cuba, the construction of the Berlin Wall, and a negotiated settlement between the pro-Western government of Laos and the Pathet Lao communist movement. These crises made Kennedy determined to "draw a line in the sand" and prevent a communist victory in Vietnam. In May 1961, U.S. Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson visited Saigon and enthusiastically declared Diệm the "Winston Churchill of Asia." Asked why he had made the comment, Johnson replied, "Diệm's the only boy we got out there." Johnson assured Diệm of more aid in molding a fighting force that could resist the communist insurgency in South Vietnam, known as the Viet Cong. Kennedy's policy toward South Vietnam rested on the assumption that Diệm and his forces had to ultimately defeat the guerrillas on their own, and he was against the deployment of American combat troops. The quality of the South Vietnamese military, however, remained poor. Poor leadership, corruption, and political promotions all played a part in weakening the South Vietnamese Army (ARVN). The frequency of Viet Cong attacks rose as the insurgency gathered steam. While Hanoi's support for the Viet Cong played a role, South Vietnamese governmental incompetence was at the core of the crisis.

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Information about this Committee This committee begins in July 1961, and time will progress as the crisis goes on. Delegates should not expect the crisis to line up exactly with history, but at the beginning of the first session they may assume everything to be in line with the actual facts of 1961. John F. Kennedy is President of the United States and Nikita Khrushchev is leader of the Soviet Union. In Indochina, South Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos are all affected by Communist insurgencies. In South Vietnam in particular, the United States has begun to support Diem’s regime with military advisors, but not with any ground troops. By the end of the crisis, as many as 10 to 15 years may have passed, but events that actually occurred in history may happen early, late, or not at all. Also, depending on the actions of crisis and of the delegates, entirely new situations may arise that were never even dreamed of in the 1960s. This committee is a special meeting, separate from the formal setting of the UN. This allows for quick, unrestrained action: each delegate may exercise his or her portfolio powers without having to seek approval from the committee (beware disobeying committee directives, however, as this could land you in hot water). The committee’s votes will be binding, and delegates that do not comply could be subject to punishment by the committee. Some delegates are not the formal diplomatic representative of any state; others share responsibility for representing the government of a great power. If any questions arise regarding who has the power to make a certain decision, please send a note to crisis or consult the portfolio powers documents.  

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Main Topics to be Addressed in this Committee Topic 1: Conflict in Vietnam The Vietnam War began on 1 November 1955. By 1961, however, the war had escalated to a conflict that would change the course of history. On 6 January 1961, Nikita Khrushchev pledged support for “wars of liberation” all through the world. He encouraged North Vietnam to continue to fight their war to unify Vietnam under Ho Chi Minh. After John Kennedy’s inauguration on January 20th, the new U.S. administration decided to intervene in Vietnam, but only in a limited context, and only to force a political settlement between North and South Vietnam. In the spring, Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson visited President Diem in South Vietnam and hailed Diem as the “Winston Churchill of Asia.” Later that same month, President Kennedy sent 400 Green Beret “Special Advisors” to South Vietnam to train soldiers to fight Viet Cong Guerillas. The role of the Green Berets soon expanded to include the establishment of Civilian Irregular Defense Groups (CIDG) made up of fierce mountain men known as the Montagnards. These groups established a series of fortified camps strung out along the mountains to thwart infiltration by North Vietnamese. Additionally, many see Vietnam as a potential new test for the “domino theory,” which states that the U.S. and its allies must prevent Communist takeover of any country, no matter how small, lest the disturbance spread to the surrounding region. If the West can protect South Vietnam as a capitalist state, some would see that as a victory. Others would like for Laos and North Vietnam to also elect capitalist rulers, thus “rolling back” the USSR’s influence. Some even hope that Mao can be removed from power in China. For their part, Communists adhere to Marxist ideology, which states that eventually the entire world must experience the socialist revolution. While they disagree among themselves about the best way to bring this about, they agree that uniting Vietnam as a Communist state is crucial to their hopes for an entirely Communist Asian continent. Topic 2: Regional Spillover The conflict was not limited to Vietnam. The rest of the region was affected as well, primarily in Laos. In a meeting with President Eisenhower, President-elect Kennedy stressed the importance of Laos. The Laotian Civil War had been raging prior to 1961, but the United States and the Soviet Union amped up their involvement in 1961. On just the 3rd of January, the United States sent the Royal Laotian Air Force its first counter-insurgency aircraft from the United States. The Soviet Union then started sending heavy weapons to the North Vietnamese, in addition to the light weapons they

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had already been delivering. In response, the United States began airdropping arms to Hmong guerrillas. The new Kennedy administration continued to rev up support. A truce reportedly went into effect the first week of May, but the Communists repeatedly breached the agreement. The Royal Lao Army was completely ineffective, leaving the U.S. supported Hmong guerrillas as the only defense against the Communists. The Vietnam War, and the world powers’ involvement in it, affected all of Southeast Asia. In Cambodia, Prince Norodom Sihanouk organized a Geneva conference about the Laotian issue in May of 1961. He hoped to create a belt of neutral nations, consisting of Cambodia, Laos, Burma and Thailand. Prince Sihanouk aimed to please both the Western powers and the Soviet Bloc. Hostility between Cambodia and South Vietnam made the border a heated conflict zone. It is believed that Cambodian communists frequently snuck across the border into South Vietnam. The Cambodian army is believed to have destroyed a communist military camp with 50 small houses, and the army ramped up attacks against Communist rebels. Additionally, tensions remain high in Korea. The U.S. maintains a policy of containment, that is, neither attacking the USSR nor allowing its allies to be attacked. The U.S., as part of a multinational United Nation’s authorized response, entered the Korean War in the 1950s to defend South Korea from a Communist invasion, following containment doctrine. That same doctrine may come into play in Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, or anywhere else, in the near future.  

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Instructions for Position Papers Position papers should address both topics listed in the agenda above. For help on how to write a position paper, see the SAMUN position paper guidelines at samun.saintannsnny.org/conference-info/position-papers. Positions papers must be 1-2 pages, double-spaced, Times New Roman 12 point font. The top left corner of every position paper should include the committee name, the position’s name, the delegate’s name and the delegate’s school. Position papers should be sent via email to Aidan Langston ([email protected]) no later than April 6, 2015 at 6pm EST. If you have any questions about your position’s specific powers or history, position papers, or about how this committee will be run, please shoot an email to Elise Lieberman at [email protected] or Andy Price at [email protected]. To help you as you write your position paper, here are some guiding questions to think about and find answers to as you research your position (discuss both topics in your paper): 1. Conflict in Vietnam How is your country or army affected by the conflict in Vietnam? Does your country or army seek a conflict or would it prefer a mediated solution? Does your country or army openly support one side, or is its involvement secret? 2. Regional Spillover How is your country involved in Indochina, inlcuding Cambodia and Laos? What does your country or army stand to gain/lose from a conflict in Indochina? How would the people of your country be affected if war were to break out there?

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INDOCHINA PORTFOLIO POWERS COMMUNISTS Ho Chi Minh: Communist Vietnamese President 1945-69 Ho Chi Minh is in a position of great power as the leader of communist North Vietnam, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. Previously the head of the the Viet Minh Independence movement, Ho was instrumental in the long-awaited overthrow of the French colonialists and subsequent proclamation of Vietnam’s independence in 1954. The economy of his communist North Vietnam is primarily agrarian and rather stagnant, a stark juxtaposition with that of South Vietnam which has been rapidly advancing after the 1954 Geneva Accords. Collectivization of agriculture and central management of economic production in an attempt to establish Communist Party rule in the ‘50s has led to food shortages and revolts: Ho must be cautious not to incite further outrage among his volatile people. As prime minister, Ho can send 100,000 troops unilaterally and has much under his jurisdiction. Vo Nguyen GIAP: Commander in Chief of North Vietnamese Army Vo Nguyen Giap is the most prominent military figure in North Vietnam. In 1959, Giap ordered the creation of the Ho Chi Minh trail through neighboring Laos and Cambodia. Used to transport manpower, arms, and other materials from North to South Vietnam, the trail is instrumental in supporting communist Viet Cong resistance in the South. In addition to his 480,000 North Vietnamese troops, Giap can rely on Vietcong’s guerilla fighters and networks of cadres and organized peasants in South Vietnam, provided he plays his cards correctly. The sizes of these forces are ambiguous and can fluctuate with popular opinion, but are rumored to be around 100,000 men. The North Vietnamese army is, however, still heavily reliant on China and the Soviet union. Le DUAN: General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Vietnam Duan’s power in Vietnamese politics is second to Ho Chi Minh only. A founder of the Indochina Communist Party (the future Communist Party of Vietnam), he holds great influence among communists in the region. Following the 1960 SinoSoviet split(the decline of relations between the People’s Republic of China and the USSR), Duan has tried to play a moderating role between the two powers. Furthermore, since the early 50’s Duan has been a main and aggressive proponent for war with South Vietnam as a means for reunification. He ultimately strives to integrate the South Vietnamese consumer society with the agrarian North Vietnam. Far more militaristic than Ho Chi Minh, Duan maintains unilateral control of 100,000 troops and enjoys considerable support from the People’s Republic of China. Nikita KHRUSHCHEV: First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party for the Soviet Union

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Khrushchev is a key ally of the Indo-chinese communists. With the Sino-Soviet split well underway, he will have to manage escalating tensions between the USSR and the People’s Republic of China in Indochina. Although always looking to extend their communist influence, the Soviets’ main concern in Vietnam is avoiding Western involvement. Thus, the USSR has tried to prevent the conflict from getting so big as to warrant any Western intervention--in it’s present situation, the USSR does not see itself as capable of handling the Western powers in a more direct confrontation. 1961 is a tumultuous time, however, and with shifting political alliances there is great potential for change in this respect. Khruschev can send 200,000 troops unilaterally--the rest of the USSR’s armed forces are under Rodion Malinovsky’s jurisdiction. Rodion MALINOVSKY - Minister of Defense for the Soviet Union Rodion Malinovsky is in total control of nearly all of the USSR’s armed forces. Khruschev himself placed Malinovsky in power, and the two men are close personal friends. Although their opinions on military affairs differ, they nevertheless remain powerful political allies. Malinovsky does not have many international allies, although he did receive a telegram of congratulations from Vo Nguyen Giap when he first became Minister of Defense in 1957. Despite lacking connections in Indochina, he is certainly an arbiter of the region’s destiny. The communist forces of North Vietnam will be looking to the USSR for soldiers as well as arms, and Malinovsky’s support is crucial to all communist efforts in the region. He is in command of 950,000 troops as well as a submarine. Andrei GROMYKO: Minister of Foreign Affairs for the Soviet Union Gromyko is at the center of Soviet foreign policy. He has held many positions in international politics, among them the Soviet ambassador to the United States, then to the United Kingdom, and to then Cuba. He may have an advantage dealing with delegates from these regions who are attending the summit. Gromyko additionally has had an extensive career at the United Nations, in which he has no doubt established connections which may be of much use. In an incident perhaps emblematic of the Sino-Soviet split, Gromyko and Mao Zedong himself got into personal altercation in 1958, and relations between the two men remain combative. Gromyko has no troops under his control, though is rumoured to oversee labs in Cuba which are experimenting with different tactics of chemical warfare. MAO Zedong: Chinese Minister of National Defense and Vice Chairman of the Communist Party of China. Mao holds immense power as the founding father and First Chairman of the People’s Republic of China. His involvement in Indochina far precedes that of most delegates--he avidly supported Ho Chi Minh’s struggle against the French in Vietnam far before the region became the center of an international ideological conflict. Mao has maintained particular interest in Laos due to the country’s strategic location between China, both Vietnams, Thailand, Burma, and Cambodia. He has given tremendous aid to the Laotian communist group Pathet

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Lao, much to the anger of the United States. He has additionally sent massive amounts of aid to Vietnam and placed many troops at the North Vietnamese border to prevent US advancement. Although China is still recovering both from its own 1949 revolution and the Korean War (1950-1953), Mao is adamantly concerned with Indochina and is perhaps the most ready of all delegates to seriously intervene in the region. Furthermore, he is well funded and may send 200,000 troops unilaterally. LIN Biao: Minister of National Defense, Vice Chairman of the Communist Party of China Biao holds much influence regarding China’s military affairs. Mao himself has promoted Biao throughout the years--the two maintain a close and rumoured-tobe paternalistic relationship. Biao has been an unwavering supporter of Mao, especially during his devastating Great Leap Forward (1958-61). Biao is also notably anti-Soviet (at the prompting of Mao) and wishes to distance China from the Soviet Union as much as possible, completely rejecting the possibility of Sino-Soviet cooperation in Indochina for a greater communist cause. Biao has purged many members of China’s armed forces seen as USSR sympathizers and has thus amassed many political enemies in his own country. He is considerably well-financed and may send 100,000 troops unilaterally and 500,000 with either Mao’s or Lin’s approval, and is also rumored to own multiple arms factories in Siberia. CHEN Yi: Foreign Minister of China Chen is a very influential figure in Chinese foreign policy. He is particularly concerned with the breakup of Sino-Soviet relations propagated by Mao and Lin. Firmly believing Sino-Soviet cooperation necessary for communism in Indochina, he wishes to better relations with the USSR in hopes of an alliance against the Western powers. Mao and Li firmly oppose his plans, however, and have up until now frustrated all of Chen’s efforts. Chen is additionally a personal adversary of defense Minister Lin--ideological and personal division between Chinese delegates is a large issue and prevents progress. Chen may send 150,000 troops unilaterally and has a very very large supply of bombs and explosives as well as a small but substantial personal army on horseback. He is also rumored to be the illegitimate half-brother of Ho Chi Minh. PHOUMI Vongvichit: Leader of Pathet Lao Phoumi Vongvichit is the most powerful communist figure in Laos. He is the leader of the Pathet Lao, the Laotian communist political organization. Phoumi holds great influence among the Sangha monks, who in turn hold by the far the greatest influence on Laotian popular sentiments. If he plays his cards correctly, Phoumi can use these monks to sway popular opinion whichever way he desires. Although he supports communist efforts in the region, Phoumi is nevertheless angry at North Vietnam--specifically Vo Nguyen Giap--for the construction of the Ho Chi Minh trail through his country. He is additionally fiercely anti-America, and will stop at nothing to combat American political and military interference in the

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region. Phoumi lives in the limestone Viengxay caves of North-Eastern Laos, from which he plans Pathet Lao uprisings. He is not very well financed from his cave and can send only 200,000 troops unilaterally, but could rally together enormous support in the provinces if only he could arm civilians. KIM Il-sung: Prime Minister of North Korea Kim unilaterally controls all North Korean political and military affairs. He has always admired Ho Chi Minh and provides substantial economic aid as well as fighter pilots to North Vietnam. North Korea’s biggest international allies are the USSR and China--although Kim has worked hard to not become embroiled in the Sino-Soviet split, he may be forced to choose a side in the near future. Kim maintains a strong army, and all of his troops are currently stationed in North Korea--for now. He commands 300,00 troops unilaterally and is the only delegate with an air-force. In addition to this air force of nearly 2,000 planes, Kim can count on military support from China. He has also allied himself closely with Cuba--Castro is rumored to be a close friend and distant cousin. Fidel CASTRO: First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba Castro maintains total control over Cuban politics and military. Although a supporter of the communist forces in North Vietnam, the magnitude of Cuba’s involvement in the war itself is disputed. Fidel and Ho Chi Minh are certainly allies, and it is rumored that Cuban military personnel are engaging in torture activities in North Vietnamese prisons. The United States has imposed an economic, commercial, and financial embargo on Cuba since 1960, thus making the country extremely reliant on Soviet markets. Furthermore, following the Cuban revolution in 1959, the country has also become increasingly dependent on the USSR for military aid. Castro commands 200,000 troops unilaterally, and is rumored to have a very large supply of explosives hidden in the limestone caves of North-Eastern Laos. CAPITALISTS John F. KENNEDY: President of the United States of America As President of the United States, John F. Kennedy sits in control of one of the largest militaries in the world. The former Congressman and Senator from Massachusetts, Kennedy comes from a powerful family, and is the second youngest person to be elected president of the United States. Kennedy has been a vocal supporter of the containment of communism. Of the United States’s 550,000 troops, Kennedy may deploy up to 60,000 unilaterally at one time. Robert McNAMARA: Secretary of Defense of the United States Formerly president of the Ford Motor Company, Robert McNamara is well versed in business. He is very hawkish in the fight against the spread of communism and is nearly considered the main instigator of the war. He must be weary of

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growing media opposition to war. Of the United States’s 550,000 troops, Secretary McNamara may deploy 30,000 unilaterally at one time. Dean RUSK: Secretary of State of the United States A decorated World War II veteran, Secretary Dean Rusk has worked his way up in the State Department, and was finally rewarded when President Kennedy gave him the position of Secretary of State. But he wasn’t Kennedy’s first choice, so Secretary Rusk must prove himself to be a capable diplomat. Secretary Rusk, a vocal believer in using force to combat communism, may deploy up to 20,000 troops unilaterally at any one time. Ngo Dinh DIEM: President of the Republic of Vietnam With strong support from the United States due to his anti-communism views, Ngo Dinh Diem was “elected” president in a corrupt election. In a time of conflict from both external forces, and internal insurgent groups, President Ngo Dinh must ensure that he keeps his American support, as it is likely the only thing keeping him in power. President Ngo Dinh may deploy up to 60,000 of the Republic of Vietnam’s 750,000 troops unilaterally at any one time. Ngo Dinh NHU: Commander of Special Forces and Secret Police Younger brother of President Ngo Dinh Diem, Ngo Dinh Nhu wields great power in the Republic of Vietnam. He is President Ngo Dinh’s most trusted advisor, and while he has no official title, he commands the Special Forces and the Secret Police. Like his brother, he must maintain the support of the United States if he wishes to survive. Ngo Dinh Nhu may deploy up to 35,000 of the Republic of Vietnam’s troops unilaterally at one time. SOUVANNA Phouma: Prince and Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Laos A member of the National Progressives Party, Souvanna Phouma was Prime Minister, forced to resign, and is once again Prime Minister. The United States has for years spent significant sums supporting the Kingdom of Laos, and it would be in President Souvanna Phouma’s best interests to support his western allies in the Indochina conflict. He has 100,000 troops at his disposal Charles de GAULLE: President of France President Charles de Gaulle has been adamant that France will not rely on countries such as the United States of America for France’s national safety. Despite President Charles de Gaulle’s statement condemning the American intervention in Vietnam, France is clearly involved in the conflict, as they were a major player in the First Indochina War. President Charles de Gaulle criticizes American policy on Vietnam since he worries that the United States might replicate the mistakes France made in the French-Vietnam War. France has 250,000 troops that President De Gaulle may deploy as he sees fit. PARK Chung-Hee: President of South Korea

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As the third President of South Korea, Park Chung-Hee wants to improve South Korea’s international standing. He believes that by supporting the Republic of Vietnam, South Korea can forge a stronger bond with the world’s major superpower: The United States of America. President Park thinks of the Vietnam as a win-win: Not only will it improve relations with the United States, but he also wishes to end the spread of communism in eastern Asia. Of South Korea’s 300,000 troops, President Park may deploy up to 45,000 at one time unilaterally. CHAE Myung-Shin: Commander of the R.O. Korea Armed Forces in Vietnam Because of his experience leading a guerrilla group in the Korean War, Chae Myung-Shin is an expert in guerrilla warfare. He intends on using that experience to lead troops trained in guerilla warfare. Since South Korea’s involvement in the conflict is primarily to woo the United States, Chae must be careful to not anger U.S. Forces Chief of Staff, William Westmoreland, who is opposed to Chae’s extreme tactics. Of South Korea’s 300,000 troops, Chae may deploy up to 30,000 at one time unilaterally. Harold MACMILLAN: Prime Minister of the United Kingdom Prime Minister Macmillan has a close relationship with the President of the United States, John F Kennedy. Macmillan’s nephew is married to Kennedy’s sister, and Kennedy and Macmillan have been known to be rather close. Macmillan supports the United States in the fight against communism, and has repeatedly denounced the Viet Cong. Of the United Kingdom’s 300,000 troops, Macmillan may deploy up to 45,000 unilaterally at one time. Harold WATKINSON: UK Minister of Defense A Queen’s College alumnus, Watkinson is an avid rock climber. Recently promoted from Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation to Minister of Defence by Prime Minister Macmillan, Watkinson must prove his worth quickly. Watkinson controls great power as the head of the military branch of one of the world’s great powers. He must do all he can to ensure a victory of the UK’s close ally, the United States of America. Of the United Kingdom’s 300,000 troops, Watkinson may deploy up to 35,000 unilaterally at any one time. Alec DOUGLAS-HOME: Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs After the Chancellor of the Exchequer retired in 1960, Prime Minister Macmillan appointed the current Minister of defence to the role. Then, Home was given the job as Foreign Minister. His new post is very contested by members of the Labour Party, so he must prove himself if he wishes to continue rising in the ranks of British politics. He is vocally opposed to communism, and will do whatever he must to ensure his country’s safety. Of the United Kingdom’s 300,000 troops, Home may deploy up to 30,000 unilaterally on any one mission. Norodom SIHANOUK: Ruler of the Kingdom of Cambodia Sihanouk is a music aficionado, and is fluent in many languages. He has been ruling Cambodia since 1953, but his title has fluctuated. Though he often claims

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that Cambodia will stay neutral in the coming conflict in Indochina, he ultimately wishes to keep Cambodia (and his rule) and will assist the United States. He has 75,000 troops under his command. Nguyen Van Linh: General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Vietnam Van Linh is a man of great power and intrigue. He works closely with Vietcong, and helps to direct the guerrilla resistance against the Americans in South Vietnam. He has additionally studied propaganda extensively--coupled with adequate resources, this knowledge could be quite impactful on popular opinion among civilians. Van Linh has a strong base of support in the party, despite being the fierce enemy of fellow Vietnamese politician Le Duan. Although he maintains great influence in Indo Chinese politics, rumors of shady business have surrounded him for years. He is said to own huge swaths of opium fields in Burma and have connections in the opium trade in Laos and Thailand. He is also rumored to own an island off the coast of Venezuela dedicated entirely to the illegal breeding and selling of endangered tropical fish. Van Linh has not been seen publicly since 1951 despite remaining politically active, although a man with suspiciously similar facial structure was seen entering the Kremlin last spring, never to leave. He commands 1,000 troops unilaterally.

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